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ABSTRACTThis article explores the overlapping systems of gender and nation and particularly the connections of masculinities with national construction. Based on the analysis of the video 'Por España' performed by the queer artist Samantha Hudson, I discuss how in/visibilities affect the recognizability of queer bodies in relation to national construction and unveil how hegemonic masculinities have been the norm. Queer 'inappropriate' bodies have been left aside from the hegemonic representations of the national bodies in the military, in politics or in sport. Queer visible bodies attached to national symbols oppose the still prevalent masculinist models of patriotism in a context of growing right-wing masculinities and antigender right-wing populisms. Changing the rules of what bodies can appear in public in relation to national symbols can affect the construction of the collective 'we' and turn invisibility into recognition and political agency. In/visibilities are ambivalent and paradoxical: they trigger empowerment and agency but also stigma, repression and control. Sticking queer bodies to national sentiments ('Por España') and symbols (bulls, Spanish flags, folklore, food, dress and so on) is an invitation to see other bodies, genders and sexualities and to imagine other nations that question the traditional geometries of power and their visibility regimes.KEYWORDS: masculinitiesqueer bodiesnationsin/visibilitiesagency Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. The author wishes to thank the reviewers for their dedication, careful reading and detailed suggestions for improving the article. I also thank Subterfuge Records for their permission to reproduce the figures.2. I use the pronoun 'she' to refer to Samantha because in her Instagram account she talks of herself in feminine (see @badbixsamantha). The video, directed by Fran Granada, is on Youtube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Amx9AXllumY (retrieved 10 January 2022).3. Their re/presentation of masculinity through traditional indexes (body hair, beard, muscles) also characterizes gay bears (Enguix Grau, Citation2021). This can either confirm Inclusive Masculinity Theory (Anderson & McCormack, Citation2018) or just be an ironic questioning of 'traditional' (heterosexual) masculinity.4. https://elpais.com/#popup1 (retrieved 29 May 2023).5. In English, the Spanish prepositions 'por' and 'para' are translated as 'for' but 'por' indicates causality and 'para' indicates finality.6. The term 'measures' has a political but also a physical meaning referred to hypermasculinity and penis size. The verb 'to sow' refers to agriculture (production) and to male potence to impregnate women (reproduction). In fact, the word 'semen' etimologically derives from the Latin 'semen' (seed) and 'serere' (sow). The worlds of nature and culture are thus connected in this electoral slogan.7. See, for instance, the memes that present some Vox leaders as 'Fachi-blinders' merging the derogatory Spanish word for the sympathizers of the far right ('facha') with the famous series Peaky Blinders, in Tremending (Citation2022) (https://www.publico.es/tremending/2022/01/23/de-los-fachi-blinders-a-los-peaky-blinders-de-hacendado-cachondeo-en-twitter-con-esta-foto-de-abascal-y-sus-pupilos-en-leon/).8. 'Soy un maricón judeomasón' [0.49]. All the lyrics are reproduced with the permission of Subterfuge Records.9. 'Hazlo por España; hazme sufrir por España' [1.20–1.25]10. 'Dicen de mí las malas lenguas que soy el diablo, que soy una cualquiera'. [0.31–0.37]11. Reds, Jews and masons were obsessive enemies for Franco and his regime.12. 'A mi y a los de mi calaña, danos caña por España' [1.45–1.50]13. 'Déjame coqueta en una cuneta' [3.32–3.33]14. 'Soy la bujarra con la que sueñas tú; mándame tu regimiento para que me dé escarmiento' [0.53–1.00].15. 'Paco, Paquillo, Sexy caudillo, Tú serás mi obispo y yo tu monaguillo, Soy tu esclava, soy tu sumisa, ponme correa y llévame contigo a misa' [3.01–3.11].16. 'Ven y súbeme la falda, la falda rojigualda' [3.45–3.57].17. 'Soy un tabú, Un maricón judeomasón, Belcebú' [0.47–0.50]18. 'Ay por España, hazme sufrir por España … a mí y a los de mi calaña, danos caña por España' [1.45–1.50]Additional informationNotes on contributorsBegonya Enguix GrauBegonya Enguix Grau is a Full Professor of Social Anthropology at the Universitat Oberta de Catalunya (UOC) and regularly lectures at the Karl-Franzens-Universität (Graz, Austria), where she held in 2019 the Aigner Rollett Guest Professorship in Women's and Gender Studies. She is the director of the international conferences Men in Movement (MIM) and the PI of the research group "Medusa: Genders in transition. Masculinities, Affects and Bodies" (UOC). Her main fields of research operate at the nexus of the anthropology of gender and masculinities, bodies, identities and affects and their intersections with media and politics.

Este número de Lutas Sociais percorre um leque de temas dotados de grande importância teórica e política.
No primeiro artigo, Jair Pinheiro aborda uma questão crucial que, em outras épocas, foi examinada mais de perto. No fundo, se trata da inserção dos trabalhadores nas relações de produção que passam a ser revolucionadas já durante a transição para o socialismo e, na sequência, para uma sociedade sem classes. É dispensável acentuar a importância da questão quando os movimentos de trabalhadoras e trabalhadores avançam no interior de formações sociais dominadas pelo modo de produção capitalista; e também nos processos de transição para o socialismo; e, mais ainda, embora a questão praticamente tenha desaparecido, na transição do socialismo para uma sociedade sem classes. A quase desaparição deste debate se deve, em grande parte, à extrema fragilidade em que se encontram as forças proletárias a um ponto em que as questões somem da agenda d@s que lutam por transformar o mundo. Mas a classe proletária, ao se desenvolver, terá de se debruçar sobre estas questões.
Egeu Gomez Esteves e Jéssica Ravênia Ferreira Rocha examinam uma situação próxima do grau zero da organização do povo pobre: um reassentamento no município de São Paulo sem que os principais interessados, os moradores, tivessem qualquer capacidade de intervir neste processo. E Claudio Katz analisa derrotas recentes do imperialismo sem que as forças progressistas saiam vitoriosas. É impossível subestimar a importância desta análise, pois, como o autor observa, situações desse tipo, embora passem despercebidas, têm sido frequentes.
A entrevista de Caio Antunes, realizada por Edvânia Ângela de Souza, lança um olhar sobre novas configurações do trabalho. Afinal, qual é a inserção de uma categoria que, quando muitos ideólogos a consideravam resquícios de épocas distantes, agora se instalam por uma grande diversidade de nichos sociais, desde os trabalhadores "de aplicativo" até segmentos dos que atuam nas linhas de ponta da produção do valor. Quem serão esses novos personagens? Quais fazem parte dos contingentes dos novos proletários? Ou não mais haverá proletários? A importância dessas questões é imensa até porque, sem aprofundá-las, a tendência é a dispersão de amplos segmentos das forças que podem se voltar para a luta anticapitalista.
Por falar em luta, o dossiê aborda a América Latina sob várias dimensões: lutas práticas; teóricas que avançam quando se vinculam a práticas; lutas que logram vitórias, mas não existem vacinas contra futuras derrotas; e certas derrotas semeiam o caminho rumo a vitórias. A América Latina é muito isso. O que é contemplado de diversos ângulos no dossiê.
Aldo Duran Gil examina o processo histórico boliviano desde a Revolução de 1952 com vistas a, por meio da análise das relações de classes, dos diferentes regimes políticos e da inserção dependente da formação social boliviana, fundamentar a hipótese de que, nela, a reforma agrária seguiu um padrão junker. Martha Raquel Rodrigues, Raíssa Gouveia Lazarini, Letícia Lacerda Madeira e Gustavo Menon examinam a importância da ALBA-TCP para a formulação de um projeto de integração que se contraponha ao imperialismo, ao capitalismo e ao neoliberalismo na América Latina. Ana Cristina Sousa Santos e Celia Regina Congilio abordam o processo dinâmico e contraditório das lutas pela terra no sudeste paraense, ao longo das quais se constitui um campesinato, parte do qual se converte em trabalhadores inseridos em relações capitalistas.
Enfim, a dimensão predominantemente teórica é trabalhada por Andrés Tzeman. Com linguagem clara e precisa, este autor aborda a complexa relação entre a obra de Louis Althusser e as de três importantíssimos intelectuais sul-americanos, aliás pouco conhecidos no Brasil: o argentino José Aricó, o boliviano René Zavaleta Mercado e o equatoriano Agustin Cueva. Longe de expor uma espécie de influência de mão única que partiria do filósofo franco-argelino, Tzeman examina estas relações em processo, atento ao percurso teórico do próprio Althusser, embora não conhecido no todo pelos três sul-americanos. Reciprocamente, estes são apresentados no contexto de relações com um marxismo que, sob o forte impacto de derrotas políticas, se envolveu em capitulações e esforços de avanço teórico, neste segundo caso, com importante participação dos três sulistas mencionados. Seria importante se este tipo de análise fosse adotado mais amplamente, inclusive no que se refere ao Brasil.
Duas resenhas fecham este número. Ricardo Gaspar expõe as linhas principais do livro Brasil, uma economia que não aprende, de Paulo Gala e André Roncaglia, sobre os impasses da economia brasileira. E Tiago Santos Salgado apresenta Contra a miséria neoliberal, de Rubens Casara.
Nesses tempos difíceis, Lutas Sociais não vende ilusões nem estimula derrotismos. Seu papel é apresentar análises bem fundamentadas teórica e empiricamente que contribuam para produção de sociedades em que tod@s caibam e possam desenvolver cada vez mais suas potencialidades em um mundo fraterno e sustentável.
Como de costume, aguardamos suas críticas.
Lúcio Flávio Rodrigues de AlmeidaEditor

