Suchergebnisse

В статье подвергаются анализу вопросы, связанные с гражданским воспитанием индивидов. Аргументируется тезис о том, что важнейшее место в воспитании гражданственности и патриотизма, как и других составляющих базовой культуры личности, отводится системе образования. Исследуется широкий спектр научных позиций по обозначенной проблеме. Отмечается, что проявления «гражданственности» были присущи политическим и общественным деятелям, рядовым гражданам в рамках специфической политической структуры греческих и италийских городов-государств (полисов). Делается акцент на том, что в России само понятие «гражданственность», равно как и «патриотизм», появились лишь в эпоху Просвещения в XVIII веке, когда в качестве основополагающей выдвигалась идея нравственности, идея гражданского служения человека. Демонстрируется и аргументируется авторская точка зрения по изучаемой проблематике. ; In this paper issues related to civic education are analyzed. The author provides arguments to prove that an educational system takes the most important place in the teaching of citizenship and patriotism, as well as other components of the basic training of a person. The researcher studies a wide range of scientific views on the designated problem. It is noted that the manifestations of "citizenship" were found in professional and social activity of famous politicians and active leaders, of ordinary citizens within a specific political structure of Greek and Italian city-states (polis). The author emphasizes the fact that in Russia the concept of "citizenship" as well as the concept of "patriotism" appeared only in the Age of Enlightenment in the XVIII century, when as a fundamental idea in the society was an idea of morality and the idea of civil service rights. The research demonstrates the author''s point of view on the studied subject.

В биографическом очерке рассматриваются основные вехи жизненного пути русского интеллигента Николая Павловича Окулова, депутата II Государственной думы Российской империи от города Царицына. Очерк написан на основе ранее неизвестных документов политической полиции Российской империи и советских органов государственной безопасности. Главное внимание уделяется процессу превращения Н.П. Окулова из провинциального учителя, который увлекся революционной пропагандой в среде неимущего городского населения, в политика демократических взглядов и общероссийского масштаба. Как показано в очерке, успехи и неудачи общественной деятельности Н.П. Окулова были предопределены социальной и политической ситуацией в России в начале XX в. Впервые раскрываются обстоятельства возникновения «дела» по обвинению Н.П. Окулова в «антисоветской агитации», описываются ход следствия и суда в 1938 г. ; This biographical study traces the key stages in the life of Nikolai Pavlovich Okulov who belonged to the Russian intelligentsia and was deputy of the Second State Duma for the town of Tsarizyn. In writing this profile the author resorted to previously unknown documents from the political police of the Russian Empire and the archives of the former Soviet state security. The emphasis is made on N.P. Okulov's transformation from a provincial teacher who would propagate revolutionary ideas among the city's poorest population into a politician of national scale with broad democratic views. The author underlines that both his success and failures in his public career were predetermined by the social and political situation in Russia at the beginning of the XX century. The circumstances of filing a case against N.P. Okulov on the charge of "antiSoviet propaganda" and the course of investigation and trial in 1938 are being disclosed and presented for the first time.

В статье анализируется взаимосвязь между заключением Нерчинского, Буринского и Кяхтинского договоров России и Цинской империи в XVII-XVIII вв. и статусом тибетского буддизма, который исповедовала часть забайкальских бурят-монголов. В фокусе исследования находится ранняя российская государственная политика в отношении буддийского меньшинства в Забайкалье, для них непременным условием принятия российского подданства было разрешение следовать собственной религии. В то же время для властей предметом беспокойства являлись трансграничный характер буддийской общины и мобильность ее членов, для которых административные границы империи лежали на пути паломнических маршрутов. В статье рассматриваются меры, предпринятые российскими администраторами, в целях снижения политического значения тибетского буддизма, автокефализации буддийской общины Забайкалья и установления российского контроля над буддийской общиной Забайкалья. ; The article analyzes the interrelation of conclusion the Nerchinsky, Burinsky and Kyakhtinsky treaties between Russia and the Qing empire in the 17-18 centuries and the status of the Tibetan Buddhism practiced by the part of Transbaikalian Buryat-Mongols. The research is focused on the early period of the Russian state policy towards the Buddhist minority in Transbaikalia whose indispensible condition for adoption of the Russian citizenship was permission to practice their own religion. At the same time trans-boundary nature of the Buddhist community and mobility of its adherents was the subject of anxiety in authorities as the empire's administrative borders were on the paths of pilgrimage routes. The article considers the measures taken by the Russian officials for decreasing the political significance of the Tibetan Buddhism and establishing the Russian control over the Buddhist community in Transabaikalia and autocephaly of the Buddhist community Transabaikalia.

