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In this article the ages at marriage and remarriage of Tansoˇng men and women are examined through an analysis of census registers (hojoˇk) from between 1678 and 1789. It was discovered that the average age of Tansoˇng women at first marriage was 17.5, and that most women married between the ages of 15 and 20, much earlier than women in Europe in this period and slightly earlier than those in Japan, but at similar ages to Chinese women. Husbands were on average around 18 when they married. Roughly half of widowers remarried, with remarriage more likely for those of lower and middle status than for upper-status widowers. Many middle- and low-status widowers had probably also married widows despite the fact that there was a legal prohibition on the remarriage of widows.

Thirty years ago, intellectual debates concerning the relationship between wealthy and poor nations could be summed up under the rubric of modernization versus dependency. However, the events of the 1980s and 1990s completely shifted the terms of this debate. Associated with the structural adjustment lending programs of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, and neoliberal ideology, a new policy discourse suggested that it was only through liberating market forces that poor countries could grow and catch up to the developed world. With 20 years of structural adjustment behind us, what does the evidence suggest about the social consequences of these policies? This review focuses on three different social transformations: changes in the governance of economies, transformations in class structures, and the rise of transnational networks.

English
Educational policy represents a distinctive example of the changing public–private boundary that has characterised Australian public policy over the past 20 years. A values-based analysis is used to describe the trajectory of change, and to illuminate points of tension in governance and accountability relationships. As the values that subtend educational policy have changed, so the policy system (and in particular the governance mechanisms through which funding and regulation are dispensed) has responded in ways that have partly defused values conflict, and partly exacerbated it. It is suggested that forms of 'frame reflection' will be required in order to transcend traditional Australian notions of 'publicness' in education in ways that recognise the growing strength of the private sector in school education, and of competition between institutions in higher education.

Sandhya Shukla has written a highly interdisciplinary comparison of Indian diasporic cultures in Britain and the United States. Specializing in Anthropology and Asian American Studies, she is particularly strong on historical and literary text analysis. She says, "The relational aspects of a range of texts and experiences, which include historical narratives, cultural organizations, autobiography and fiction, musical performance and films, are of paramount importance in this critical ethnography" (20). Contending that the Indian diaspora confronts "a simultaneous nationalism and internationalism," she is celebratory about India and "formations of Indianness," and uses phrases like "amazing force" and "wildly multicultural" (17). Her exploration shows "the tremendous impulse to multiple nationality that Indianness abroad has made visible" (14) and, "the amazing persistence of Indian cultures in so many places" (22).

This article explores the relationships between homeless women and their intimate partners. Based on results from a focus group of homeless women at a domestic violence shelter and 20 in-depth interviews with women at two centers for the homeless, the authors suggest that the nature of the intimate relationships homeless women have are varied and impact their social exclusion and subsequent homelessness in different ways. For instance, women may become homeless without their partners or with them, by force or by choice. Homeless women may be financially dependent on the partner, but they also may be providing the only income for the family. Ultimately, the authors explicate the complex intersection between women's homelessness and their adult relationships to add to the understanding of homeless women.

Journalism has played—and continues to play— a crucial role in 'imagining' indigenous people and their affairs for most non-indigenous over racism of the colonial press, institutionalised racism is manifested in the sytematic omission of indigenous voices in the news media. Indigenous sources make up a fraction—between one fifth to one third— of all sources used by journalists in stories about indigenous affairs. This alarming statistic has remained unchanged in Australian journalism for the past 20 years and is a prominant feature of news coverage of Native people in the United States and Canada (Weston, 1996;Meadows, 2001). Adam (1993) reminds us that journalism is 'a form of expression that is an invention. It is a creation—a product of the Imagination—in both an individual and a cultural sense.'

Nach einem für südkoreanische Verhältnisse schwachen Wirtschaftswachstum von nur 3,1 Prozent 2003 nahm Asiens drittgrößte Ökonomie 2004 wieder Fahrt auf. Das letztlich erreichte Wachstum von 4,6 Prozent war im Wesentlichen dem erneut starken Anziehen der Exporte und davon ausgehenden Impulsen für neue Investitionen im Kapitalgüterbereich geschuldet. Die Inlandsnachfrage lahmte demgegenüber weiter; nur langsam löst sich der Binnenmarkt aus dem Würgegriff, der aus dem Platzen der Kreditkartenblase 2003 resultierte. Während optimistische Beobachter auf das leichte Wachstum des Konsums im vierten Quartal 2004 und im ersten Quartal 2005 sowie auf anziehende Einzelhandelsumsätze verweisen und bereits eine substanzielle Erholung der Binnennachfrage am Horizont erkennen wollen, wird es sich erst noch zeigen müssen, ob Südkoreas Verbraucher wirklich bereits wieder willens und in der Lage sind, tiefer in die Tasche zu greifen. Die Verschuldung der privaten Haushalte wuchs jedenfalls 2004 um weitere 5,3 Prozent und erreichte Ende des Jahres mit umgerechnet 507 Milliarden US-Dollar einen neuen Höchststand. Einer von 13 Südkoreanern konnte zu diesem Zeitpunkt seine Schulden nicht mehr bedienen. Im April 2005 erreichte zudem die offizielle (und damit nur bedingt aussagekräftige) Arbeitslosenquote mit 3,6 Prozent ein Vierjahreshoch, die Arbeitslosenquote bei Personen zwischen 20 und 29 Jahren lag mehr als doppelt so hoch.

