Suchergebnisse

This report provides a selection of authoritative materials for locating information on foreign countries and international organizations. In the general information section, it presents sources giving an overview of politics, economics, and recent history.

Marriages between South Korean men and women from less affluent Asian countries have been popular since the 1990s, and commercial international marriage brokers have played an important role in the trend. This article argues that the laws and regulations governing marriage brokers, such as Marriage Brokers Business Management Act (MBBMA) and consumer protection mechanisms, have reinforced the rights of citizen-husbands and legitimized claims from the men's movement. As a result, the state's regulation of commercial matchmaking endorses a form of commodified intimacy and protects the rights of male client-cum-"head of the family," despite the consequences of commodifying the personhood of migrant women and legitimizing the violence of denying their personal autonomy. Data include public documents and policies from the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, Korea Institute for Healthy Family, Korea Consumer Agency, Fair Trade Commission, and MBBMA. Analysis of these public texts reveals the legal and policy language that sanitizes and disguises unequal gender roles and discrimination against foreigners.

AbstractInternational actors engaged in peacemaking in armed conflicts are often confronted by a moral dilemma: whether to seek to oust the villains by coercive means, or to promote mediation that includes the villains and may lead to a power‐sharing deal with them. This article analyzes the peacemaking dilemma through a constructivist perspective on international norms. It contributes to the constructivist literature, which concentrates on contestation between "good" and "bad" norms, by developing a theoretical framework for understanding moral dilemmas as a "situational incompatibility of good norms". The peacemaking dilemma entails a situational incompatibility between the norm of promoting and maintaining peace and security on the one hand, and the norms of promoting justice, accountability and democratization on the other. The dilemma is difficult to resolve because all these norms are constitutive of the UN and because of strategic uncertainty in armed conflicts. The theoretical framework is applied to the conflicts in Côte d'Ivoire, Libya and Syria.

This study aims to investigate the determinants of the state's voluntary adoption of international financial reporting standards (IFRS). The sample consisted of 120 countries that have adopted IFRS voluntarily based on the data released by IAS plus in 2019. The rate of IFRS adoption is measured using an interval scale based Deloyd's criteria. The independent variables included economic growth, level of openness, education level, legal system, political factor and cultural factor with the corruption control as the moderating variable. The multinominal logistic regression test shows that all independent variables can determine the level of the state's voluntary adoption of IFRS and the level of corruption control can moderate the relationship. The results of this study provide additional contributions to the literature evidence related to studies of IFRS voluntary adoption. In addition, this study is also able to accommodate a variety of complex factors with various economic, social, cultural and legal perspectives at the level of Jurisdictions.

Les concepts de « national » et « international » sont primordiaux dans l'étude du Parti communiste français et du Parti communiste italien. Les deux plus grands partis communistes de l'Europe de l'Ouest ont toujours dû essayer de concilier leurs exigences nationales avec les enjeux géopolitiques internationaux et soviétiques. La synthèse n'a pas été toujours évidente, et cette difficulté émerge dans le débat historiographique sur les deux partis. Une approche conflictuelle a été privilégiée par les historiens des deux partis, et ces deux concepts n'ont pas été analysés comme deux aspects d'une problématique globale, mais plutôt par opposition l'un à l'autre. Après avoir examiné les positions de certains historiens, nous proposons une analyse de la problématique plus neutre et organique, en présentant comme cas d'étude l'utilisation des symboles nationaux par les deux partis. On a choisi une approche comparative car la situation géopolitique et historique des deux partis présentait des similitudes et des cas d'analyse similaires, et car dans les deux cas on a vu, a des différents niveaux d'intensité, l'affirmation de deux écoles de pensée opposées et conflictuelles.

By employing a novel dataset on international capital flows, this paper examines the impact of Fed's quantitative easing (QE) policies on flows to emerging markets economies (EMEs) and the EU countries. Episodes of QE are examined separately, with the last episode divided between pre- and post-tapering. We find evidence that QE was associated with an increase in capital inflow, while tapering was associated with a period of retrenchment. The magnitude of the impact varied by different episodes of QE and the types of assets (bonds or equities). Our results show that the EU countries behaved differently than the EMEs. We also find support for the importance of "pull factors" and individual country characteristics for capital inflows. However, the paper shows that episodes of QE accounted for most of the variation in capital inflows during 2008-2014. G20 statements during the episodes of QE show that countries are increasingly cognizant of their inability to control flows and have thus called for better monetary policy coordination to avoid excessive volatility and negative spillovers.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to restore the history of internationalism to our understanding of the legacy of the First World War, and the role of universities in that past. It begins by emphasising the war's twin legacy, namely, the twin principles of the peace: national self-determination and the League of Nations. Design/methodology/approach It focuses on the intersecting significance and meaning attributed to the related terms patriotism and humanity, nationalism and internationalism, during the war and after. A key focus is the memorialization of Edith Cavell, and the role of men and women in supporting a League of Nations. Findings The author finds that contrary to conventional historical opinion, internationalism was as significant as nationalism during the war and after, thanks to the influence and ideas of men and women connected through university networks. Research limitations/implications The author's argument is based on an examination of British imperial sources in particular. Originality/value The implications of this argument are that historians need to recover the international past in histories of nationalism.