Scientific culture and the creation of a new picture of the world will be the main condition for victory in the battles of the civilizations of the XXI century for the future. Today marks the end of not only the Enlightenment, with its universal humanistic values and Western humanitarian technologies that gave rise to the project of archaic fascism. Western science about society reflects this type of society, which clearly distinct economic, social and political spheres. The question arises: how could you use this science to study pre-capitalist, anticapitalist, socialist societies? In such societies in the twentieth century developed its own science, which quite successfully provided their dynamics and competitiveness.Because the great powers and great global societies were built on great ideas, the question arises - what could be a great idea in Russia in the context of the current constitutional ban on uniform state ideology? ; Научная культура и создание новой картины мира будет главным условием для победы в боях цивилизаций XXI века за будущее. Сегодня заканчивается не только эпоха Просвещения, с ее универсальными гуманистическими ценностями и западными гуманитарными технологиями, которые породили проект архаичного фашизма. Западная наука об обществе отражает такой тип общества, в котором чётко обособлены экономическая, социальная и политическая сферы. Возникает вопрос: как можно с помощью такой науки изучать докапиталистические, антикапиталистические, социалистические социумы? В таких обществах в ХХ в. развивались собственные науки, которые довольно успешно обеспечивали их динамику и конкурентоспособность. Поскольку великие державы и великие глобальные социумы строились на великих идеях, то возникает вопрос – какова может быть великая идея России в условиях действующего конституционного запрета на единую государственную идеологию?

В статье впервые приведена биография одного из основателей экологической паразитологии в России медика и паразитолога А.А. Филипченко, судьба и участие которого в становлении этой биологической дисциплины долгое время замалчивались. Одна из очевидных причин этого гибель учёного в 1938 г. в ходе массовых репрессий Советского государства против собственных граждан. Русский политкаторжанин, эмигрант и выпускник медицинского факультета Римского университета, младший брат основателя Петроградской генетической школы Ю.А. Филипченко, Александр Александрович включился в паразитологические исследования только с 1923 г., и меньше чем за 15 лет активной научной деятельности стал признанным учёным и педагогом. После его гибели чтение университетского курса общей паразитологии и написание соответствующего учебника осуществил В.А. Догель, который обычно и считается единоличным основателем научной школы экологической паразитологии, что не совсем верно. ; The full biography of A.A. Philiptschenko a medicine doctor and scientist-parasitologist, one of the founders of ecological parasitology in Russia is presented for the first time. His fate and participation in the formation of this biological discipline were concealed for a long time. One reason for this was Philiptschenko death in 1938 during the course of mass repressions at the hands of the Soviet State. A Russian political convict, emigrant, and graduate from the medical faculty of Rome University, the younger brother of Y.A. Philiptschenko (founder of Petrograd genetics scientific school), Alexander Alexandrovitch started his parasitological investigations only in 1923, and in less than 15 years became an acknowledged scientist and teacher. After his death the teaching duty on parasitology in Leningrad University and publication of the appropriate text-book were done by V.A. Dogiel who usually is considered as personal founder of the ecological parasitology, which is not completely so.

In the post-Soviet period participation in NATO was one of the major goals of euro-atlantic integration for the Baltic states. Political leaders of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have considered participation in the alliance as an important element of euro-atlantic solidarity which allows small - from all viewpoints - states claim decision-making over global issues. This satisfies demands of the political elites and victimized public consciousness for more security, makes it possible for elites to consider their states as bulwark against Russia. Throughout the whole decade, such reasoning has been reflected in doctrines and speeches of Baltic politicians. After joining NATO, the Baltic states became the most active supporters of a deeper integration in the military area and "open door" policy. They have continued reforming their armed forces and renovating military infrastructure. They have acquired "specialization" within NATO by establishing centers of excellence. In terms of euro-atlantic solidarity, the participation in the International Security Assistance Force in Afganistan has become the most important international project for the Baltic states. However, only Estonia managed to mount their defence expenses to the level of 2% GDP. During the "Ukranian crisis" the issue of Baltic membership in NATO acquired special importance. Confrontational rhetoric and appeals to "Russian threat" in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, on the one hand, make it possible for their political leaders to constantly demonstrate their importance in the eyes of Western partners and demand more activity of the alliance and, on the other hand, make ground for the political elites to consolidate the electorate, by that ensuring that the right-wing conservative forces remain in power.

