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This Policy Brief aims at examining Ukraine's economic woes and what it needs to do to improve economic performance. At the centre of the Brief are the effects on Ukraine of the economic crisis and the policy programme devised to improve economic performance. The crisis hit Ukraine hard and Gross Domestic Product fell by 15 percent in 2009. The economy is now recovering, but economic growth will not return to pre-crisis levels anytime soon. Ukraine went through a classic emerging-market crisis - it was too dependent on export of steel and metals, and it was too exposed to adverse development on international credit markets. The reform agenda set out by the new Ukrainian government is ambitious. If the government delivers on its promises - and obligations to the International Monetary Fund - economic policy will move in a liberal direction and economic growth is likely to pick up. There are hesitations about the ability to push through all reforms, but the Ukrainian government has been forced to tie itself to the IMF mast and should make full use of this opportunity to liberalize economic policy and modernize the economy. There are also hesitations based on President Yanukovych and his political orientation towards Russia. Sceptics may or may not be proven right - it is too soon to tell. What seems clear, however, is that Ukraine favours a much more pragmatic approach to its neighbors in the east and the west. It is not difficult to understand why. Ukraine's relations to Russia had to improve and as long as the EU does not wish to start the process for full accession, Ukraine needs to find its own way and build a reform and future agenda on other foundations.

Although the U.S. Congress prohibited treaties with Indians after 1871, there are significant parallels between treaty negotiations prior to that ban and modern Indian tribes' negotiations with the federal government regarding land and natural resource claims. The power balance in both cases has been such that the Indian tribes have had to concede that the United States can unilaterally determine most issues about which it will negotiate. In no case has the government been willing to put its ultimate sovereignty within U.S. borders at issue, and certain rights that tribes may wish to obtain or reaffirm have been off limits as a practical matter. People familiar with Indian policy in the United States sometimes assume that the doctrine of discovery—the claim that European nations acquired title to American land they "discovered," leaving indigenous inhabitants with a mere right of occupancy—is a relic of the past, along with the corresponding colonial mind-set. On the one hand, since the dawn of the current self-determination policy era in the mid-1960s, the property rights of Indian tribes do seem to be held in higher legal and moral regard than during earlier times. On the other hand, in recent years when the Supreme Court and Congress have faced fresh issues regarding aboriginal property rights, both bodies have returned to approaches that have more in common with the proponents of manifest destiny than the professed self-determination policy. Although current federal policy in support of tribal self-determination has undoubted benefits for the tribes, it is the federal government that defines the outer bounds of tribal sovereignty and dictates those outer bounds in much the same fashion as in the nineteenth century. ; https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/faculty-books/1039/thumbnail.jpg

INTRODUCTION: Australia has a complex health system with policy and funding responsibilities divided across federal and state/territory boundaries and service provision split between public and private providers. General practice is largely funded through the federal government. Other primary health care services are provided by state/territory public entities and private allied health practitioners. Indigenous health services are specifically funded by the federal government through a series of Aboriginal Community Controlled Organisations. NATIONAL POLICY AND MODELS: The dominant primary health care model is federally-funded private "small business" general practices. Medicare reimbursement items have incrementally changed over the last decade to include increasing support for chronic disease care with both generic and disease specific items as incentives. Asthma has received a large amount of national policy attention. Other respiratory diseases have not had similar policy emphasis. EPIDEMIOLOGY: Australia has a high prevalence of asthma. Respiratory-related encounters in general practice, including acute and chronic respiratory illness and influenza immunisations, account for 20.6% of general practice activity. Lung cancer is a rare disease in general practice. Tuberculosis is uncommon and most often found in people born outside of Australia. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders have higher rates of asthma, smoking and tuberculosis. ACCESS TO CARE: Access to care is positively influenced by substantial public funding underpinning both the private and public sectors through Medicare. Access to general practice care is negatively influenced by workforce shortages, the ongoing demands of acute care, and the incremental way in which system redesign is occurring in general practice. FACILITIES AVAILABLE: Most general practice operates from privately-owned rooms. The Australian Government requires general practice facilities to be accredited against certain standards in order for the practice to receive income ...

