Search results

Space is crowded. There is a traffic jam in low earth orbit (LEO, 200 to 2000 km above the earth). There are a very large number of both civilian and military satellites in LEO, both operational and defunct – not …

The article analyzes the integration of Common security and defense policy and Common energy policy. The first part of the article draws attention to the different decision-making procedures and institutional competencies in these policy areas, the second part analyses the functions of the EU institutions in energy and security policies, while the third part - sets out common priorities for energy in Common energy policy and Common security and defense policy. At the end of the article the following conclusions are made: (i) the development of the new energy technologies are the most appropriate points of integrations, and (ii) the different institutional activity methods is the greatest threat to the successful strategy implementation. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjama Bendros saugumo ir gynybos politikos ir Bendros energetikos politikos integracija. Pirmoje dalyje atkreipiamas dėmesys į skirtingas sprendimų priėmimo procedūras bei institucijų kompetenciją šiose politikos srityse, antroje dalyje aptariamos pagrindinių ES institucijų funkcijos, o trečioje dalyje nustatomi bendri energetiniai prioritetai jau suformuoti Bendros energetikos politikos ir Bendros saugumo ir gynybos politikos srityse. Straipsnio pabaigoje prieinama išvadų, kad efektyviausia integracija galima technologinės plėtros srityje, o didžiausia grėsmė sėkmingai integracijai – skirtingi institucinės veiklos būdai.

The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic remains a global security challenge for humanity. The COVID-19 pandemic, a non traditional security threat has exposed how regions respond to non traditional and emerging security threats. Similarly, the South African Development Community (SADC) region remains confronted with security ramifications due to the Covid-19 pandemic. The peace and security of the region has been disturbed due to an upsurge of conflicts in countries, such as South Africa (South Africa's unrests, protests and the Phoenix Massacre), Lesotho (Eswatini protests) and Mozambique's (Carbo Delgado insurgency), all amidst the coronavirus global pandemic. Further to this, SADCs human security challenges that have transpired and, in some cases, have been further exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic, include economic decline, job losses, food insecurity and the loss of life to mention a few. Prior to the Covid-19 pandemic, SADC Member Stateshave had to exercise greater regional pandemic management with diseases, such as Malaria, Human Acquired Immune (HIV/AIDs) and Tuberculosis (TB). SADCs efforts in combatting these human security threats have been progressive and notable. The study will analyse and build on the challenges, identified in Landsberg's (2012) study The Southern African Development Community decision-making architecture, where he suggests that at the heart of SADCs progress is the need for greater implementation of their set goals and aspirations. The study will analyse recent efforts, undertaken by the SADC region, in order to determine the successes and challenges, faced by the sub-regional bloc. It is analysing peace and security of SADC under the Covid-19 pandemic through an upsurge of conflicts in the region and the early securitisation and cooperation of the Covid-19 pandemic. The article suggests, SADC strengthened regional cooperation efforts, such as early warning systems and regional execution methods, have fostered advanced regional security outcomesin the region.

Since the Russo-Georgian war and the start of military reform in 2008, the importance of military means in Russia's foreign policy toolbox has in­creased. This is especially true of the post-Soviet space, where Moscow's vital security interests and regional ambitions converge. Russia is pursuing three goals here: it wants to ward off threats, secure its supremacy over the region and limit the room for manoeuvre of external actors, such as the US, NATO or China. In doing so, it is guided by a three-level approach which consists of strengthening unilateral power projection capabilities and expanding bilateral and multilateral cooperation. The balance of Russian military policy in the post-Soviet space is mixed. It is true that, today, Russia's significantly modernised armed forces can cover a broad spectrum of operations and exert political pressure through a show of force. On the other hand, Moscow's attempt to establish one-sided de­pend­encies through military cooperation has proven to be only partially achiev­able. As in the political and economic spheres, it is also evident in the mili­tary sphere that Russia's desire for a zone of influence clashes with the reality of an increasingly differentiated area. The intervention in Ukraine intensified this trend, as even hitherto close allies of Russia in the CSTO mili­tary alliance now show more scepticism in their cooperation with their large neighbour. (author's abstract)