This report provides a framework for the development of gender inclusion indicators for the ADF. The draft indicators were developed through an examination of academic and grey literature, and are underpinned by complementary reports written by the research team. While diversity in the workplace is about the presence or absence of people from a variety of backgrounds (especially historically marginalised groups), inclusion refers to individuals' capacity to fully participate and to influence decisions. Much of the literature tends to agree that inclusion has two dimensions: belongingness and uniqueness (Mor Barak, 2015; Jansen et al., 2014). Fostering a sense of belonging is essential, but if this means that employees have to give up their unique characteristics, they are not experiencing true inclusion (Mor Barak, 2015). In the context of the ADF as a workplace, the aggressive socialisation and modification of identity for ADF members on joining represents a threat to inclusion. However, military training and socialisation is also an opportunity, as it provides an intervention point where the ADF can adjust training regimes to explicitly move towards the valuing of difference. The adoption of inclusive behaviours can then be furthered through taking up and promoting inclusive leadership. The authors have drawn on research conducted by the US Army to identify the elements of inclusive leadership, and how these can be measured. Generally, 'gender inclusion' is not a recognised concept in either grey or academic literature (see Appendix A for relevant terminology and definitions). However, researchers (Kossek et al., 2017) have identified elements of gender inclusion, which are: fairness and anti-discrimination for women in work access, process, and outcomes; leveraging women's talents; and workplace support for women. As discussed below (p.8), antecedents are required for a gender inclusive workplace. Researchers and consultants have identified the elements of broader inclusion (not specifically focused on gender). While these bundles of behaviours vary between researchers, common elements include psychological safety, involvement in the work group, feeling respected, having a voice in the organisation, and having access to leaders (Shore et al., 2018; Taylor, 2019). Considerations around inclusion also need to encompass men's resistance to gender equality. A great deal of research has been conducted on how to overcome male resistance (for example, see Dover et al., 2020; Pease, 2008). Empowering men to treat everyone fairly within a culture of inclusion requires long-term interventions, based on education and activities to counter stereotyped associations and to support becoming an ally (Dover et al., 2020). Inclusive leadership training and engaging middle managers can also increase ownership of initiatives to effect behavioural change (Gartner, 2019; Colley, Williamson and Foley, 2020). We provide existing models of diversity and inclusion which could be adapted to the ADF context (see Figure 1, p.9 and Appendices C and D). We also suggest inclusion indicators for the short- and longer-term (see pages 14-16), and suggest new indicators (see pages 16-17. We also consider how current indicators used in the Women in the ADF report can be enhanced (see Appendix B). Measuring gender equality and diversity largely relies on quantitative measures; inclusion, which relates to people's feelings and experiences, is usually assessed through subjective measures (often with a qualitative component). Inclusion can be invisible to people who already experience it, because it is the absence of exclusionary events. Therefore, creating bespoke measures of inclusion needs to be done in partnership with as diverse a group of the workforce as possible (Gaudiano, 2019). Researchers have also recommended that organisations develop not only inclusion indicators, but inclusion competency indicators. These operate at the intrapersonal, interpersonal, group and organisational level. These competencies could be measured as a proxy for inclusion and measured through a survey. Essentially, these competencies are all elements of inclusive leadership, and a range of inclusive leadership surveys already exist. This report complements the recent report produced by the authors benchmarking gender equality in the ADF against other militaries and like organisations. It also complements the forthcoming program logic report, as indicators outlined in this report may also be captured in the program logic. Synergy between gender equality indicators in the program logic report and inclusion indicators requires further consideration, and consultation across the three Services to ensure they are fit for purpose. As noted by the Canadian Armed Forces (2020), inclusion is very sensitive to context and hence any inclusion indicators will need to be carefully developed in partnership with the ADF. Any such undertaking would necessarily be a large-scale project. The US Army has developed a methodology for developing leadership indicators to enable leadership surveys to be conducted (Ratcliff et al., 2018). The methodology used was onerous, rigorous and time consuming, as detailed. Further development of gender inclusion indicators could form Phase 2 of the Defence Gender Research Program.

From the mid-20th century, the editorial line followed by the media group El Mercurio was a defence of economic liberalism as an alternative to the development model based on imports substitution industrialization. When Pinochet's dictatorship applied the 'shock therapy' to restructure the Chilean economy, the diaries of the group praised this policy, termed as an "economic miracle", as one of the regime's greatest successes. However, the neoliberal policiesof the Chicago Boys had a negative impact on various industrial sectors, especially in the region of Valparai?so, which had a long industrial tradition. The inflection point was the bankruptcy of the sugar company CRAV, one of the country's most important firms, which had close links with emerging economic groups and high government officials. Devaluation, the financial crisis and the effects of this crisis on Latin American external debt, progressively undermined the economic situation of the region's entrepreneurs and the newspaper group's wide readership. This work examines the way El Mercurio de Valparai?so managed the contradiction resulting from its adherence to the dictatorship and its economic model and the effects of the region's industrial decline, adapting its editorial line to regional conditions to avoid support to the government's economic policies undermining the regime's social support base. The editorial and informative coverage of the crisis in this an others media, both for and against the government, is examined in detail. ; La línea editorial del grupo El Mercurio estuvo definida desde mitad del siglo XX por una defensa del liberalismo económico como alternativa al modelo de desarrollo basado en la industrialización sustitutiva de importaciones. Cuando la dictadura de Pinochet aplicó su terapia de shock para reestructurar la economía chilena, los diarios del grupo elogiaron los resultados del llamado "milagro económico" como uno de sus principales logros. Sin embargo, las políticas neoliberales de los Chicago Boys tuvieron un efecto negativo en diferentes sectores productivos, especialmente en la región de Valparaíso, que contaba con una larga tradición industrial. El punto de inflexión llegó con la quiebra de la compañía Refinería de Azúcar de Viña del Mar (CRAV), una de las principales empresas del país, estrechamente vinculada con los grupos empresariales emergentes y con altos funcionarios del gobierno. La devaluación, la crisis financiera nacional y los efectos de la crisis de la deuda externa latinoamericana deterioraron progresivamente la situación económica del empresariado regional y de su amplia masa de lectores. Este trabajo aborda cómo El Mercurio de Valparaíso afrontó la contradicción entre su identificación con la dictadura y su modelo económico y los efectos del desmantelamiento del tejido empresarial de la región, adaptando la línea del grupo editorial a las circunstancias regionales para evitar que el cuestionamiento de la política económica debilitara los apoyos sociales del régimen. Para ello se analiza exhaustivamente el tratamiento editorial e informativo de la crisis en el diario, contrastado con el de otros medios oficialistas y de oposición. ; A linha editorial do grupo El Mercurio foi definida desde o ini?cio do se?culo XX pela defesa do liberalismo econo?mico como alternativa ao modelo de desenvolvimento baseado na industrializac?a?o por substituic?a?o de importac?o?es. Quando a ditadura de Pinochet aplicou a terapia de choque para reestruturar a economia chilena, os jornais coletivos elogiaram os resultados do chamado "milagre econo?mico" como uma de suas principais conquistas. No entanto, as poli?ticas neoliberais dos Chicago Boys tiveram um impacto negativo em diferentes setores produtivos, especialmente na regia?o de Valparai?so, que tinha uma longa tradic?a?o industrial. A virada veio com a fale?ncia da fa?brica de ac?u?car CRAV, uma das principais empresas do pai?s, intimamente ligada a grupos empresariais emergentes e altos funciona?rios do governo. A desvalorizac?a?o, a crise financeira nacional e os efeitos da crise da di?vida externa latino-americana deterioraram progressivamente a situac?a?o econo?mica do empresariado regional e de seu amplo pu?blico leitor. O artigo aborda como El Mercurio de Valparai?so enfrentou a contradic?a?o entre sua identificac?a?o com a ditadura e seu modelo econo?mico e os efeitos do desmantelamento do tecido empresarial da regia?o, adaptando a linha do grupo editorial a?s circunsta?ncias regionais para evitar questionar o a poli?tica econo?mica enfraquecera? o apoio social do regime. Para isso, analisa-se exaustivamente o tratamento editorial e informativo da crise no jornal, em contraposic?a?o ao de outros meios de comunicac?a?o pro?-governo e de oposic?a?o.

