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This article introduces the concept of infrastructural action and argues that it serves as a useful analytical tool to understand hacking in the global South. Infrastructural action consists of the delicate ways in which people establish socio-technical connections when located along the margins of global modernity. In Vietnam, hacking is situated within the illicit circulations of global commodities. These circulations form pervasive infrastructures for clandestine importation of "hand-carried" goods into the country. Embedded within these circulations, hacking consists of a strategy for breaking into global techno-culture rather than breaking out of socio-technical limitations. By contextualizing hacking within the larger dilemmas of distance within global integration, this notion of infrastructural action serves as a critique of the techno-political ethos of transgression typical of hacking discourses in the global North.

Following the embargo period the above license applies. ; This survey starts by reviewing the literature investigating whether political connectedness of companies creates wealth for their shareholders. It then moves on to examine whether there is an association between the orientation of the political executive or the phase of the electoral cycle with movements of the stock market index. The price impact of politically-relevant events, such as wars, terrorist attacks, revolutions, coups or issuance of communications by those in positions of power is also discussed. The review closes with an examination of the impact of political uncertainty on stock markets and with a reflection on the direction of causality. ; Peer-reviewed ; Post-print

Every year in Kenya, more than 100,000 children under the age of five die. 90 percent of these deaths can be avoided via the administration of basic essential medicines. Diarrhea is one illness that is easily and cheaply treated, yet more than 5,400 Kenyan children die from it every year. Proper use of oral rehydration solution (ORS) prevents mortality in 93 percent of diarrheal cases, and the average daily dose costs only 15 US cents. Children are dying because they are not receiving this effective and affordable treatment. The main claim of this dissertation is that low uptake of ORS in Kenya is a problem of supply not demand. Contrary to previous scholarship, I will show that Kenyans demand ORS and administer it to their children when it is available. However, ORS is frequently out of stock in local dispensaries. Using data from an independent audit, I show that 40 percent of Ministry of Health dispensaries in western Kenya have zero ORS in stock. I offer suggestive evidence of what is causing this lack of supply: politicians in Kenya are more incentivized to provide highly visible projects rather than high-impact, low-cost solutions.

Studies of early state societies often focus on macro-level dynamics of socialdiversity and inequality. Archaeological debates about the centralized or pluralistic nature of the Tiwanaku state (A.D.500–1000), the earliest expansive polity in the south- central Andes (Bolivia, Peru), hinge on understanding the relationships between its constituent individuals and lineage groups. Tiwanaku funerary processes propagated popular ideologies of reciprocal feasting, reflected personal histories of the deceased, and marked social boundaries through style and space. For this dissertation, I applied a multiscalar approach that examined 299 individual burials from 14 cemeteries at the provincial Tiwanaku center of Omo M10 in the Moquegua Valley (Southern Peru). The unprecedented size of this sample, new sampling methods, and outstanding preservation of burial assemblages shed new light on aspects of the Tiwanaku funerary process, and redefined the range of normative and non-normative Tiwanaku mortuary practices.Variability of grave assemblages and tomb structure styles at Omo M10 highlights the social construction of age and gender identities in Tiwanaku society. Over the life course, individuals acquired economic and social capital. Textile and food production and consumption marked gendered spheres of practice and entangled Tiwanaku men and women into relations of duality and complementarity. For Tiwanaku kin communities living at Omo M10, cemeteries presented discrete private spaces for commemorating ancestors and cultivating shared memories, always within the broader ideological parameters of Tiwanaku mortuary practices. A non-Tiwanaku cemetery at the site indicates, for the first time, multiethnic interactions of Tiwanaku lowland groups with coastal populations. Overall, the burials provide little evidence for institutionalized social stratification in Tiwanaku's provincial society. Maintaining the autonomy of kin group mortuary practices, the state instead appropriated non-normative death-related practices in the context of public offering rituals.As the results of this dissertation illustrate, mortuary archaeology continues to be a versatile tool for multiscalar analyses of the past, and for elucidating the nature and intersection of personal and community-level identities. In doing so, this line of inquiry can make significant contributions to debates about social organization, power and inequality in ancient states, as ideological domains related to death and ancestors are contested, appropriated, and transformed.

How do men respond to feminist movements and to shifts in the gender order? In this paper, I introduce the concept of historical gender formation to show how shifting social conditions over the past forty years shaped a range of men's organized responses to feminism. Focusing on the US, I show how progressive men reacted to feminism in the 1970s by forming an internally contradictory 'men's liberation' movement that soon split into opposing anti-feminist and pro-feminist factions. Three large transformations of the 1980s and 1990s – the professional institutionalization of feminism, the rise of a postfeminist sensibility, and shifts in the political economy (especially deindustrialization and the rise of the neoliberal state) – generated new possibilities. I end by pointing to an emergent moderate men's rights discourse that appeals to a postfeminist sensibility, and to an increasingly diverse base for men's work to prevent violence against women.