AbstractThe last decade has witnessed renewed interest in the concept of political generations and the role of generations in foreign and domestic politics. The purpose of this article is to discuss a number of patterns and insights concerning political generations in American politics that derive from my own research in international relations. In pursuit of this goal, I summarize a theory of political generations and explain how it was applied empirically. In the second half of the essay, I discuss what generational analysis might tell us about the study of political change and stability, the presidency, voters, social movements, parties, and bureaucracies. Finally, I briefly engage the methodological problems that can arise from the fact that political generations are in important respects socially constructed through public discourses, in the context of the work on the "Millennial Generation" conducted by the Pew Research Center. While this article can only suggest patterns and initial ideas for further development and research, the hope is that it will help to push forward research on political generations across disciplinary sub-fields.

A response to Judith Adler Hellman's (2000) critique of the Zapatista movement argues that the movement not only represents a fight against both the state & the momentum of global capital, but promotes a "globalized solidarity" with other struggles against neoliberalism. Hellman's overly severe analysis is said to be too narrow to fully appreciate Zapatismo & the relationship of solidarity activists to it. Objections are raised to her claim that foreign activists have been subjected to a "flattened version of events in Chiapas" & outside fascination resulted from the appeal of events seen from a great distance rather than actual Zapatista proposals. Special attention is given to the land issue in Chiapas, the complexity of the "indigenous question," & Hellman's description of foreign Zapatista activists as "Internet Junkies." Strategies of the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional are explored in relation to their centrality to the movement of neoliberalism to show that international support was based on a genuine appreciation of, & identification with, the Zapatista struggle. J. Lindroth

A response to Judith Adler Hellman's (2000) critique of the Zapatista movement argues that the movement not only represents a fight against both the state & the momentum of global capital, but promotes a "globalized solidarity" with other struggles against neoliberalism. Hellman's overly severe analysis is said to be too narrow to fully appreciate Zapatismo & the relationship of solidarity activists to it. Objections are raised to her claim that foreign activists have been subjected to a "flattened version of events in Chiapas" & outside fascination resulted from the appeal of events seen from a great distance rather than actual Zapatista proposals. Special attention is given to the land issue in Chiapas, the complexity of the "indigenous question," & Hellman's description of foreign Zapatista activists as "Internet Junkies." Strategies of the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional are explored in relation to their centrality to the movement of neoliberalism to show that international support was based on a genuine appreciation of, & identification with, the Zapatista struggle. J. Lindroth

Official ending is much larger than commonly known, often surpassing total private cross-border capital flows, especially during wars, financial crises and natural catastrophes. This paper assembles the first comprehensive long-run dataset of official international loans, covering 230,000 loans, grants and guarantees extended by governments, central banks, and multilateral institutions in the period 1790–2015. Historically, wars have been the main catalyst of government-to-government lending. The scale of official credits granted in and around WW1 and WW2 was particularly large, easily surpassing the scale of total international bailout lending after the 2008 crash. During peacetime, development finance and financial crises are the main drivers of official cross-border finance, with official flows often stepping in when private flows retrench. In line with predictions of recent theoretical contributions, this paper finds that official lending increases with the degree of economic integration. In financial crises, governments help those countries to which they have greater trade and banking exposure, hoping to reduce the collateral damage to their own economies. Since the 2000s, official finance has made a sharp comeback, largely due to the rise of China as an international creditor and the return of central bank cross-border lending in times of stress, this time through swap lines.

The status in international law of operational warships and other ships used only on governmental non-commercial service has been long established. In contrast, the status of such vessels after they have sunk has been, and remains, a matter of considerable uncertainty. The uncertainty arises in no small part from the absence of any provision in the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea relating to sunken State vessels or, indeed, to wrecks more generally. Over the last 30 years, technological advances have led to the discovery of many new wreck sites, fuelling international interest in the status of sunken State wrecks. At its Santiago Session in 2007, the Institut de droit international established its 9th Scientific Commission to look into the matter. A Preliminary Report, drafted by the Commission's Rapporteur, Professor Natalino Ronzitti, was discussed at the Rhodes Session in 2011 and, after further deliberations, a Resolution entitled "The Legal Regime of Wrecks of Warships and Other State-Owned Ships in International Law" was adopted by the Tallinn Session in August 2015. This contribution sets out the background to the work of the 9th Commission, outlines the substance of the Resolution, and offers some observations thereon.

China's increasing capabilities are a central focus of modern day US security concerns. The International Relations literature is a key forum for analyses of the so-called 'China threat' and yet it remains relatively quiet on the role of ideas in the construction and perpetuation of the dangers that country is understood to present. This article reveals that throughout history 'threats' from China towards the United States, rather than objectively verifiable phenomena, have always been social constructions of American design and thus more than calculations of material forces. Specifically, it argues that powerful and pervasive American representations of China have been repeatedly and purposefully responsible for creating a threatening identity. It also demonstrates that these representations have enabled and justified US China policies which themselves have reaffirmed the identities of both China and the United States, protecting the latter when seemingly threatened by the former. Three case studies from across the full duration of Sino-American relations expose the centrality of ideas to historical and contemporary understandings of China 'threats', and to the American foreign policies formulated in response. Copyright © 2013, British International Studies Association.