The purpose of the article – highlight the features of the relationship between the concepts of organization, organization, administration, and justify the need for system-professional administrative influence (coercion, motivation) for the effective functioning of organizations of various legal forms, forms of ownership and activities. Research methods. During the research, the following methods were used: abstract-logical (the analysis of the peculiarities of the relationship between the concepts of organization, organizing, administration, and the interdependence between organizational size, activities and complexity of tasks, competitive market positions); dialectical knowledge of processes and phenomena (substantiated the need to use in practice procedures and tools of direct (indirect) and indirect (indirect) influence, which will meet the criteria and subcriteria of business excellence, in order to ensure the effectiveness of the basic system of administrative management; analysis and synthesis (for the formation of definitions of organization, organizing, administration, administrative procedure, fundamental system of organizational leadership; to establish objects that characterize the main tasks and functions of managerial motivation, composition and content of its main tools, their hierarchy, sequence of development and implementation, as well as measures that require unification of forms of administration, to determine the elements and subsystems of the model of the basic system of administrative management, to generalize and draw conclusions); structural and functional (analysis of the influence of the elements of the basic outline of administrative oversight on the choice and content of individual administration tools and the peculiarities of their practical use); graphic (allowed to clearly reveal the results of research). Research results. The relationship between the concepts of organization, organizing, administration is shown. It is substantiated that for the effective functioning of the organization as an effective system, it is necessary to establish perfect structures and processes of organizing through the use of unified or professionally selected adapted-applied procedures and tools for the administration of direct and mediate influence. It is noted that together they characterize the content of elements and subsystems of the basic system of administrative management, which ensures the effectiveness of use of the general organizational management system. The visualized model of the basic system of administrative management of the organization is demonstrated. Attention is focused on the need to take into account the criteria and sub-criteria of business excellence in the selection and / or formation of administrative resource of prompting to ensure organizational and economic benefits in conditions of global market transformation. Definitions of the concepts of organization, organizing, administration, basic system of administrative management, administrative procedures, business excellence are given. In addition, the composition is presented and the content of the main administration tools is briefly described, as well as the logically substantiated sequence of their development and implementation is visualized. At the same time, conceptually revealed the features of the use of procedures, provisions, organizational structure of management, regimes, bylaws, norms, rules, instructions, orders, prescriptions, guidelines, control mechanism of work in the practical activities of the organization. At the same time, for a full analysis of organizational influence resources, examples of individual documents are given, according to the main directions of the organization's work, the processes of development and signing of which are subject to administrative requirements, as well as examples of procedures for administrative and documentary provision of staff interaction with individual stakeholders. As a result, the main measures are summarized, which, as a rule, require unification of forms of administration. Scientific novelty. For the first time the interrelation between the concepts of organization, organizing, administration is substantiated and the peculiarities of interrelation of organizational sizes, directions of activity and complexity of tasks of organization, basic system of administrative management and general organizational system of management are characterized. Improved scientific approach to defining the concepts of organization, organizing, administration, administration procedure, as well as on establishing a list of reference characteristics of business excellence and assessing their impact on ensuring the competitive advantages of the organization. Gained further development the content of the definition of the concept of basic system of administrative management and the list of elements of its visualized model, as well as the scientific approach to determining the features of the use, in cooperation with stakeholders, documents of administrative support of the organization. Practical significance. The fact that the results of the research are argued, on specific examples, convince the need for objectively-adapted perception of the interdependence of effective organization activity from a professional approach to organizing its operation through the use of administrative procedures and tools that comprehensively reflect the effectiveness of the basic system of administrative management as basis of organizational management system.

Die Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) ist eine weltweite Kooperation von Wahlforschern. Teilnehmende Länder implementieren einen einheitlichen Fragenkomplex in ihre Nachwahlstudien. Die erhoben Daten umfassen das individuelle Wahlverhalten, politische Einstellungen und sozio-demographische Merkmale sowie Angaben zu den Wahlbezirken, den nationalen Wahlergebnissen und dem nationalen politischen System. Die einzelnen Länderstudien werden in einen gemeinsamen Datensatz integriert und stehen der Wissenschaft für vergleichende und länderübergreifende Untersuchungen frei zur Verfügung.

Das CSES-Projekt konzentriert sich auf das Verhalten und die Einstellungen von Befragten während einer nationalen Wahl, wobei der Schwerpunkt auf Abstimmung und Wahlbeteiligung liegt. Jedes CSES-Modul besteht aus einer national-repräsentativen Umfrage nach den Wahlen und zusätzlichen Variablen über den Kontext des Landes und des Wahlsystems, in dem sich die Befragten befinden. Alle fünf Jahre wird ein neues CSES-Modul mit einem anderen inhaltlichen Thema entwickelt, das für die Behandlung wesentlicher Fragen der Wahl- und Sozialwissenschaften ausgewählt wurde.

CSES Modul 5 konzentriert sich auf die Untersuchung der so genannten ´populistischen Einstellungen´ in der Bevölkerung und wie sie das Wahlverhalten beeinflussen. Es konzentriert sich auf die Messung von drei Kernthemen: Einstellungen gegenüber politischen Eliten, Einstellungen gegenüber repräsentativer Demokratie und Mehrheitsregierung sowie Einstellungen gegenüber Außengruppen.

Weitere Informationen zum Thema des Moduls 5 finden Sie in der theoretischen Erklärung zum CSES-Modul 5, die auf der CSES-Website verfügbar ist.

Themen:

DATEN AUF MIKROEBENE:

Identifizierungs- und Studienadministrationsvariablen:
Gewichtungsfaktoren; Art der Wahl; Datum der Wahl der ersten und zweiten Runde; Zeitpunkt der Studie (Nachwahlstudie, Vor- und Nachwahlstudie, zwischen den Runden der Mehrheitswahl); Studienkontext (CSES als Teil einer größeren Studie oder als eigenständige Studie durchgeführt); Art des Interviews; Selbstauswahl Interviewmodus; Dauer des Interviews; Interviewer-ID; Geschlecht des Interviewers; Anzahl der Tage nach der Wahl für den Beginn der Datenerhebung; Dauer der Feldarbeit; Datum des Fragebogens; Anzahl der Tage, an denen das Interview nach der ersten und zweiten Wahlrunde durchgeführt wurde; Sprache der Fragebogenadministration; Fragebogenversion.


Demographie:
Geburtsjahr und -monat; Geschlecht; Bildung; Familienstand; Gewerkschaftszugehörigkeit; aktueller Erwerbsstatus; Hauptberuf; sozioökonomischer Status; Beschäftigungsart - öffentlich oder privat; Haushaltseinkommen; Anzahl der Personen im Haushalt; Kirchgangshäufigkeit; Konfession; Sprache, die üblicherweise zu Hause gesprochen wird; Wohnregion; Rasse; ethnische Zugehörigkeit; ländlicher oder städtischer Wohnsitz; Hauptwahlkreis; Geburtsland; Migrationshintergrund.

Umfragevariablen:
politisches Interesse; Interesse an der Politik in den Medien; innere Wirksamkeit; Einstellung zu politischen Eliten; Einstellung zu Außengruppen (Minderheiten sollten sich den Bräuchen und Traditionen des Landes anpassen, der Wille der Mehrheit sollte immer vorherrschen, Einwanderer sind im Allgemeinen gut für die Wirtschaft des Landes, die Kultur des Landes wird generell von Einwanderern geschädigt, Einwanderer erhöhen die Kriminalitätsrate); Kriterien für nationale Identität (z.B. im Land geboren, Abstammung, Landessprachen sprechen können, Bräuche und Traditionen des Landes befolgen); Verbreitung von Korruption; Regierungsmaßnahmen: Forderung nach Regierungsmaßnahmen zum Abbau von Einkommensunterschieden; Einstellung gegenüber Umverteilung; Bewertung der Leistung der Regierung im Allgemeinen; Parteien, die die Ansichten des Befragten vertreten; Partei, die die Ansichten des Befragten am besten vertritt; Zustand der Wirtschaft; Befragte hat bei der aktuellen und der vorherigen Wahl eine Stimme abgegeben; Wahl (Präsidentschafts-, Unterhaus- und Oberhauswahlen) bei der aktuellen und der vorherigen Wahl; Befragte hat bei der aktuellen Wahl eine Vorzugsentscheidung abgegeben; Stimmenwahl für die scheidende Regierung bei der aktuellen Hauptwahl; Unterschied, wer an der Macht ist und für wen die Menschen stimmen; Sympathie-Skala für ausgewählte Parteien und politische Führer; Bewertung von Parteien auf einer Links-Rechts-Skala und einer optionalen alternativen Skala; Selbsteinschätzung auf der Links-Rechts-Skala und einer optionalen alternativen Skala; Demokratiezufriedenheit; Nähe zu einer politischen Partei; Parteiidentifikation; Partei, der sich der Befragte am nächsten fühlt; Intensität der Parteiidentifikation.

DATEN AUF BEZIRKSEBENE:

Anzahl der im Wahlkreis/ bundesweiten Wahlkreis umkämpften Sitze; Anzahl der Kandidaten (Bezirk/ bundesweiter Wahlkreis); Anzahl der Parteienlisten (Bezirk/ bundesweiter Wahlkreis); Prozentsatz der Stimmen verschiedener Parteien (Wahlkreis/ bundesweiter Wahlkreis); offizielle Wahlbeteiligung im Wahlkreis/ bundesweiter Wahlkreis.

