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AbstractThis article considers how modern British political history has changed since the 'new political history' of the 1990s. It focusses on the 'vernacular' histories which have emerged in the last decade or so. The vernacular 'turn' is frequently framed by its proponents in opposition to the new political history, with its focus on the rhetoric of politicians and subsequent tendency to reproduce the perspectives of political elites. This article, however, identifies continuities between these approaches, noting their shared interest in advancing a more complex understanding of the relationship between politics and people in the past. It argues that the real challenge posed by the vernacular lies in the necessary reckoning with the 'apartness' of politics from the perspective of ordinary people. Yet here too, this piece suggests, the vernacular turn can be seen as the latest stage in a continual rethinking of the relationship between political, social and cultural history.

The Northern Ireland 1998 Good Friday Agreement has generated a global industry of "lessons from Northern Ireland" to other conflict situations. While a lively polemical literature has been debating what exactly should these lessons be and whether they could be validly exported, this article adopts the prism of the "politics of comparison": examining why and how certain actors appeal to analogies with other societies, and the causes and functions of such appeals. The article explores the case-study of the resonance of the Northern Ireland analogy in Israeli public discourse. It identifies and analyses four themes: the analogy with Northern Ireland is used as an argument for hope; as a source of peacemaking models; as self-justification, to deflect blame; and to legitimize narrow local interventions. The article contributes to literatures on the politics of comparisons, and political dynamics in the context of intractable conflicts.

AbstractSyrian miniseries engage in multifaceted discourses of fatherhood inherently linked with the rise and fall of the qabaday (tough man). Before the uprising, while the avowed focus was on gender constructions, in truth, politics lay at the heart of the messages. With the gradual construction of the new qabaday, screenwriters shifted to an anxious focus on absent father figures and a more emotionally connected fatherhood ideal that surpassed the father as protector and financial provider. The fall of the qabaday and the cessation of yearning for a protective masculinity in Syrian melodrama connoted the rise of more equal gender relations, which symbolized a pluralistic political order. Amid the uprising, those outwardly embracing the regime narrative insist that they are focusing on societal norms rather than politics. This study is based on analysis of miniseries from the 1960s to the present and interviews with screenwriters in Beirut, Damascus, and Paris.

This article examines the embattled intersection of magic and rationality in the transnational Sathya Sai movement and positions the magical materializations of the charismatic "godman" Sathya Sai Baba, and the sacred objects thus produced, within the neo-liberal economy. It then explores the tensions between the twin processes of magical production and rational debunking set against the framework of the discourse of nation building in contemporary India as it seeks to be and sustain a global power. The article illuminates the two conflicting discourses of materiality and rationality. It demonstrates that both are ethical subjectivities situated with regard to virtue—a "virtuous materiality" and a "virtuous rationality" —that together create a "critical politics of virtue". The article concludes by tentatively suggesting that the critical politics of virtue can liberate current theory from a unitary understanding of ethical subjectivity in a neo-liberal world.

Historians have long recognized the important role that kinship ties and family relations played in Venetian politics, especially their salutary effect in forging a cohesive ruling class. The essay considers the practice – increasingly utilized in the middle decades of the fifteenth century – of disqualifying kinsmen from exercising some of their judicial rights out of concern that they would use those rights to seek vengeance against those who they believed had done them wrong. The danger of disqualification became clear when the Council of Ten made use of it in the scandals surrounding doge Francesco Foscari and his son Jacopo. In the end, the Ten pulled back and decided to limit the power to disqualify noblemen from their full prerogatives. This essay thus examines a moment when kinship ties became a liability in Venetian politics as well as the role governmental practices played in fostering rather than suppressing factionalism.

What is dissent in the case of the image? What are the politics implicit in the critical use of configuration? Design has a general difficulty with being critical. Though less so in the graphic arts, where a tradition of picture-as-commentary is (just) maintained, the technological
instrumentality to which design is always prone let alone its obeisance to money means that design generally prefers not to think that it can think. But design is perfectly capable of thinking. Or, to put it another way, configuration is a thought-act. Politically speaking therefore the politics
of the image happens when by design (by choreography, by reconfiguration, by (re-) working of the given conditions of representation) the graphic figure is transformed, through re-configuration, into a proposition. It is as a proposition, i.e., as a contribution to thought, that the image
undertakes political work.

