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During the 1880s there was fierce debate in colonial Australia and throughout the English‐speaking world about the functioning of increasingly democratic societies and especially who, in terms of race, class and gender, was qualified to participate in the political process. In this formative period of what later became known as the "White Australia policy", minorities were under intense scrutiny and, within the settler population, the Catholic Irish were the most numerous minority. This paper discusses two controversial and widely‐reported 1881 articles by Melbourne writer, A.M. Topp. He argued strongly that the Celtic Irish were actually an "alien" race, fundamentally antithetical to English governance and morality. Mass Irish migration, in Topp's view, constituted a threat to the political stability and racial superiority of the whole English‐speaking world. Topp drew upon contemporary racial science and the works of leading intellectuals, but he was also influenced by political crises then occurring in the United Kingdom, the United States and Australia. Topp's articles, and the responses they elicited, highlight the complexities of race in colonial Australia by demonstrating that major racial differences were perceived by some to exist within what has often been portrayed as a largely homogenous "white" settler society.

The Republic of Dagestan, one of the 89 constituent 'subjects' of the Russian Federation, has a very 'multi-national people', which poses particular difficulties of institutional design. Since the early 1990s, in a particular variant of consociational democracy, representation of different ethnic groups in Dagestan's parliament was in fact guaranteed by the reservation of electoral districts for candidates of a specific nationality. Representation of specific economic interests & representation of specific ideological positions were conflated with & subsumed under representation of ethnicity. In recent years, however, constitutional changes, legal challenges & other factors have brought about a new situation which threatens to bring about the entrenchment of particular clans, headed by a strong presidential figure. The relationship with Moscow, which may intervene to appoint the head of Dagestan along with those of other 'subjects' of the Russian Federation, may help defuse potential inter-ethnic tensions but at the cost of developing democracy in the republic. Adapted from the source document.

Overview of findings from a survey of recent Soviet emigrants.

International audience ; This volume highlights gender issues related to using digital media for online politics. The submissions offer a balanced perspective about the role of digital media; this tool can be used for social change or to limit social change. The submissions use qualitative and quantitative analyses of digital trace data and survey data to present a rich perspective on gender and online politics. The collection offers a cross-national perspective including research on China, Germany, Norway, Spain, the United States, and the United Kingdom.

International audience ; This volume highlights gender issues related to using digital media for online politics. The submissions offer a balanced perspective about the role of digital media; this tool can be used for social change or to limit social change. The submissions use qualitative and quantitative analyses of digital trace data and survey data to present a rich perspective on gender and online politics. The collection offers a cross-national perspective including research on China, Germany, Norway, Spain, the United States, and the United Kingdom.

International audience ; This volume highlights gender issues related to using digital media for online politics. The submissions offer a balanced perspective about the role of digital media; this tool can be used for social change or to limit social change. The submissions use qualitative and quantitative analyses of digital trace data and survey data to present a rich perspective on gender and online politics. The collection offers a cross-national perspective including research on China, Germany, Norway, Spain, the United States, and the United Kingdom.

This article is the first scientific study into the political personalities of European Union leaders. It investigates the personalities of the permanent president of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy, the European High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Catherine Ashton, and the president of the Commission Jose Barroso. The aim is to determine whether there is any psychological reason to suspect a possible power struggle between the personalities of Van Rompuy, Ashton and Barroso. The power division between the new leaders of EU, has indeed, as a consequence of the Treaty of Lisbon in the European Union, given rise to speculations about a possible struggle for power. This is in particular due to the complex judicial relations between the three positions, and the still unclear competences of all positions in the foreign relations area of EU. This article will approach this discussion from a different angle than the judicial debate. In order to be able to portray the profile of the current giants of European Foreign policy, the article will build upon the theories of two main disciplines: psychological profiling and European governance. A psychological profile of all actors will be completed on the basis of the method of political profiling by Aubrey Immelman (e.g. 2004). Before that, the article explains the judicial guest ion marks that surround the top positions in the EU at the moment, and the Immelman profiling method itself. It concludes with a discussion on the consequences of the results in the light of the judicial issues. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractModern jurisprudence has typically been presented as a debate between legal positivism and natural law. Though the demise of legal positivism has been touted despite its pre-eminence in past decades, it is clear that there remains a vigorous debate surrounding this theory. It is noteworthy that Hans J. Morgenthau's legal thought and critique of legal positivism have remained unexplored in the context of this debate. Largely forgotten, his legal thought answers questions that lie at the heart of the natural law and legal positivist debate. It showcases his deeply nuanced understanding of legal and political theory and contains a powerful and insightful commentary on the fundamental problems faced by international law. Building on existing literature, this paper unearths Morgenthau's critique of legal positivism. It does this by re-examining his works, which address the question of whether moral considerations are relevant to determining the content of the law in force. It brings his legal thought to light, which highlights the artificiality of the division between law and morality and offers a nuanced analysis of problems inherent in international law. Ultimately, the paper challenges the claim that the law can be determined without resorting to moral judgement and shows how Morgenthau's insights remain relevant to legal positivism and natural law debates today.