DATEN AUF MAKROEBENE:

Wähleranteil oder Bevölkerung im Wahlkreis / bundesweiten Wahlkreis; Wahlergebnisse der Parteien bei der aktuellen Parlamentswahl (Unterhaus/Oberhaus); Prozentsatz der Sitze im Unterhaus bei den Parteien bei der aktuellen Unterhauswahl/Oberhauswahl; Prozentsatz der Sitze im Oberhaus bei den Parteien bei der aktuellen Unterhauswahl/Oberhauswahl; Prozentsatz der Stimmen bei den Präsidentschaftskandidaten der Parteien bei den laufenden Wahlen; Wahlbeteiligung (in Prozent der registrierten Wähler/des Wahlalters der Bevölkerung); Wahlmanagement: Wahlverwaltungsmodell (unabhängiges Organ, Regierung, gemischt); obligatorische Wählerregistrierung; Art der Stimmabgabe; Partei des Präsidenten und des Premierministers vor und nach der Wahl; Anzahl der von jeder Partei im Kabinett gehaltenen Portfolios, vor und nach der letzten Wahl; Größe des Kabinetts nach der letzten Wahl; ideologische Parteifamilien; von Experten zugewiesene Links-rechts-Position der Parteien und alternative Dimensionen; Populismus nach Parteien; Populismus-Skala der Parteien; die wichtigsten Faktoren bei der Wahl; Fairness der Wahl; formelle Beschwerden über Ergebnisse auf nationaler Ebene; gemeldete Wahlunregelmäßigkeiten; geplantes und durchgeführtes Wahldatum; Unregelmäßigkeiten des Wahltermins; Ausmaß der Gewalt bei der Wahl und nach den Wahlen; geografische Konzentration der Gewalt; Protest nach den Wahlen; während des Wahlkampfes zulässige Wahlbündnisse; Wahlbündnisse in der Praxis; Bildung von Wahlbündnissen; Anforderungen an gemeinsame Parteienlisten; Möglichkeit der Anerkennung und Art der Anerkennungsvereinbarung; mehrheitliche Befürwortung der Abstimmung; abgegebene Stimmen; Abstimmungsverfahren; Abstimmungsrunden; Parteienlisten geschlossen, offen oder flexibel; übertragbare Stimmen; kumulierte Stimmen, wenn mehr als eine Stimme abgegeben werden kann; Pflichtabstimmung; Parteienschwelle; Einheit für die Schwelle; Freedom House Rating; Alter des derzeitigen Systems; Regime: Art der Exekutive; Anzahl der Monate seit der letzten Unterhauswahl und den letzten Präsidentschaftswahlen; Wahlformel für Präsidentschaftswahlen; Wahlformel in allen Wahlstufen (mehrheitlich, proportional oder gemischt); für Unter- und Oberhäuser wurde kodiert: Anzahl der Wahlsegmente; vernetzte Wahlsegmente; abhängige Formeln in gemischten Systemen; Subtypen der gemischten Wahlsysteme; Bezirksgröße (Anzahl der aus jedem Bezirk gewählten Mitglieder); Anzahl der sekundären und tertiären Wahlkreise; Anzahl der Sitze über dem ersten Segment (Unterhaus); fusionierte Abstimmung; Größe des Unterhauses; verfassungsmäßige föderale Struktur; Anzahl der Parlamentskammern; Anteil der Frauen im Parlament; Parteienfinanzierung: direkte oder indirekte öffentliche Finanzierung; Anzahl der an den Wahlen teilnehmenden Parteien; effektive Anzahl der Wahlparteien und Parlamentsfraktionen; direkte Demokratie (Referendum obligatorisch, optional, durch Bürgerinitiative, Referendumsergebnis verbindlich oder konsultiv); Freiheitsgrad des Freedom House im Land zu drei Zeitpunkten (Wahljahr, ein Jahr vor der Wahl und zwei Jahre vor der Wahl); Bewertung der Demokratie-Autokratie-Politik IV; Gini-Koeffizient des verfügbaren Einkommens im Jahr der Wahl; BIP-Wachstum (in Prozent pro Jahr - Weltbank); BIP pro Kopf; Inflation, BIP-Deflator (in Prozent pro Jahr); Verschuldung der Zentralregierung, insgesamt (in Prozent BIP); Human development index; Gesamtbevölkerung; Arbeitslosenquote (in Prozent der gesamten Erwerbsbevölkerung); Arbeitslosenquote für Personen im Alter von 15-24 Jahren (in Prozent der gesamten Erwerbsbevölkerung); Land unterliegt bei Wahlen der Konditionalität des Internationalen Währungsfonds; Transparency International Index für die Wahrnehmung der Korruption; Index für die Kontrolle der Korruption; Beurteilung des öffentlichen Sektors durch Experten: Unternehmen, die den Beamten die vorteilhaftesten Bestechungsgelder bieten; Angestellte des öffentlichen Dienstes und wie sie die Gesellschaft behandeln; Häufigkeit, mit der Angestellte des öffentlichen Dienstes Fälle unparteiisch behandeln und nach Einhaltung der Regeln streben; Nettomigrationsrate (2000-2005, 2005-2010, 2010-2015, 2015-2020); Bevölkerung nach Staatsangehörigkeit: Prozentsatz der Bevölkerung, die Bürger, Ausländer oder unbekannter Staatsangehörigkeitsstatus sind; sprachlicher Fraktionierungsindex; religiöser Fraktionierungsindex, ethnischer Fraktionierungsindex; Fragmentierungsindex des Gemeinwesens; Prozentsatz der Personen, die das Internet nutzen; Mobilfunkabonnements pro 100 Einwohner; feste Telefonleitungen pro 100 Einwohner; Parteiidentifikationscodes aus dem Manifesto Research on Political Representation Project (MARPOR/CMP); Parteiidentifikationscodes aus dem Parliament and Government Database (ParlGov) project.

Arbitration — Jurisdiction — Dispute concerning coastal State rights in
Black Sea, Sea of Azov and Kerch Strait — Ukraine instituting proceedings
against Russian Federation under Annex VII of United Nations Convention on
the Law of the Sea, 1982 — Ukraine alleging unauthorized activities of
Russian Federation violating its rights under Convention — Whether Tribunal
having jurisdiction — Basis of Tribunal's jurisdiction — Whether Tribunal
having jurisdiction to rule on sovereignty over Crimea — Legal status of
Crimea — Objection that Tribunal having no jurisdiction over Ukraine's
claims concerning activities in Sea of Azov and Kerch Strait — Whether
objection possessing exclusively preliminary character — Objection that
Tribunal having no jurisdiction in light of Parties' declarations under
Article 298(1) of Convention — Objection that Tribunal having no
jurisdiction over fisheries claims in light of Article 297(3)(a) of
Convention — Objection that Tribunal having no jurisdiction over fisheries,
protection and preservation of the marine environment, and navigation in
light of Annex VIII to Convention — Objection that Tribunal having no
jurisdiction pursuant to Article 281 of Convention — Whether Tribunal having
jurisdiction in light of Parties' declarations under Article 298(1) of
Convention — Exceptions — Military activities — Law enforcement —
Delimitation — Historic bays or titles
Treaties — United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982 —
Interpretation — Application — Article 288(1) — Tribunal constituted under
Annex VII of Convention — Scope of jurisdiction of Tribunal — Dispute
between Parties — Whether dispute concerning interpretation or application
of Convention falling within jurisdiction of court or tribunal under Article
288(1) — Whether Tribunal having jurisdiction over Ukraine's sovereignty
claim
Territory — Sovereignty — Crimea — Legal status — Russian Federation
recognizing Ukraine's sovereignty over Crimea before March 2014 — Events in
2014 — Russian Federation claiming sovereignty over Crimea after March 2014
— Opposing views of Parties on sovereignty over Crimea — Question as to
whether Russian Federation or Ukraine having sovereignty over Crimea —
Whether prerequisite for decision of Tribunal on Ukraine's claims under
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982 — Whether Russian
Federation or Ukraine coastal State for purposes 2of Convention — Whether
sovereignty dispute over Crimea existing vel non
— Whether ancillary to maritime dispute brought by Ukraine — Russian
Federation's claim that legal status of Crimea altered — Whether Russian
Federation's claim of sovereignty admissible — Principle of non-recognition
— Article 41 of International Law Commission's Articles on State
Responsibility — United Nations General Assembly resolutions — Principles of
good faith and estoppel — Whether Tribunal having jurisdiction over
Ukraine's sovereignty claim
International organizations — United Nations — General Assembly —
Resolutions — Legal effect and meaning — Interpretation — Relevance —
Customary international law — Factual and legal determinations made in
resolutions — Effect and weight — Content, conditions and context of
adoption of resolutions — Whether Tribunal having power to interpret texts
of international organizations — Whether recognizing objective fact of
existence of dispute over Crimea contravening resolutions — Whether Tribunal
having jurisdiction over claims of sovereignty over Crimea
Sea — Maritime zones — Entitlements — Exclusive economic zone —
Entitlements to maritime zones generated by Crimean coast — Overlapping
entitlements — Whether determination possible — Jurisdiction of Tribunal to
make determination in respect of dispute or on coastal State — Question of
sovereignty over Crimea — Jurisdiction of Tribunal
Treaties — Application — United Nations Convention on the Law of the
Sea, 1982 — Coastal State rights — Crimean peninsula — Ukraine instituting
proceedings under Annex VII to Convention — Scope of Convention — Dispute
concerning coastal State rights in Black Sea, Sea of Azov and Kerch Strait —
Claims under Convention — Ukraine claiming that Russian Federation violating
its rights under Convention — Determination of coastal State necessary for
purposes of Convention — Question as to whether Ukraine or Russian
Federation having sovereignty over Crimea — Whether determination
prerequisite for determining significant part of Ukraine's claims — Whether
Tribunal having jurisdiction over Ukraine's sovereignty claim — Jurisdiction
of Tribunal
Treaties — United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982 — Scope
— Sea of Azov and Kerch Strait — Status — Parties 3agreeing internal waters of
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics prior to dissolution — Disagreement as
to status thereafter — Legal regime — Historic title — Whether questions for
merits phase — Whether outside scope of Convention if underlying events
occurring in internal waters — Whether issue regulated by Convention —
Whether pertaining to interpretation and application of Convention — Whether
Tribunal having jurisdiction over Ukraine's claims concerning activities in
the Sea of Azov and in the Kerch Strait — Whether objection of Russian
Federation possessing exclusively preliminary character
Treaties — Interpretation — State Border Treaty, Article 5 — Azov/Kerch
Cooperation Treaty, Article 1 — Textual interpretation — Context —
Negotiating history — Whether Article 4 of Azov/Kerch Cooperation Treaty
excluding jurisdiction of Tribunal — Whether Articles 1 and 5 dispute
settlement clauses within meaning of Article 281 of United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982 — Whether Tribunal having
jurisdiction over dispute