<i>The Arctic area with its harsh climate and austere icecap has not raised any great international passions in the past. However, enduring global warming has opened new views on exploitation of that area. If the climate gets steadily warmer in the future, it could mean the opening of the Northwest Passage for ship routes. On the other hand, it is estimated that the region has got remarkable gas reserves, which could amount to as much as 30 % of the world's undiscovered reserves, as well as oil, which encompasses some 13 % of world's undiscovered stocks. As for now, any serious international conflicts in this area are not likely, even though there are real expectations and claims imposed by several nations. The current peaceful cooperation is supported by feasible treaties that are already in place. Until lately, the work of the Arctic Council has not raised any great international attentiveness, but the expected development in the area has activated stronger interest from many countries, and not only those from the Arctic region. There are several regional disputes among the five states, USA, Canada, Russia, Norway and Denmark about the Arctic Ocean. As expert opinion still differs quite significantly about the resources available in the Arctic region and about the feasibility of the Northwest and Northeast routes, it is hard to say if there are any practical economic gains to be achieved. Although cooperation between the nations has been peaceful, the military presence in the area is increasing. Moreover, it remains to be seen how the recent Ukrainian crisis will affect the development in the area.</i>

Fossil fuels are the only non-renewable energy sources on which the world economy is based directly affect development. The main producer countries are located in the Middle-East (oil) and Russia and Middle East (gas). The oil search began in 1860 and has had a significant development during the Second World War, and in particularly in the post-war development, linked to the reconstruction. The formation of hydrocarbons is linked to the presence of fine-grained rocks (shales and limestone) that contain organic matter (1-14%), of vegetable (such as algae and leaves) and animal origin (microorganisms). When the rocks that contain this organic substance are buried subjected to high lithostatic load and the temperature reaches about 90°C, the organic matter begins to be transformed and at a temperature of about 120°C, begins to form oil, and at a temperature of about 140°C, gas is generated. After generation and migration the hydrocarbons accumulate in porous rocks (reservoirs), characterized by a geometry structures allowing their accumulation. Above the reservoir there should be a fine-grained and impermeable rock, that does not allow oil to disperse. In recent years, oil & gas companies have started to invest on non-conventional hydrocarbons, in particular, represented by shale gas and oil sands. To date, proven oil reserves amounted to 1.333 billion barrels of oil and 187.490 billion cubic meters of gas, reserves estimated to last for about approximately 50 years. If we add unconventional hydrocarbon reserves available and take into account the current consumption rate we could estimate that we would have oil for about 100 years more.

Abstract
European societies increasingly implement diversity education as part of citizenship education (CE) curricula in order to provide young people with skills for dealing with diversity. This article analyses the policies and practices of diversity education at both the level of the European Union and the Council of Europe, and on the level of nation states, focusing on Germany and Russia as examples. In Europe, diversity education at schools simultaneously pursues two separate goals: on the one hand, teaching materials and education policies generate a grand narrative of celebrating European diversity. On the other, those same materials and policies stipulate that issues of inequality are to be dealt with separately. Thus, within European citizenship, diversity education and inequalities are often decoupled. Conceptualizing diversity in terms of heterogeneities and inequalities, this article reveals the ways in which diversity and inequalities are decoupled in citizenship and civic education and asks what happens when diversity is treated only as a matter of celebration. Examining blog posts from LGBTQ youth who are minority learners who experience exclusion, the article demonstrates the way in which the narrative of celebration of diversity disempowers them and how it contributes towards more uncertainty and more (self-)exclusion of those learners who do not find themselves within celebration of diversity narratives. The article argues for a reintroduction of the term 'heterogeneities' into CE and concludes by suggesting that diversity education as part of CE should begin with the question of whether there are any heterogeneities that do not require action or critical reflection.

