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The inter-war period was a time when exchanges between Colombia and the rest of the world developed remarkably despite the subordination of the nation's diplomacy to the foreign policy of the United States, its main economic partner. As a result, for the Colombian government, the struggle against imperialism constituted one of the pillars of its foreign policy, calling for the strengthening of regional cooperation and the mobilization of international expertise for the material and human development of Latin American states. Influenced by the optimism born in Versailles and by Wilsonian ideals, the various succeeding administrations during this period sought to characterize regional realities and strengthen state institutions in favor of the materialization of a project of humanist democracy. ; L'entre-deux-guerres est une période où les échanges entre la Colombie et le reste du monde connurent un développement remarquable malgré l'état de subordination de sa diplomatie à l'égard de la politique étrangère des États-Unis, son principal partenaire économique. De ce fait, pour le gouvernement colombien, la lutte contre les impérialismes constitua un des piliers de sa politique étrangère, en appelant au renforcement de la coopération régionale et à la mobilisation de l'expertise internationale pour le développement matériel et humain des États latino-américains. Influencées par l'optimisme né à Versailles avec les idéaux wilsoniens, les différentes administrations qui se succédèrent durant cette période cherchèrent à caractériser la réalité régionale et renforcer les institutions étatiques pour la réalisation d'un projet de démocratie humaniste.

Front Cover -- Book Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part One: Conditions -- 1. Sickly Sapling, Glorious Tree? -- 2. Multilateralism and Engagement -- 3. The US Global Security Guarantee and UN Collective Security -- Part Two: Heuristics -- 4. Always Engage: The United States and the Security Council -- 5. Sometimes Engage: Internal UN Management and the General Secretariat, the Buyout of the UN-that-Works, and Containment of the UN-that-Doesn't -- 6. Parallel Engagement: International Development and Global Human Welfare -- 7. Disengage and Obstruct: The UN-of-Values and the Human Rights Council -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- About the Author -- About the Hoover Institution's Koret-Taube Task Force on National Security and Law -- Index.

Relationships and relational outcomes are key in international development volunteering (IDV) research, but little attention has been paid to the spaces of relationship formation. This article contributes to the literature by unpacking volunteer–local relationships using a spatial lens. It uses a case study of Singapore–Cambodia IDV projects spanning the short and long-term temporal continuum to unpack how space, time and structure influence volunteer–local relationships. It presents three distinct development spaces—structured, social and transition spaces—that shape hierarchical, reciprocal or convivial relationships. These findings highlight the role organizations play in volunteer–local relationships, and the importance of making space and time for more equitable relationships.

With the widespread use of technology, a new host of threats appear that affect the American government, businesses, and civilians. This is why Cybersecurity is a global emergency that involves not only the United States, but all countries, and which makes it necessary for the gaps within international cybersecurity to be filled. Cyber security crosses all geographic boundaries and must be addressed wholistically in order to be effective. Current regulations within cyberspace are not adequate and in order to protect each state from cyber threats, it is imperative for the states to create a collaborative solution to the issues within the current cyberspace in order to maintain peace.

L'article examine comment et pourquoi des acteurs deviennent passeurs de normes. À partir d'une enquête de terrain prolongée, l'étude de cas porte sur le transfert des normes de l'asile en Ukraine. Des organisations internationales établissent une chaîne de transfert et recrutent des agents qui, avec des employés d'ONG locales, fréquemment novices dans le domaine de l'asile, deviennent des passeurs de profession. Ils diffusent ensuite des standards internationaux auprès des fonctionnaires ukrainiens, souvent par des liens personnels, et parviennent à faire d'eux des passeurs de conviction. L'approche par les passeurs permet de nuancer les dichotomies entre transferts imposés et transferts volontaires, ainsi qu'entre promoteurs et destinataires de normes. Elle contribue également aux recherches émergentes sur les temporalités des transferts.

AbstractIn May to July 1931, a series of financial panics shook central Europe before spreading to the rest of the world. This article explores the role of cross‐border banking linkages in propagating the central European crisis to Britain and the US. Using archival bank‐level data, the article documents US and British banks' exposure to central European frozen credits in 1931. Central European lending was mostly done by large and diversified commercial banks in the US and by small and geographically specialized merchant banks/acceptance houses in Britain. Differences in the organization of international bank lending explain why the central European crisis disturbed few US banks but endangered many British financial institutions.

Investigating highly mobile labor populations presents researchers with unique challenges and opportunities. In this paper, I share my experiences and reflections in collecting international merchant seafarers' oral histories and propose to move the dialogue forward regarding the use of hybrid qualitative research practices. Seafarers are constantly moving, at sea and in port, and traditional research methodologies are inadequate in determining the nature of modern-day seafaring. I suggest how qualitative research methods must be flexible enough to accommodate researchers' needs in a chaotic global milieu. Investigators researching highly mobile labor populations, as well as mobile immigrant and refugee communities, can gain insights into the challenges and methods available for meeting those challenges.

How do domestic political institutions affect the outcomes of international trade negotiations? Specifically, are the aggregate trade barriers agreed upon by a democratic pair lower than those by a pair composed of a democracy and an autocracy? I revisit these important questions by highlighting some problematic aspect of the analysis by Mansfield, Milner, and Rosendorff (2000). Contrary to their central conclusion, I find that whether the aggregate trade barriers are lower for a democratic pair than those for a mixed pair depends on the preferences of the decision makers involved. Thus, although domestic political institutions are important, they alone are insufficient to predict a higher level of cooperation among democracies.

Für die Erfassung des Phänomens Streik ist ein neuer Forschungsansatz entwickelt und erprobt worden. Es handelt sich um einen Ansatz, der - international vergleichend - nicht nur ökonomische, sondern auch soziale und politische Faktoren als Determinanten von Streik erfaßt; die empirische Überprüfung der Hypothesen erfolgt durch quantitative Datenanalyse. Der Verf. stellt drei verschiedene Studien (Hibbs, Snyder) vor, die sich mit Streikbedingungen in westlichen Industriegesellschaften beschäftigen. Die Ergebnisse dieser Untersuchungen können dazu beitragen, verschiedene Hypothesen der älteren Streikforschung zu relativieren. Vor allem zeigt sich, daß ökonomisch-psychologische Faktoren (Unzufriedenheit, relative Verarmung etc.) allein keine befriedigenden Erklärungen für Streik ermöglichen. Politische und organisatorische Variablen dagegen spielen eine dominante Rolle. Wichtig ist die Unterscheidung zwischen kurz- und langfristigen Effekten derselben Variable. Sozialdemokratische Regierungsmacht kann zum Beispiel nicht sofort, wohl aber längerfristig zu einer Abnahme von Streiks beitragen. Auch das Forschungsresultat, daß Arbeitslosigkeit zu weniger Streiks führt, kann eher politisch als psychologisch erklärt werden (die Arbeitnehmer sind sich ihrer schwächeren Machtposition bewußt). Der Verf. weist allerdings nachdrücklich darauf hin, daß aus Daten keine zwingenden Interpretationen abgeleitet werden können; somit können die Resultate nur vorläufigen Charakter beanspruchen. (JL)