Introduction: A new regulatory framework (the Quality Improvement Regulation) to support local, management-based quality and safety efforts in hospitals was introduced to the Norwegian healthcare system in 2017. This thesis explores healthcare regulation and resilience through the Quality Improvement Regulation, by investigating its possible links to adaptive capacity in hospital management of quality and safety enhancing activities. The literature lacks studies exploring how regulation and resilience intertwine, two concepts often considered as counterparts. Hence, there is a gap in knowledge about regulatory and supervisory impact on quality and safety, and attention to hospital managers' competences and responsibilities as key elements to resilience in healthcare. This thesis therefore casts a new light on how regulators and inspectors may design, inspect, and enforce a regulation regime, and thereby contribute to adaptive capacity, anticipatory capacity, and learning as key elements in different hospital contexts. Overall outputs from this thesis are important to the development and implementation of future regulatory amendments. Aim: The overall aim of this thesis was to explore the rationale, expectations, implementation, and management of the Quality Improvement Regulation. The overall and leading research question was: How does a new healthcare regulation implemented across three system levels contribute to adaptive capacity in hospital management of quality and safety? Methods: The study was designed as a multilevel, single embedded case study. Data was collected by approximately 500 pages of documentary evidence, 29 individual interviews and 3 focus group interviews (10 participants): in total 39 participants. Data was analyzed by legal dogmatic and qualitative content analysis. Three levels of stakeholders were included from the Norwegian healthcare system: macro-level (three governmental regulatory bodies), mesolevel (three County Governors), micro-level (three hospitals retrieved from two regional health authorities). Macro-level participants were seven strategic participants positioned at the Norwegian Ministry of Health and Care Services, the Norwegian Directorate of Health, and the Norwegian Board of Health Supervision. Meso-level participants were two chief county medical officers, three assistant chief county medical officers, and seven inspectors, recruited from three County Governors. Micro-level participants were 20 hospital managers or quality advisors selected from different levels at three hospitals. Findings: Paper I (macro-level) explored the governmental rationale for developing the Quality Improvement Regulation, expectations towards hospital management and its expected influence on resilience. Data retrieved from documentary evidence and individual interviews indicated that the rationale for the Quality Improvement Regulation's design was to make it flexible to various hospital contexts. In turn, the macro-level expected hospital managers to anticipate local risks. However, the study found that the Government expected the generic regulatory design to come across as challenging for hospital managers and clinicians. Paper II (meso-level) investigated into changes in the supervisory approach and inspectors' work to promote or hamper adaptive capacity and learning in hospitals. Evidence emerged from documents and focus group interviews and indicated that despite supervision being adapted to specific hospital contexts and the inspectors' trade-offs, there was a general concern about the lack of impact of supervision on hospital performance. Paper III (micro-level) explored hospital managers' perspectives on implementation efforts and the following work practices, to understand if, and how, the new Quality Improvement Regulation influenced quality and safety improvement activities. Across interview data, participants experienced the Quality Improvement Regulation as more suitable to variation and different contexts compared to the previous regulatory framework. However, findings revealed no change in practice related to quality and safety activities, solely due to the new regulatory framework, despite recent structural and cultural changes to quality improvement systems in hospitals. Data reported that lack of time, competence and/or motivation affected hospital implementation. Conclusions: This thesis represents a rare glimpse into regulatory implementation efforts across three system levels, set out in a resilience in healthcare perspective. This thesis revealed that regulators considered the perspective of variation, complexity, and uncertainty in hospital settings to be important when designing the Quality Improvement Regulation. The latter resonates with resilience in healthcare concepts and contradicts previous research. The Quality Improvement Regulation contributed to context adaptation, by supporting nondetailed risk based organizing and management of quality and safety. However, hospital managers' autonomy and adaptive capacity to tailor quality improvement efforts were imperative for the regulatory requirements to have any relevant impact on hospital practice. Limited involvement of clinicians in the regulatory development process could hamper quality improvement efforts. Inspectors could nurture learning by improving their follow up, use expert inspectors, and add more hospital selfassessment activities. This thesis highlights the importance of ensuring that any macro-level quality improvement initiatives and regulatory requirements are accompanied by appropriate resourcing, support, and advanced preparation to ensure the best possible chance of getting implemented effectively.

The emergence of any ethno-political conflict is caused by the existence of one or another form of ethnic inequality. Therefore, the settlement of ethnic conflicts requires finding a new, compromise and acceptable for all parties to the conflict balance of mutual satisfaction of their interests. In recent decades, the problem of ethnic conflicts has been one of the most relevant topics for researchers representing various fields of science. The main reason for such a close attention to this issue is the importance of resolving such conflicts, which have also become one of the most common sources of social controversy and political instability. Today, there is a growing emotional tension on the world stage that accompanies conflict interactions and can have both mobilizing and disorganizing effects on the behaviour of conflict participants. In ethnic conflict, as it is developing, the feeling of antipathy or hostility increases. There are always reasons and cases for this.Recent events have shown that ethnic conflicts in different parts of the world go beyond domestic and even regional ones. This is especially important due to the fact that regions of ethnic instability are increasingly associated, both in periodicals and in the scientific literature, with potential subjects of international terrorism. Political and economic spatial structuring consists in the expansion of European integration, the complication of relations between political actors, the change of spheres of geopolitical influence, the transformation of the regime and the democratization of a number of countries. This process is not yet complete, walking and approaching its logical end. Conflict prevention is possible only with a comprehensive approach to solving the problem and combining national policies aimed at harmonizing relations between different ethnic groups, as well as law enforcement agencies and the media. ; Возникновение любого этнополитического конфликта связано с существованием той или иной формы этнического неравенства. Следовательно, урегулирование межнациональных конфликтов требует поиска нового, компромиссного и приемлемого для всех сторон конфликта баланса взаимного удовлетворения их интересов. Проблема межнациональных конфликтов в последние десятилетия – одна из самых актуальных тем для исследователей, представляющих различные области науки. Основная причина такого пристального внимания к этому вопросу – важность разрешения подобных конфликтов, которые также стали одним из самых распространенных источников социальных противоречий и политической нестабильности. Сегодня на мировой арене растет эмоциональное напряжение, которое сопровождает конфликтные взаимодействия и может оказывать как мобилизующее, так и дезорганизующее воздействие на поведение участников конфликта. В этническом конфликте по мере его развития нарастает чувство антипатии или враждебности. Для этого всегда есть причины и случаи.Последние события показали, что этнические конфликты в разных частях света выходят за рамки бытовых и даже региональных. Это особенно важно в связи с тем, что регионы этнической нестабильности все чаще ассоциируются как в периодических изданиях, так и в научной литературе с потенциальными субъектами международного терроризма. Политическое и экономическое пространственное структурирование заключается в расширении европейской интеграции, усложнении отношений между политическими акторами, изменении сфер геополитического влияния, трансформации режима и демократизации ряда стран. Этот процесс еще не завершен, идет и приближается к своему логическому завершению. Предотвращение конфликтов возможно только при комплексном подходе к решению проблемы и сочетании национальной политики, направленной на гармонизацию отношений между разными этническими группами, а также правоохранительными органами и СМИ. ; Виникнення будь-якого етнополітичного конфлікту обумовлено існуванням тієї чи іншої форми нерівності етносів. Тому врегулювання етнічних конфліктів вимагає знаходження нового, компромісного й прийнятного для всіх конфліктних сторін балансу взаємного задоволення їх інтересів. Проблема етнічних конфліктів протягом останніх десятиліть є однією з найбільш актуальних тем для дослідників, що представляють різні сфери науки. Головна причина такої пильної уваги до цього питання полягає у важливості розв'язання подібного роду конфліктів, які до того ж стали одним з найбільш поширених джерел суспільних протиріч і політичної нестабільності. Нині на світовій арені присутня наростаюча емоційна напруженість, що супроводжує конфліктні взаємодії, й може спричинити як мобілізуючий, так й дезорганізуючий вплив на поведінку учасників конфлікту. У етнічному конфлікті, в міру його розвитку, зростає почуття антипатії або ворожості. Приводи й випадки для цього завжди знаходяться.Події останніх років продемонстрували, що етнічні конфлікти в різних частинах світу виходять за рамки внутрішньодержавних й навіть регіональних. Це має особливе значення у зв'язку з тим, що регіони етнічної нестабільності асоціюються все частіше, й в періодичній, й в науковій літературі, – з потенційними суб'єктами міжнародного тероризму. Політико-економічна просторова структуризація полягає в розширенні європейської інтеграції, ускладненні взаємин між політичними акторами, зміні сфер геополітичного впливу, трансформації режимності й демократизації ряду країн. Цей процес досі не завершений повністю, ходячи й підходить до свого логічного фіналу. Запобігання конфліктам можливо тільки при комплексному підході до вирішення проблеми й об'єднанню національною політикою, спрямованою на гармонізацію відносин між різними етносами, а також правоохоронних органів, ЗМІ.

