Suchergebnisse

Con base en las preocupaciones de la época sobre la susceptibilidad al romance y acoso sexual de la trabajadora de oficina, este artículo propone explorar la representación de secretarias y taquígrafas en TheType-Writer Girl (1897), de Grant Allan, y en North of Fifty-Three (1914), de Bertrand Sinclair. Se mirará la presión para adquirir la independencia económica y autonomía personal a través del trabajo en oficina. También, la necesidad de ajustarse a ideologías presentes en la sociedad, que abogaban un destino predeterminado de matrimonio e hijos para la mujer. Se pregunta si el género de literatura workinggirl de esos tiempos abogaba la imagende la mujer independiente, trabajadora y emocionalmente realizada, o si el trabajo de oficina era interpretado como un paso natural hacia una evolución de niñas a madres. Este artículo también cuestiona si la oficina ficcional fue presentada como una ubicación de autonomía y potencial femeninos, o si fue vista como un espacio hostil y peligroso del que debería escapar lo más pronto posible para mantener la seguridad del hogar. ; Using the concerns of the period over female workers' susceptibility to office romance and sexual harassment as a starting point, this article will explore the depiction of secretaries and stenographers in Grant Allen's The Type-Writer Girl (1897) and Bertrand Sinclair's North of Fifty-Three (1914). It will examine the pressure to gain economic independence and personal autonomy through office work, alongside the need to conform to cultural ideologies, which still argue for women's destiny to be centred on marriage and children. Did the working-girl literature of this era support and endorse the image of the independent, hard-working, emotionally fulfilled working woman? Or was women's clerical labour instead seen merely as another step in their 'natural' evolution from girls to mothers? This article will also uncover whether the fictional office was presented as a site of potential female growth and autonomy, or as a hostile and dangerous space where women should escape from as soon as possible for the safety of the home.

Examines political motives that launched the anti-Serb propaganda campaign by Germany beginning in 1991, and was continued by the media, Human Rights Watch/Helsinki, and NATO.

This paper examines the gendering of unionist national identity in Northern Ireland through an analysis of organizations that are central to unionist politics today. While the commonplace observation that unionist women are "tea makers" conveys a critical dimension of the gender order within unionism, it does not fully capture the significance of women's contributions to the establishment or maintenance of unionism. The article analyzes how Stormont constituted an ethnogender regime, examines unionist women's political engagement during the Stormont era & under direct rule, investigates how the peace process & Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement have affected the unionist ethno-gender order & the gender politics of unionism, & explores the possibilities for political transformation. 61 References. Adapted from the source document.

Der Beitrag beleuchtet den möglichen Einfluss nationaler Minderheiten im politischen Entscheidungsprozess nach der EU-Erweiterung. In einem ersten Schritt wird zunächst das Mehrebenenmodell der Governance in der EU beschrieben, wodurch lokale und regionale Autoritäten eine stärkere Rolle in der EU-Politik einnehmen. So gliedert sich das politische System in drei Ebenen: die Ebene der Supranationalität, die Ebene der Mitgliedsstaaten sowie die Ebene der Regionen. Ferner werden die Begriffsbestimmung der so genannten nationalen Minderheitenregion (NMR) formuliert und die NMR-relevanten Themen im EU-Handlungskontext dargestellt. Der zweite Schritt umfasst die Grundzüge der 'Dritte-Ebene-Politik' der NMRs und deren Institutionen. Dazu gehören (1) das Komitee der Regionen, (2) die Kohäsionspolitik der EU, (3) Parteikoalitionen nationaler Minderheiten, (4) die Repräsentation in Brüssel sowie (5) die praktizierte Para-Diplomatie. Der dritte Schritt stellt sodann die bekanntesten NMRs in Europa vor, und zwar die flämische bzw. wallonische Gemeinschaft in Belgien. Im Anschluss folgen neben der Bretagne (Frankreich) neu hinzugekommene NMRs im Zuge der EU-Erweiterung in Estland, Lettland, Polen, Rumänien, Slowakei, Zypern und der Türkei. NMRs repräsentieren sowohl starke soziale als auch antagonistische kulturelle Kräfte in der EU. Somit haben die nationalen Minderheiten aufgrund ihrer Fähigkeit zur politischen Mobilisierung durchaus die Möglichkeit, die politische Landschaft der EU nachhaltig zu prägen. (ICG2)

In recent years, calls for reparations and restorative justice, alongside the rise of populist grievance politics, have demonstrated the stubborn resilience of traumatic memory. From the transnational Black Lives Matter movement's calls for reckoning with the legacy of slavery and racial oppression, to continued efforts to secure recognition of the Armenian genocide or Imperial Japan's human rights abuses, international politics is replete with examples of past violence reasserting itself in the present. But how should scholars understand trauma's long-term impacts? Why do some traumas lie dormant for generations, only to surface anew in pivotal moments? And how does trauma scale from individuals to larger political groupings like nations and states, shaping political identities, grievances, and policymaking? In From the Ashes of History, Adam B. Lerner looks at collective trauma as a foundational force in international politics—a "shock" to political cultures that can constitute new actors and shape decision-making over the long-term. As Lerner shows, uncovering collective trauma's role in international politics is vital for two key reasons. First, it can help explain longstanding tensions between groups—an especially relevant topic as scholars examine the transnational resurgence of nationalism and populism. Second, it pushes the discipline of International Relations to more completely account for mass violence's true long-term costs, particularly as they become embedded in longstanding structural inequalities and injustices. While IR scholarship has largely dismissed non-systematic, latent phenomena like trauma, Lerner argues that collective trauma can help draw the lines between international political groups and frame the logics of international political action. Drawing on three historical cases that uncover the impact of collective trauma in Indian, Israeli, and American foreign policymaking, From the Ashes of History demonstrates the broad utility of collective trauma as a theoretical lens for investigating how mass violence's legacy can resurge and dissipate over time.

This book recounts how during the Cold War the study of science moved to the centre of academic through the creation of the new discipline of science studies. In this way the volume charts the importance of these studies for the trajectory of Cold War nations through the elaboration of new national science policies and the transnational dialogue, even across the Iron Curtain, between key scholars involved in shaping their trajectory. By examining how a new group of intellectuals was mobilized by state administrators to convincingly set up a discipline deemed to have major repercussions on the advancement of science in developed and undeveloped nations. Secondly, by putting the study of science at the centre of the dialogue (as well as the confrontation) between nations and Cold War blocs. The volume thus shows how an often considered arcane field of enquiring had in fact major implications for the understanding and fostering of Cold War science.

Introduction: How American politics turned tribal --The parties rise. :Into the Temple of Liberty on the shoulders of slaves: the first political campaign (1800) ;"Keep the ball rolling": the first campaign for the masses (1840) --Crack-up: the Civil War and America's identity. :A fire bell in the night: the path to war (1852-1860) ;Who are we? The Civil War and its legacies (1860-1876) --The Populists and their long shadow. :Populism and the rise of active government (1890-1900) ;The New Deal and the origins of contemporary America (1933-1948) --American politics turn tribal. :The election that remade American politics (1964) ;We win, they lose: tribal politics at high tide (1968-2020) --Conclusion: What next?