In this paper we analyse whether it should be national governments that decide whether to privatise public firms (non-integration) or whether this decision should be delegated to a supra-national authority (economic integration). We assume that two countries form a single market in which there is free trade & that each country has one public firm & n private firms. We show that, if the supra-national authority decides whether or not to privatise public firms, aggregated politically weighted welfare is no less than if the governments take this decision. We also show that aggregated politically weighted welfare is no less if the firms are owned by the governments rather than a supra-national authority. 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 20 References. [Copyright 2005 Elsevier B.V.]

The influence of two variables -- a state's vulnerability to Western democratic political influences & a nation's various communicative, economic, geopolitical, & social relations to Western countries -- upon "competitive authoritarian" governments' transition to democracy is studied. After defining a competitive authoritarian state, the impact of the aforementioned variables upon competitive authoritarian governments' (N = 37) democratization is measured. Two predominant findings are reported: Caribbean, Central European, & Latin American competitive authoritarian states generally possess strong links with Western democratic nations & have transitioned toward democracy or have experienced regime changes & only 20 % of competitive authoritarian states with low to moderate connections to Western democracies have achieved democratization. Explanations for these trends are offered, & the implications of the study's results for realizing democratic transition in authoritarian nations are pondered. J. W. Parker

The article of the State Secretary of the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs is based on the lecture at the conference "Assessing Developments in the Western Balkans: Problems of Today, Ideas for the Future", which was held in Bratislava on May 20 -21, 2005. The author draws attention to the fact that the relations between Slovakia and the countries of the Western Balkans have a tradition going back centuries. The stability, security, economic development and the European perspective of the countries of the Western Balkans are of great importance to the situation in the Central European region, including Slovakia. Thus, after its accession to NATO and the EU, Slovakia became one of the key "advocates" of the Western Balkans countries' accession to these institutions. Adapted from the source document.

"Der Artikel behandelt das Verhältnis von Geschlecht und Sozialpolitik vor und in den prägenden Phasen der europäischen Wohlfahrtsstaaten. Er analysiert die der Abtreibungs- und Verhütungspolitik zugrunde liegenden Motive, wie sie in den parlamentarischen Debatten der Zeit deutlich werden. Die französische Politik war ein Teil des französischen Pronatalismus, dieser wiederum Bestandteil des französischen Republikanismus, des hegemonialen politischen Diskurses, der die moderne französische Demokratie begründete. Die schwedische Politik war anfangs eine moralische Reaktion gegen das moderne städtische Leben. Später wurde sie Bestandteil der wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Reformen, die durch den Geist des 'social engineering' und das Vertrauen in die medizinische Wissenschaft als Leitlinie für soziale Maßnahmen geprägt waren. In beiden Ländern wurde in der Abtreibungs- und Verhütungspolitik das weibliche Geschlecht 'naturalisiert' und das männliche sozialisiert. Frauen betrachtete man als Wesen, die durch ihre Fähigkeit zur Reproduktion bestimmt oder verpflichtet waren, sich dieser zu unterwerfen. Nur Männern wurde eine Sexualität jenseits der Reproduktion zugesprochen, aber die Politik versuchte ihnen zu vermitteln, dass sie Sexualität auf eine bestimmte Weise zu nutzen hatten. Die an Männer gerichtete Politik hatte generellen Charakter und enthielt Anreize; die an Frauen gerichtete war individuell und repressiv. Die Autorin interpretiert dies als Resultat einer unterschiedlichen Sicht auf die Geschlechter als Staatsbürger. Die schwedische und französische Abtreibungs- und Verhütungspolitik des frühen 20. Jahrhunderts produzierte und reproduzierte diesen Unterschied: Männer waren Staatsbürger, Frauen waren Mütter." (Autorenreferat)

The ageing of the population, combined with increasing life expectancies, is raising concerns about the sustainability of current economic and social structures. This paper studies the likelihood and impact of more older Australians staying in the labour force - subject to individuals' own health, socioeconomic status (SES), sex, age and family characteristics. A dynamic microsimulation model is used to estimate the probability that, in a changed employment environment, more Australians aged 65-70 would work more than 15 hours per week. Under that scenario, the findings are that around 500,000 additional persons aged 65-70 years would remain in the workforce - with the related earnings totalling up to $20 billion in 1998 ($35 billion in 2018). The estimated savings by government on the age pension would be around $2 billion ($4 billion in 2018).