Purpose– This paper aims to explore corporate social responsibility (CSR) within the Indian context, focusing on the banking sector. This is of particular importance at this time given the financial industry's pivotal role in driving forward India's growth; this paper contributes to the literature on the operationalisation of CSR within one of the world's fastest growing economies.Design/methodology/approach– The paper presents empirical, on-the-ground qualitative evidence from the Indian finance sector with regard to CSR operations and motivations. Data are based primarily on a series of semi-structured interviews with "elite" participants; senior officials operating in the banking sector.Findings– The paper offers insight into four levels of CSR engagement which currently exist in the day-to-day operations of Indian companies. Of significance to debates on CSR trends and strategies, the paper presents evidence to suggest that western CSR initiatives are influencing executives in India; ultimately causing a reactive response of an ad-hoc nature.Research limitations/implications– While the focus of this paper is the Indian finance industry, the trends within this sector and emerging practice, one must be cautious about making broad generalisations about CSR in India based on the data presented here.Originality/value– A focus on responsible project finance and CSR is imperative at this time of major infrastructure growth in Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) economies; indigenous financial institutions have a crucial role to play in social and economic development. Through a focus on four modes of engagement, which emerged from empirically grounded data collection, this paper highlights multiple forms of commitment and motivation which are often overlooked when reviewing CSR primarily through reporting methods.

Purpose– To further explore the nature of non-monetary motivation for working, this study aims to present correlates of non-financial employment commitment (NFEC) and a cross-national comparison.Design/methodology/approach– Data gathered from representative national samples of the adult population (i.e. employed and unemployed individuals) in 31 countries (n=43,440), among them Nordic (e.g. Sweden and Norway), Western-European (e.g. Spain and France), Anglo-Saxon (e.g. the USA and Britain), former Communist (e.g. Russia and Hungary), Asian (e.g. Japan and South Korea), Latin-American (Mexico and the Dominican Republic), and African (South Africa). The source of the data is the 2005 International Social Survey Programme module on work orientation.Findings– NFEC proves positively correlated with intrinsic job characteristics, education level, job satisfaction, and organizational commitment. Administrators, managers, and professionals have higher NFEC than blue-collar workers, clerks, service workers, and sales workers. Respondents currently working for pay have higher NFEC than those currently not working for pay. Respondents trying to improve job skills during the previous 12 months have higher NFEC than those not trying to do so. NFEC is higher in member countries of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development than in non-member countries. NFEC is also higher in countries where self-expression values are important than in countries where survival values are important.Practical implications– By assessing NFEC decision makers may be assisted in their selection and advancement decisions.Originality/value– This study conducts the most comprehensive cross-national comparison of NFEC to date, and its findings have high external validity. It is unlikely that the findings are biased by social desirability.

Poland and the Baltic states used to be parts of the communist system and now are members of NATO. Their geographical location, especially the fact that they all have a large neighbour, which has been constantly rebuilding its power and tends to become again a global empire – Russia,poses similar challenges in front of them. That is why it is worth analyzing their military expenditure policies in terms of their national security.To have a broader image of military expenditure trends it is also worth presenting military spending of these countries in the European and US context. ; Wydatki wojskowe Polski oraz krajów bałtyckich w XXI wieku Celem artykułu jest analiza wydatków Polski oraz krajów bałtyckich jako instrumentu kształtującego ich poziom bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Rozważania na temat wydatków wojskowych opierają się na ich definicji opracowanej przez Sztokholmski Międzynarodowy Instytut Badań nad Pokojem. Prezentacja światowych tendencji w wydatkach wojskowych stanowi wprowadzenie do meritum omawianych zagadnień. Analiza przeprowadzona zostaje w oparciu na szeregu kryteriów, takich jak poziom wydatków wojskowych, ich wysokość jako procent produktu krajowego brutto oraz wysokość na mieszkańca. Dotyczy ona lat 2000–2012 i w tym okresie przedstawione są fluktuacje omawianych wielkości. W szczególności uwypuklony zostaje wpływ kryzysu gospodarczego na zmiany poziomu wydatków wojskowych. Analiza porównawcza prowadzona jest przede wszystkim w odniesieniu do krajów Europy, w szczególności zaś Rosji. Artykuł kończy konkluzja, że jeśli różnice w poziomie wydatków pomiędzy omawianymi krajami a Europą Zachodnią da się wytłumaczyć różnicą w poziomie rozwoju gospodarczego, to rosnąca przewaga Rosji w tej kwestii nad omawianymi krajami wynika z przyczyn politycznych i w dalszej perspektywie może stanowić źródło napięcia międzynarodowego.