Problem setting. In democracies, the inherent right of citizens is the right to be informed about the policy pursued by the state, including not only the publicity and openness of government, but also the right to communicate public opinion on socially important issues to the government. The need for theoretical generalization and systematization of ideas about the content, structure, functions, internal logic of procedures and mechanisms of formation and implementation of regulatory principles of legal consciousness is becoming increasingly obvious. In other words, in terms of modern comprehensive research in the field of philosophy of law and a number of other branches of theoretical jurisprudence, the issue of not just harmonization and unification of such ideas, but the scientific development of a holistic theory of genesis and functioning of legal consciousness gains relevance. Despite the rather wide range of conceptual positions on the possibilities and areas of constructing such a theory, there is an approach based on studies of the primary, ontological, mentally structured foundations of legal consciousness. Resent research and publications analisys. Researcher of the system approach to processes in nature and society Yu. Bilodid characterizes the system as a set of qualitatively defined elements, having a natural connection or interaction between them. He is convinced that any self-organizing system for a certain purpose tums on reactivity (stabilization) and adaptation (dynamics), as well as a feedback channel, including a damper channel of negative feedback. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. In Ukraine, the state of legal consciousness in public administration has been studied by Viacheslav Omelzov, who emphasized the monitoring of the state of public consciousness as a tool for information support of public administration. Paper main body. Legal consciousness and legal culture do not arise spontaneously and are not birth inherent, but it rather results from the process of socialization of the individual. Legal socialization of a minor involves the inclusion in his/her value normative system those values that are protected by law, the mastery of lawful behavior, the formation of a sense of social responsibility and solidarity with the law. Thus, the legal socialization of adolescents is associated with the acquisition of social values, the creation of a special system of legal ideas and skills of law enforcement behavior, the formation of legal consciousness. Also, legal socialization is inextricably linked with the moral formation of personality. Having law as a tool, the state seeks to establish progressive moral norms, fights against injustice, evil and vices in the minds of citizens, the entire population. In turn, morality affects the legal life of society, the development of law, thus contributing to the strengthening of public order. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Feedback as a kind of regulator of power performs the functions of control, advice, and prescription. The very fulfillment of the wishes of the public is a guarantee that the authoritarian influence on the public consciousness will not be a manipulation, but the actualization of abilities and capabilities of each citizen, the awakening of the humanistic potential of the public consciousness. So, morality and law are interrelated forms of regulation of human behavior in a given society. The law is part of social norms, i.e. the norms regulating relations between people and their organizations (public formations and associations). All social norms, depending on their role and place in the system of social regulation, are split into legal (or judicial), moral, religious, corporate, political norms, aesthetics, customs and traditions. Thus, the interaction of the elements of the mechanism of criminal law regulation at its various levels is a complex and contradictory matter. Indeed, the criminal law regulation takes place in different regimes, which are determined by the balance formed at one stage or another between certain parts of its mechanism. Further research prospects may include the selection of relevant tools to study the state of public consciousness to identify ways to raise it, the organization of such monitoring centers to study changes in legal consciousness, their causes and consequences. ; Розглянуто способи збільшення ефективності державного управління через удосконалення зворотного зв'язку суспільства і влади. Описано дію цього механізму для індикації настроїв суспільства та накопичення соціального капіталу. Запропоновано шляхи підвищення ефективності державного управління через гуманізацію суспільної свідомості, зокрема правової свідомості і поваги громадян до чинного законодавства. Зазначено, що високий рівень правової свідомості сприяє демократизації суспільства та кращому контролю за дотриманням прав і свобод кожного з боку влади. Узагальнено та визначено шляхи вирішення завдань гуманізації суспільної свідомості через діяльність органів влади та державного управління. Аргументовано, що стиль управління має важливий вплив на гуманізацію суспільної свідомості через сприяння або перешкоди її зрілості та самореалізації підлеглих. Визначено систему інституцій, які могли б взяти на себе відповідальність за вирішення проблеми гуманізації суспільної свідомості.

In the article, the author considers the question of the criterion of creativity (originality) as a condition of protectability of subject matter of copyright. It is indicated that the current civil legislation does not provide an understanding of the creative activity (originality) of the work. At the same time, the case law is based on the principle that the creative component in subject matter of copyright is presumed. Nevertheless, the question of the creative nature of the work may arise in the event of a dispute. In addition, an understanding of the criterion of creativity is necessary during the examination process. The criterion of creativity (originality) of the work is analyzed from the point of view of the subjective approach – through the prism of expression of the author's individuality, the reflection of his personality, and objective approach, which is based on the presence of objective novelty. The author concludes that today the majority in both scientific circles and actually in the judicial practice of disclosing the criterion of creativity is carried out through the subjective approach. The signs are given in the presence of which we can assume that the work has a creative (original) nature. It is noted that in order to recognize a work as original, there is no need for the form of expression to be absolutely original, and to have any features of previously created works (for example, citations, etc.), but only a certain level of creative individuality of the author in the work is enough. The question of determining the level of originality of the form of expression of the work is analyzed, namely, what should be the minimum component of originality in order to recognize the existence of a creative nature and extend to the work the regime of copyright protection. It is indicated that in each case, for different types of works, the assessment of the originality of the work is different and is determined for each work separately, taking into account its features. The study of the criterion of creativity (originality) is carried out based on a thorough and comprehensive analysis of legislation, case law, and scientific opinion that has formed on this issue. Based on the analysis of the criterion of creativity (originality) as a condition of protectability of subject matter of copyright, conclusions are made. ; В статье рассматривается вопрос критерия творчества (оригинальности) как условия охраноспособности объекта авторского права. Указывается, что определения творческой деятельности (оригинальности) произведения действующее гражданское законодательство не дает. В то же время судебная практика исходит из принципа, что творческая составляющая в объекте авторского права презюмируется. Несмотря на это, вопрос творческого характера произведения может возникать при наличии спора. Кроме того, понимание критерия творчества является необходимым при проведении экспертизы. Анализируется критерий творчества (оригинальности) произведения с точки зрения субъективного подхода – через призму выражения индивидуальности автора, отражения его личности, и объективного подхода – основанного на наличии объективной новизны. Автор приходит к выводу, что сегодня и большинство ученых, и фактически судебная практика раскрытие критерия творчества осуществляют через субъективный подход. Указываются признаки, при наличии которых можно считать, что произведение имеет творческий (оригинальный) характер. Отмечается, что для признания произведения оригинальным нет необходимости в том, чтобы форма выражения была абсолютно оригинальной, и не было никаких признаков ранее созданных произведений (например, наличие цитирований и т.п.), достаточно только определенного уровня творческой индивидуальности автора в произведении. Анализируется определение уровня оригинальности формы выражения произведения, а именно, какая должна быть минимальная составляющая оригинальности, чтобы признать наличие творческого характера и распространить на произведение режим авторско-правовой охраны. В каждом отдельном случае, по различным видам произведений, оценка оригинальности различна и определяется по каждому произведения отдельно, учитывая его особенности. ; У статті розглядається питання критерію творчості (оригінальності) як умови охороноздатності об'єкта авторського права. Вказується, що сутність творчої діяльності (оригінальності) твору чинне цивільне законодавство не визначає. Водночас судова практика виходить з принципу, що творча складова в об'єкті авторського права презюмується. Незважаючи на це, питання творчого характеру твору цілком може поставати у разі наявності спору; розуміння критерію творчості є необхідним при проведенні експертизи. Аналізується критерій творчості (оригінальності) твору з точки зору суб'єктивного підходу – крізь призму вираження індивідуальності автора, відображення його особистості, і також об'єктивного підходу, який ґрунтується на наявності об'єктивної новизни. Автор доходить висновку, що на сьогодні і більшість науковців, і фактично судова практика здійснюють розкриття критерію творчості через суб'єктивний підхід. Зазначається, що для визнання твору оригінальним немає необхідності, щоб форма вираження була абсолютно оригінальною і не мала жодних ознак раніше створених творів (наприклад, наявність цитувань тощо), достатньо лише певного рівня творчої індивідуальності автора у творі. Досліджується питання визначення рівня оригінальності форми вираження твору, зокрема, яка повинна бути мінімальна складова оригінальності, щоб визнати наявність творчого характеру і поширити на твір режим авторсько-правової охорони. Вказується, що в кожному окремому випадку, щодо різних видів творів оцінка оригінальності є різною і визначається щодо кожного твору окремо з огляду на особливості останнього.

