Theodore Jun Yoo. It's Madness: The Politics of Mental Health in Colonial Korea
In: Asian affairs, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 411-412
ISSN: 1477-1500
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In: Asian affairs, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 411-412
ISSN: 1477-1500
In: Public administration review: PAR, Band 77, Heft 4, S. 616-620
ISSN: 1540-6210
In: Canadian Slavonic papers: an interdisciplinary journal devoted to Central and Eastern Europe, Band 59, Heft 1-2, S. 177-179
ISSN: 2375-2475
In: Security studies, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 213-248
ISSN: 1556-1852
In: Social science journal: official journal of the Western Social Science Association, Band 54, Heft 1, S. 106-107
ISSN: 0362-3319
In: Journal of public administration research and theory, Band 27, Heft 3, S. 539-542
ISSN: 1477-9803
In: Political theology, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 182-184
ISSN: 1743-1719
In: Asian affairs: an American review, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 1-8
ISSN: 1940-1590
In: Asian journal of political science, Band 25, Heft 1, S. 89-108
ISSN: 1750-7812
In: Angelaki: journal of the theoretical humanities, Band 22, Heft 1, S. 231-246
ISSN: 1469-2899
Published as [provide complete bibliographic citation, as appears in the print version of your journal]. © [Year] by [the Regents of the University of California/Sponsoring Society or Association]. Copying and permissions notice: Authorization to copy this content beyond fair use (as specified in Sections 107 and 108 of the U. S. Copyright Law) for internal or personal use, or the internal or personal use of specific clients, is granted by [the Regents of the University of California/on behalf of the Sponsoring Society] for libraries and other users, provided that they are registered with and pay the specified fee via Rightslink® or directly with the Copyright Clearance Center. ; International audience ; Let the worker eat his fill, then the iron industry will fulfill [the plan]. You must feed people better. You will never fulfill the plan with a hungry belly. You need to give more bread and more fat. Then the worker will bear the burden of working. For now, he does not work at the factory, he is just irritable. 1
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Published as [provide complete bibliographic citation, as appears in the print version of your journal]. © [Year] by [the Regents of the University of California/Sponsoring Society or Association]. Copying and permissions notice: Authorization to copy this content beyond fair use (as specified in Sections 107 and 108 of the U. S. Copyright Law) for internal or personal use, or the internal or personal use of specific clients, is granted by [the Regents of the University of California/on behalf of the Sponsoring Society] for libraries and other users, provided that they are registered with and pay the specified fee via Rightslink® or directly with the Copyright Clearance Center. ; International audience ; Let the worker eat his fill, then the iron industry will fulfill [the plan]. You must feed people better. You will never fulfill the plan with a hungry belly. You need to give more bread and more fat. Then the worker will bear the burden of working. For now, he does not work at the factory, he is just irritable. 1
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When terror strikes, the terrorist is more often than not portrayed in a mugshot, an ID-like photograph with references to police mugshots as well as the passport ID. This has developed into the common iconography where modern terrorists are concerned. But how are we supposed to perceive this visual statement from the media? Is the mugshot a portrait of an individual or a category of anti-social criminals? Through the case of Anis Amri, the Tunisian who drove a stolen truck into a Christmas market in Berlin on December 2016, this article discusses the genealogy of the terrorist mugshot. It evokes the legacy of the physiognomic tradition in photography, as well as the history of the photographic portrait. It further discusses the agency of the photographic frame in the wake of terror and other dramatic events, and asks what the media gain and lose by adhering to this visual convention. ; publishedVersion
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This dissertation analyzes labor policy in Chile, and aims to explain why the labor laws enacted during the Pinochet dictatorship (1973-1990) and systematized in the 1979 Labor Plan have not been repealed. Conceived as a pro-business plan, the Labor Plan regulations decentralized bargaining to the firm level, undermined significantly the right to strike, and weakened unions through several clauses promoting, among other things, the coexistence of multiple unions in the firm. Despite these regulations have been defined as one of the main factors explaining the weakness of organized labor throughout the democratic period (1990 – present), none of the labor reforms carried out since the return to democracy has repealed them. In this dissertation I explain why this is so. Based on archival, historical, and qualitative evidence, in the first part of this dissertation I analyze all the labor reforms carried out between 1990 and 2016 and the role organized business and labor played in them. I show that the persistence of the 1979 Labor Plan is explained largely by the power imbalances between employers and workers and, particularly, by employers' stronger capacity influence the policy-making process. This imbalance explains why the last reform process (2015-2016) did not succeed in dismantling the Labor Plan regulations even though most of the politico-institutional constraints derived from the dictatorship and observed in the past reform processes of 1990-1993 and 2000-2001 (e.g. unelected Senators that strengthened the veto power of right parties) did not exist anymore. In the second part of this dissertation I switch the focus from labor law to worker collective action, and examine the processes that led to the revival and consolidation of the business encompassing association Confederación de la Producción y del Comercio (CPC) and to the formation and weakening of the labor confederation Central Unitaria de Trabajadores (CUT). In addition to showing how these processes explain employers' stronger power to influence the policy-making process, the evidence I present allows me to nuance some explanations for policy continuity in Chile, which in emphasizing the effects of institutional and political constraints tend to assign a secondary role to explanations centered on the interactions between organized business, labor, and the state.
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In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 88, Heft 3, S. 480-491
ISSN: 0032-3179
World Affairs Online