For the next decade, the future of the automotive industry lies in BRIC' countries. Together, Brazil, Russia, India, and China will account for some 30 percent of world auto sales in 2014 while also offering significant opportunities for cost-effective R&D, sourcing, and manufacturing. The authors analyze the degree of localization of leading TNC and supplies in each BRIC country, for each function, compare localization across BRIC countries, assess the future development of these markets, compare local capabilities and resources, and identify particularly promising combinations of functions and countries. Key trends in developing countries include continuing liberalization and globalization, increased foreign investment and ownership, and the increasing importance of follow-source and follow-design forces. The article concerns the trends and factors of national automotive industry formation in BRIC countries. Special emphasis is made on localization of R&D activities, final assembly operations and components production by global automotive companies in BRIC countries. It systemizes the factors of investment opportunities of different developing markets. It is concluded that active state regulation is playing the principle role in localization and catching-up process in automotive industry in developing countries. The comparison of the automotive industry in BRIC countries allows shedding light on the economic processes of emergence at large. There is a stark contrast in the capacities of development of the sector in these countries. This contrast serves as an analyzer between the modes of sector opening and the paths of technological catching-up that is the core of the phenomenon of emergence. The analysis and best practices presented in the topic, while focusing on the BRIC countries, are applicable also to other rapidly developing economies.

This article analyses the phenomenon of rising powers from a historical materialist perspective. It (1) elaborates the key concepts of historical structures of world order, state–society complexes and transnational class formation, and (2) applies them to Brazil, Russia, India, China and other so-called 'rising powers' to account for the nature and extent of the challenge they pose to the existing institutions of global governance. A double argument is advanced: first, the integration of rising powers into the historical structure of global capitalism has reduced traditional sources of great power conflict, and made rising powers heavily dependent on the existing institutional framework established by the liberal West. This facilitates their integration into the existing governance order. However, within the limits of the existing order, two factors lend a heartland–contender cleavage to the politics of global governance: the rising powers' relatively more statist, less market-driven forms of state, and their subsequent failure to be integrated into emergent transnational capitalist class structures. Consequently, it is not the global governance order itself, but its most liberal features, that are contested by rising powers. The result is that, in contrast to realist pessimism and liberal optimism, the rise of new powers is leading to a hybrid governance order that is both transnationally integrated and less liberal. ; Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich / This publication is with permission of the rights owner freely accessible due to an Alliance licence and a national licence (funded by the DFG, German Research Foundation).

Innovative development of Russia and the region is impossible without well-developed innovation infrastructure, and, in particular without those elements of it that provide financial support to innovative businesses. A special role is played by the public institutions aimed at promoting the innovation activity. The provision of tax incentives for innovative businesses should be considered as the most recent form of the government support. This does not require the State to divert the existing financial resources but just not to take out the funds earned by the businesses. The article shows that there are objectively determined boundaries of the economic feasibility of tax privilege for income tax for innovative businesses, whereby a balance of state interests and needs of businesses that implement innovative development programs is provided. The authors have developed a method of rapid analysis of innovative programs of businesses, focused on practical application, that enables finding economic parameters under which the government expenditure for financial support of businesses is compensated by the increase in payments to the income tax budget from those businesses. This method allows for formation of a normative structure that defines the border lines for Tax Incentives Economic Feasibility for supporting the innovation activities of businesses. These normative values are advisable to lay in the local normative acts that govern activities of government agencies for financial support of businesses implementing the innovative programs. They are easy to use for conducting all sorts of competitions of the innovative businesses as well as for making decisions on the government support of modernization programs of production of industrial corporations.