This research explores landowner preferences for various land use options suitable for Māori land in Te Tairāwhiti, on the East Coast of the North Island of Aotearoa-New Zealand (henceforth Aotearoa). A particular emphasis is placed on the applicability and feasibility of native forest carbon farming within the New Zealand Emissions Trading Scheme (NZ ETS) and opportunities, barriers and risks associated with this land use. Alongside this focus, is a wider investigation into the socio-cultural, environmental and economic co-benefits Māori landowners associate with traditional and emerging land uses in Te Tairāwhiti. This study uses a transformative research approach that is rooted in the spirit of kaupapa Māori research. Some 90 percent of Māori land in Te Tairāwhiti has severe limitations which restrict land use options to plantation forestry or pastoral farming for most landowners. A response to these limitations, and a land development option favoured by government agencies, and the academy, is for 'unproductive' Māori land to be retired into permanent native forest carbon sinks – a solution frequently proffered as a positive means to address national climate change commitments and local environmental and socioeconomic issues. Whilst these objectives, and the land use preferences of Māori seemingly converge, the wider history of land loss and alienation influences perceptions of fairness and equity for Māori landowners who may feel pressured by the lack of attractive land use options to establish permanent carbon sinks, which can effectively constrain land use options for future generations. Through case study analysis of a Māori sheep and beef farming incorporation participating in the NZ ETS, this study suggests an economic case for carbon farming in Te Tairāwhiti. However, institutional and socio-cultural barriers hinder the participation of Māori landowners in the NZ ETS. The second focus of this thesis has been an investigation into how native forest carbon farming is viewed when compared to other novel and existing land uses suitable for Māori land in the Waiapu catchment (a highly erodible catchment in Te Tairāwhiti). Interviews with key informants were employed to curate a set of land use options for Māori landowners to appraise, using multi-criteria analysis, at two wānanga. Four land use models were created for appraisal by 16 Māori landowner participants. The strength of association between a co-benefit and a land use was collectively deliberated upon in each of these models, and ratings were assigned to reflect this association. These ratings have aided in assessing the wider value of land uses for Māori in the region. The results from this research indicate an overwhelming preference for native forests when compared to other suitable land uses. Native forests are most closely associated with environmental co-benefits (erosion control, water quality, biodiversity and withstanding and limiting climate change) and social and cultural co-benefits (skills development, employment, reconnecting with the land, and self-determination/autonomy). The strong performance of native forestry stands in stark contrast with other land uses under consideration such as exotic forestry (Pinus radiata within the study scenario) and sheep and beef farming which occupy the majority of 'productive' land in Te Tairāwhiti. Exotic forestry and sheep and beef farming are associated with few benefits beyond employment and skills development. There is also a clear perception in the quantitative and qualitative data that these uses disconnect Māori landowners from their land and reduce the ability of communities to be self-reliant. Interestingly, other novel land uses under consideration such as perennial horticulture (including blueberries, macadamia nuts and apples), medicinal cannabis and hemp, and hunting and tourism were also valued more than exotic forestry and sheep and beef farming. These results indicate that existing land uses, sometimes implemented without express input from local communities, are now the least preferred land uses. In addition, novel and untested land uses such as medicinal cannabis and hemp, which do not exist at any scale in the region, are preferred over existing uses - even when there is scant evidence of success at any scale. These results push back at the prevailing Pākehā dominated orthodoxy, which has existed from the early days of colonisation and holds that monoculture land uses, for profit above all else, are best suited to the land and the people. It is clear, from this study, that Māori landowners wish to move back to a vibrant multi-faceted land use regime – exemplified by diversity over homogeneity – that characterised the pre-colonisation Māori economy. This research accordingly introduces and explores a value articulating process that increases understanding of the aspirations and values of Māori landowners, and can assist Māori in progressing their land use futures.

The Facility for Antiproton and Ion Research (FAIR) in Darmstadt, Germany, provides unique possibilities for a new generation of hadron-, nuclear- and atomic physics experiments. The future antiProton ANnihilations at DArmstadt (PANDA or PANDA) experiment at FAIR will offer a broad physics programme, covering different aspects of the strong interaction. Understanding the latter in the non-perturbative regime remains one of the greatest challenges in contemporary physics. The antiproton-nucleon interaction studied with PANDA provides crucial tests in this area. Furthermore, the high-intensity, low-energy domain of PANDA allows for searches for physics beyond the Standard Model, e.g. through high precision symmetry tests. This paper takes into account a staged approach for the detector setup and for the delivered luminosity from the accelerator. The available detector setup at the time of the delivery of the first antiproton beams in the HESR storage ring is referred to as the Phase One setup. The physics programme that is achievable during Phase One is outlined in this paper. ; Theory Advisory Group (ThAG) of PANDA; Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC)Department of Atomic Energy (DAE); Indian Institute of Technology Bombay, India; Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung (BMBF), GermanyFederal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF); Carl-Zeiss-Stiftung, Mainz, Germany [21-0563-2.8/122/1, 21-05632.8/131/1]; CNRS/IN2P3Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS); Universite Paris-Sud, France; Czech Ministry (MEYS) [LM2015049, CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16, 013/0001677]; Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG), GermanyGerman Research Foundation (DFG); Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD), GermanyDeutscher Akademischer Austausch Dienst (DAAD); European UnionEuropean Commission [824093]; Forschungszentrum Julich, Germany; Gesellschaft fur Schwerionenforschung GmbH (GSI), Darmstadt, GermanyHelmholtz Association; Helmholtz Gemeinschaft Deutscher Forschungszentren (HGF), Germany; INTAS, European Commission fund; Institute of High Energy Physics (IHEP)Chinese Academy of Sciences; Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing, ChinaChinese Academy of Sciences; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN), ItalyIstituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN); Ministerio de Educacion y Ciencia (MEC)Spanish GovernmentEuropean Commission [FPA2006-12120-C03-02]; Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education (MNiSW)Ministry of Science and Higher Education, Poland [2593/7, PR UE/2012/2]; National Science Centre (NCN), PolandNational Science Centre, Poland [DEC-2013/09/N/ST2/02180]; State Atomic Energy Corporation Rosatom, National Research Center Kurchatov Institute, Russia; Schweizerischer Nationalfonds zur Forderung der Wissenschaftlichen Forschung (SNF), Swiss; Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC)UK Research & Innovation (UKRI)Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC)Science and Technology Development Fund (STDF); British funding agency, Great Britain; Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK)Turkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Arastirma Kurumu (TUBITAK) [119F094]; Stefan Meyer Institut fur Subatomare Physik; Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, Austria; Swedish Research CouncilSwedish Research CouncilEuropean Commission; Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation, SwedenKnut & Alice Wallenberg Foundation ; We acknowledge the support of the Theory Advisory Group (ThAG) of PANDA and we value the various discussions that took place with the ThAG sharpening the physics programme of PANDA. We appreciate the comments and feedback we received from Gunnar Bali, Nora Brambilla, Stan Brodsky, Alexei Larionov, Horst Lenske, Stefan Leupold, Ulf Meissner, Simone Pacetti, Mark Strikman, and Lech Szymanowski.; We acknowledge financial support from the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) and the Indian Institute of Technology Bombay, India; the Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung (BMBF), Germany; the Carl-Zeiss-Stiftung 21-0563-2.8/122/1 and 21-05632.8/131/1, Mainz, Germany; the CNRS/IN2P3 and the Universite Paris-Sud, France; the Czech Ministry (MEYS) grants LM2015049, CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16 and 013/0001677, the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG), Germany; the Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD), Germany; the European Union'sHorizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 824093. the Forschungszentrum Julich, Germany; the Gesellschaft fur Schwerionenforschung GmbH (GSI), Darmstadt, Germany; the Helmholtz Gemeinschaft Deutscher Forschungszentren (HGF), Germany; the INTAS, European Commission funding; the Institute of High Energy Physics (IHEP) and the Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing, China; the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN), Italy; theMinisterio de Educacion y Ciencia (MEC) under grant FPA2006-12120-C03-02; the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education (MNiSW) grant No. 2593/7, PR UE/2012/2, and the National Science Centre (NCN) DEC2013/09/N/ST2/02180, Poland; the State Atomic Energy Corporation Rosatom, National Research Center Kurchatov Institute, Russia; the Schweizerischer Nationalfonds zur Forderung der Wissenschaftlichen Forschung (SNF), Swiss; the Science and Technology FacilitiesCouncil (STFC), British funding agency, Great Britain; the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK) under the Grant No. 119F094 the Stefan Meyer Institut fur Subatomare Physik and the Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, Austria; the Swedish Research Council and the Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden.

