Suchergebnisse

This article examines the role of facially wounded soldiers and prosthetic masks in the post‐First World War reconstruction of a gendered French nation. In contextualising the work of Anna Coleman Ladd, who sculpted facial prosthetics to 're‐humanise' disfigured French veterans, I aim to shed light on larger post‐war tensions between the accommodation and rejection of social and cultural change. By submitting to Ladd's efforts and donning her devices, the French mutilés who sought her help articulated, through their bodies, a conservative vision for the French nation – highlighting the resonance of the traditional masculine ideal in post‐war France and a desire to reconstruct an idealised past. The exposure of the 'surreal' face, conversely, signalled the futility of a return to the status quo ante and the creation of the Union des Blessés de la face et de la tête allowed veterans to renegotiate the bounds of acceptable masculinity. Collectively, the facially wounded suggest the ways in which the face serves as a site of gender work, a means by which to challenge or reify masculine norms of behaviour and appearance.

This article discusses the apparent contradictions, and consequences, of the state's embracing of democratic 'community' based criminal justice initiatives, in tandem with long-term imprisonment, in the context of vigilantism in Khayelitsha, a black township on the outskirts of Cape Town. I argue that vigilante practices are part of a continuum of community-based crime prevention and punishment practices, where the legal and illegal are blurred, and with which the state is complicit. Looking back, from the vantage point of 2014 to the time when South Africa emerged from apartheid rule and held its first democratic elections, in April 1994, it is clear that mass democracy has had an uneasy relationship with the liberal values enshrined in the Constitution. I argue that punitive punishment is one of the consequences of the state's turn toward democratic localism and its embracing of a discourse that encourages communities to take responsibility for crime prevention. The danger of rallying 'communities' around combating crime is that it has the potential to unleash violent technologies in the quest for 'ethics' and 'morality.' As George Herbert Mead pointed out many years ago, when community members unite against an outsider, they are bonded for an intense moment in a way that masks the very real problems that tear the community apart. The ironic twist is that 'mob justice' in Khayelitsha is also a mass technology to protect private property in the context of the endemic inequality that characterizes South Africa

How do men respond to feminist movements and to shifts in the gender order? In this paper, I introduce the concept of historical gender formation to show how shifting social conditions over the past forty years shaped a range of men's organized responses to feminism. Focusing on the US, I show how progressive men reacted to feminism in the 1970s by forming an internally contradictory 'men's liberation' movement that soon split into opposing anti-feminist and pro-feminist factions. Three large transformations of the 1980s and 1990s – the professional institutionalization of feminism, the rise of a postfeminist sensibility, and shifts in the political economy (especially deindustrialization and the rise of the neoliberal state) – generated new possibilities. I end by pointing to an emergent moderate men's rights discourse that appeals to a postfeminist sensibility, and to an increasingly diverse base for men's work to prevent violence against women.

Looking at how divided states competed against each other in the arena of citizenship since 1949, this research observes a number of common trends. The German and Chinese case studies manifested a shared trend in large part because they faced comparable challenges and responded with similar citizenship strategies in their quest for national legitimacy and diplomatic recognition. The policy effectiveness depended on the intensity of inter-state rivalry, the Cold War diplomacy, and the global nationality trends. The tight bipolar system and the strong international cooperation on nationality in Europe (among the socialist and non-socialist blocs) explain why both German states were in more favourable circumstances in asserting their citizenship claim. These two aspects are missing in the Asian context, which explain the absence of the role of the international community in legitimising or supporting the Chinese citizenship rivalry. This paper concludes that citizenship policies in the two German states were shaped in response to one another. As compared to the German case, the Chinese and Taiwanese policies exhibited a more pragmatic and independent character.