"The election of Donald J. Trump to the presidency shocked the political establishment, triggering a wave of hysteria among the bicoastal elite that may yet never subside. The biggest shockwaves of all however were felt not in the progressive parishes of Manhattan or San Francisco, but in the halls of the political elite's cherished and oft-overlooked center of power: Washington, D.C.'s sprawling 'administrative state.' For President Trump represented an existential threat to its denizens, which came to be known as 'swamp creatures.' How did it come to pass that the 'deconstruction' of this obscure institution - the 'draining of the swamp' - would become a core aim of the Trump administration, impacting everything from judicial appointments to the federal budget and regulatory policy? Could public aversion to policies and practices for which the administrative state was sometimes surreptitiously and other times overtly responsible explain President Trump's rise? What was the intellectual basis for the argument that the administrative state need be dismantled in the first place? The answers to these questions and many more lie in the underappreciated but revolutionary scholarship of Professor John Marini, collected in his timely, comprehensive, accessible new book, Unmasking the Administrative State"--

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- MAPS, TABLES, AND FIGURES -- PREFACE -- CHAPTER ONE. Introduction -- CHAPTER TWO. The State and the Family in Urban China: Beijing and Shanghai, 1950-1953 -- CHAPTER THREE. Between "Urban" and "Rural": Family Reform in the Beijing and Shanghai Suburbs, 1950-1953 -- CHAPTER FOUR. Family Reform in the Southwest Frontier, 1950-1953 -- CHAPTER FIVE. The Politics and Culture of Divorce and Marriage in Urban China, 1954-1966 -- CHAPTER SIX. The Family in Flux: Family and Personal Relationships in Rural Areas, 1954-1966 -- CHAPTER SEVEN. The Conservative Backlash: Politics, Sex, and the Family in the Cultural Revolution, 1966-1968 -- CHAPTER EIGHT. Conclusion -- AFTERWORD. Observations on State-Family Relations in the Reform Period -- APPENDIX. Texts of the "Decree Regarding Marriage" and the 1950 Marriage Law -- NOTES -- BIBLIOGRAPHY -- INDEX

How can we ensure that displaced people live in safety and dignity and create a policy that is sustainable at the same time? In this episode, we speak to ⁠Dr. Alexander Betts⁠, the Leopold Muller Professor of Forced Migration and International Affairs at the ⁠Refugee Studies Centre⁠, and the Director of the ⁠Refugee Economies Programme⁠, both at the University of Oxford. Alexander has written extensively on the political economy of refugee protection — highlighting how displaced people can access and contribute to economies worldwide. Politics, Re-Imagined is a series by the Department of Politics and International Relations (DPIR) at the University of Oxford focused on exploring tangible and sustainable solutions to the most pressing challenges facing humanity today. Listen on:

Organizational politics is a fact of organizational life, which can be seen in almost every type of organization globally. Individuals come together for a common purpose and safeguard self interest. The present study examines the moderating role of social exchange perceptions between perceived organizational politics and antisocial behavior in Pakistani context. The empirical evidence is based on the national level sample data as collected through self-administered questionnaires from executives of multitude of Pakistani industries such as health, manufacturing, energy, financial services, education, telecommunication, and information technology. The sample comprised of 577 respondents. Moderated hierarchical regression was applied to test the interactional effects and hypothesized relationships were confirmed. Several practical implications have been provided for the benefit of practicing managers.

For some students of world politics, Clio has always been their primary muse. Nestling between the rival peaks of philosophy and poetry, she has always seemed a secure shelter for those who think of their concern as 'what human beings do and suffer'. With recent doctrinal storms still howling around the increasingly windblown scholarly communities that constitute international studies, it is hardly surprising that the heavenly sister is more popular than ever. During the course of the twentieth century, moreover, Clio has claimed many of the best-known scholars of world politics (if not always the most influential academically), and many historians have left their mark on political science and international studies.

1. Thomas White and beginnings of the Blackloist group -- 2. The Blackloists' natural philosophy and theology -- 3. The Blackloists' politics -- 4. The grounds of obedience and government -- 5. The Blackloists and the lord protector -- 6. 'To Little Purpose' : the end of the Blackloist experience.