The article analyzes the dynamics, interests of the parties, priority areas of cooperation and contradictions of Ukrainian-American relations in the post-Maid period, reveals the reasons for supporting Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression from the United States. The influence of the Revolution of Dignity on the geopolitical interests of the United States in Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space is determined. It was determined that in 2014-2016. bilateral relations between Ukraine and the United States in terms of summit meetings and diplomatic support have reached their highest development in the 30th anniversary of Ukraine's independence. At the same time, they lacked practical content - specific projects and common interests. The American strategy for Ukraine provided for limited military assistance and diplomatic containment of the Russian Federation in order to maintain the balance of power in the region. Six areas were identified that formed the bilateral agenda - military-technical cooperation, political dialogue, support for reforms, the fight against corruption, energy, support for democratic institutions. The main directions of cooperation, projects and problems within each of these areas are disclosed in detail. In the context of the formation of "strategic friendship" after 2014, the parties demonstrated different diplomatic rhetoric. Ukrainian politicians emphasized the importance of strategic partnership between countries, military assistance, and American representatives put the need for economic reforms and the fight against corruption in the first place, pushing Ukrainian leaders to take appropriate action. It was concluded that US-Ukrainian relations at this stage were more reminiscent not of a strategic partnership, but of patronage, where Kiev, as a clientele, sought protection from Russian aggression, and the United States saw the support of the pro-Western regime in Kiev as an opportunity to strengthen its positions in Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space. ; В статье проанализирована динамика, интересы сторон, приоритетные направления сотрудничества и противоречия украинского-американских отношений в постмайданный период, раскрыты причины поддержки Украины в противостоянии российской агрессии со стороны Соединенных Штатов. Определено влияние Революции Достоинства на геополитические интересы США в Восточной Европе и на постсоветском пространстве. Определено, что в 2014-2016 гг. двусторонние отношения Украины и США с точки зрения встреч на высшем уровне и дипломатической поддержки достигли наивысшего развития за 30-летие независимости Украины. В то же время им не хватало практического наполнения – конкретных проектов и общих интересов. Американская стратегия относительно Украины предусматривала ограниченную военную помощь и дипломатическое сдерживания РФ с целью сохранения баланса сил в регионе. Определены шесть сфер, которые формировали двустороннюю повестку дня – ВТС, политический диалог, поддержка реформ, борьба с коррупцией, энергетика, поддержка демократических институтов. Подробно раскрываются основные направления сотрудничества, проекты и проблемы в рамках каждой из этих сфер. В условиях формирования после 2014 «стратегической дружбы» стороны демонстрировали разную дипломатическую риторику. Украинские политики акцентировали важность стратегического партнерства между странами, военной помощи, а американские представители ставили на первое место необходимость проведения экономических реформ, борьбы с коррупцией, подталкивая украинских лидеров к соответствующим действиям. Сделан вывод, что американо-украинские отношения на этом этапе скорее напоминали не стратегическое партнерство, а патронаж, где Киев как клиентела искал защиту от российской агрессии, а США видели в поддержке прозападного режима в Киеве возможность укрепить свои позиции в Восточной Европе и на постсоветском пространстве. ; У статті проаналізована динаміка, інтереси сторін, пріоритетні напрямки співпраці та протиріччя українсько-американських відносин у постмайданний період, розкриті причини підтримки України у протистоянні російській агресії з боку Сполучених Штатів. З'ясований вплив Революції Гідності на геополітичні інтереси США у Східній Європі та на пострадянському просторі. Визначено, що у 2014-2016 рр. двосторонні відносини України та США з точки зору зустрічей на вищому рівні та дипломатичної підтримки досягли найвищого розвитку за 30-річчя незалежності України. Водночас їм бракувало практичного наповнення – конкретних проєктів і спільних інтересів. Американська стратегія щодо України у цей період передбачала обмежену військову допомогу та дипломатичне стримування РФ з метою збереження балансу сил у регіоні. Визначені шість сфер, які формували двосторонній порядок денний – ВТС, політичний діалог, підтримка реформ, боротьба з корупцією, енергетика, підтримка демократичних інститутів. Детально розкриваються основні напрямки співробітництва, проекти та проблеми в рамках кожної з цих сфер. В умовах формування після 2014 р. «стратегічної дружби» сторони демонстрували різну дипломатичну риторику. Українські політики акцентували важливість стратегічного партнерства між країнами, військової допомоги США, а американські представники ставили на першу місце необхідність проведення економічних реформ, боротьби з корупцією, підштовхуючи українських лідерів до відповідних дій. Зроблений висновок, що американо-українські відносини на цьому етапі швидше нагадували не стратегічне партнерство, а патронаж, де Київ як клієнтела шукав захист від російської агресії, а США бачили у підтримці прозахідного режиму у Києві можливість зміцнити свої позиції у Східній Європі та на пострадянському просторі.

The emergence of any ethno-political conflict is caused by the existence of one or another form of ethnic inequality. Therefore, the settlement of ethnic conflicts requires finding a new, compromise and acceptable for all parties to the conflict balance of mutual satisfaction of their interests. In recent decades, the problem of ethnic conflicts has been one of the most relevant topics for researchers representing various fields of science. The main reason for such a close attention to this issue is the importance of resolving such conflicts, which have also become one of the most common sources of social controversy and political instability. Today, there is a growing emotional tension on the world stage that accompanies conflict interactions and can have both mobilizing and disorganizing effects on the behaviour of conflict participants. In ethnic conflict, as it is developing, the feeling of antipathy or hostility increases. There are always reasons and cases for this.Recent events have shown that ethnic conflicts in different parts of the world go beyond domestic and even regional ones. This is especially important due to the fact that regions of ethnic instability are increasingly associated, both in periodicals and in the scientific literature, with potential subjects of international terrorism. Political and economic spatial structuring consists in the expansion of European integration, the complication of relations between political actors, the change of spheres of geopolitical influence, the transformation of the regime and the democratization of a number of countries. This process is not yet complete, walking and approaching its logical end. Conflict prevention is possible only with a comprehensive approach to solving the problem and combining national policies aimed at harmonizing relations between different ethnic groups, as well as law enforcement agencies and the media. ; Возникновение любого этнополитического конфликта связано с существованием той или иной формы этнического неравенства. Следовательно, урегулирование межнациональных конфликтов требует поиска нового, компромиссного и приемлемого для всех сторон конфликта баланса взаимного удовлетворения их интересов. Проблема межнациональных конфликтов в последние десятилетия – одна из самых актуальных тем для исследователей, представляющих различные области науки. Основная причина такого пристального внимания к этому вопросу – важность разрешения подобных конфликтов, которые также стали одним из самых распространенных источников социальных противоречий и политической нестабильности. Сегодня на мировой арене растет эмоциональное напряжение, которое сопровождает конфликтные взаимодействия и может оказывать как мобилизующее, так и дезорганизующее воздействие на поведение участников конфликта. В этническом конфликте по мере его развития нарастает чувство антипатии или враждебности. Для этого всегда есть причины и случаи.Последние события показали, что этнические конфликты в разных частях света выходят за рамки бытовых и даже региональных. Это особенно важно в связи с тем, что регионы этнической нестабильности все чаще ассоциируются как в периодических изданиях, так и в научной литературе с потенциальными субъектами международного терроризма. Политическое и экономическое пространственное структурирование заключается в расширении европейской интеграции, усложнении отношений между политическими акторами, изменении сфер геополитического влияния, трансформации режима и демократизации ряда стран. Этот процесс еще не завершен, идет и приближается к своему логическому завершению. Предотвращение конфликтов возможно только при комплексном подходе к решению проблемы и сочетании национальной политики, направленной на гармонизацию отношений между разными этническими группами, а также правоохранительными органами и СМИ. ; Виникнення будь-якого етнополітичного конфлікту обумовлено існуванням тієї чи іншої форми нерівності етносів. Тому врегулювання етнічних конфліктів вимагає знаходження нового, компромісного й прийнятного для всіх конфліктних сторін балансу взаємного задоволення їх інтересів. Проблема етнічних конфліктів протягом останніх десятиліть є однією з найбільш актуальних тем для дослідників, що представляють різні сфери науки. Головна причина такої пильної уваги до цього питання полягає у важливості розв'язання подібного роду конфліктів, які до того ж стали одним з найбільш поширених джерел суспільних протиріч і політичної нестабільності. Нині на світовій арені присутня наростаюча емоційна напруженість, що супроводжує конфліктні взаємодії, й може спричинити як мобілізуючий, так й дезорганізуючий вплив на поведінку учасників конфлікту. У етнічному конфлікті, в міру його розвитку, зростає почуття антипатії або ворожості. Приводи й випадки для цього завжди знаходяться.Події останніх років продемонстрували, що етнічні конфлікти в різних частинах світу виходять за рамки внутрішньодержавних й навіть регіональних. Це має особливе значення у зв'язку з тим, що регіони етнічної нестабільності асоціюються все частіше, й в періодичній, й в науковій літературі, – з потенційними суб'єктами міжнародного тероризму. Політико-економічна просторова структуризація полягає в розширенні європейської інтеграції, ускладненні взаємин між політичними акторами, зміні сфер геополітичного впливу, трансформації режимності й демократизації ряду країн. Цей процес досі не завершений повністю, ходячи й підходить до свого логічного фіналу. Запобігання конфліктам можливо тільки при комплексному підході до вирішення проблеми й об'єднанню національною політикою, спрямованою на гармонізацію відносин між різними етносами, а також правоохоронних органів, ЗМІ.