Since 1991 Australian universities have charged fees, paid in advance (up-front), for a proportion of students undertaking postgraduate courses. In this paper it is argued that this is poor public policy, for both economic and social reasons. The conceptual basis for this case is explained fully. Given the strength of argument, it is difficult to understand why different Commonwealth governments have allowed and encouraged the expansion of post-graduate up-front fees in this period. The policy situation is particularly hard to justify since a much more equitable and efficient charging arrangement, the Higher Education Contribution Scheme (HECS), has been in place for undergraduates since 1989. The important point for policy is that HECS collects student charges contingent on incomes, and thus requires no payment at the point of entry. It is argued that a collection system of this type is a more correct policy for post-graduate education, and it is shown that such a reform can be implemented without administrative difficulties. In January 2001 the Federal Government announced intentions to change post-graduate fee arrangements consistent with the reform promoted in this paper. The proposal is known as the Postgraduate Education Loan Scheme (PELS), and its basis and implications are considered in what follows. It is argued that while PELS is a major advance over current arrangements its institution will have important and arguably undesirable consequences with respect to the level of student charges and, more importantly, concerning taxpayer subsidies of post-graduate education. If and when these effects come to pass, the government will face the need to change the scheme. An economically and administratively viable reform to PELS is explained and justified.

Contents -- List of Figures -- Chapter 1 Capitalist Varieties: An Introduction -- References -- Chapter 2 Constraints and Development -- 2.1 Synthesis: Veto Players, Corruption, and Coordination -- 2.2 Cases and Concepts -- References -- Chapter 3 Thailand: From Autocrats to Oversized Coalitions -- 3.1 Military Rule (1957-1973) -- 3.1.1 Constraints -- 3.1.2 Policy Environment -- 3.1.3 Economic Governance Institutions -- 3.1.4 ElectricalElectronic Industry -- 3.2 Instability (1973-1979) -- 3.2.1 Constraints -- 3.2.2 Policy Environment -- 3.2.3 Economic Governance Institutions -- 3.2.4 ElectricalElectronics Industry -- 3.3 Semi-Democracy (1979-1989) -- 3.3.1 Constraints -- 3.3.2 Policy Environment -- 3.3.3 Economic Governance Institutions -- 3.3.4 ElectricalElectronic Industry -- 3.3.4.1 Corporate Governance -- 3.4 Coalitional Governments (1989-1997) -- 3.4.1 Constraints -- 3.4.2 Policy Environment -- 3.4.3 Economic Governance Institutions -- 3.4.4 ElectricalElectronic Industry -- 3.5 Post-Crisis (1997-2001) -- 3.5.1 Constraints -- 3.5.2 Policy Environment -- 3.5.3 Economic Governance Institutions -- 3.5.4 ElectricalElectronic Industry -- 3.6 Single Party Rule (2001-2006) -- 3.6.1 Constraints -- 3.6.2 Policy Environment -- 3.6.3 Economic Governance Institutions -- 3.6.4 ElectricalElectronic Industry -- 3.7 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4 Malaysia: Thriving Under Neglect -- 4.1 Malaysia (1957-1969) -- 4.1.1 Constraints -- 4.1.2 Policy Environment -- 4.1.3 Economic Governance Institutions -- 4.1.4 ElectricalElectronics Industries -- 4.2 Malaysia (1969-2008) -- 4.2.1 Constraints -- 4.2.2 Policy Environment -- 4.2.3 Economic Governance Institutions -- 4.2.4 ElectricalElectronics Industries -- 4.3 Penang: 1969-2008 -- 4.3.1 Constraints -- 4.3.2 Policy Environment

We study optimal climate policy for a "policy bloc" of countries facing a market where emissions offsets can be purchased from a non-policy "fringe" of countries (such as for the CDM). Policy-bloc firms benefit from free quota allocations whose quantity is updated according to firms' past emissions, or their outputs. We show that the resulting abatement and its allocation between policy bloc and fringe are both inefficient. When firms buy offsets directly from the fringe and all quotas are traded at a single price, the policy bloc chooses to either not constrain the offset market, or ban offsets completely. The former (latter) case occurs when free allocation of quotas is not (very) generous, and the offset market is large (small). It is preferable for policy-bloc countries' governments to instead buy offsets directly from the fringe at a quota price below marginal damage cost of emissions, while the policy-bloc quota price will be above this cost. With maximization of global welfare and a unified quota price, this price is higher, and offsets constrained in fewer cases, but the solution still inefficient. Full efficiency then requires a higher quota price in the policy bloc than in the fringe.

Проанализированы полномочия МВД по реализации ГАП. Установлен круг органов и подразделений МВД, участвующих в организации реализации мероприятий ГАП. Обоснованы предложения по совершенствованию реализационной деятельности МВД в этой сфере. ; Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine is an active participant in the processes of the state anti-corruption policy, which, within its competence, draft anti-corruption legal acts, proposes such acts developed by other entities of the state anti-corruption policy, provides support during their consideration and adoption in parliament, the Secretariat of the President of Ukraine, Government etc. ensures the formation of sectoral anti-corruption policy by defining its content, activities and methods of implementation, involve the public in these processes. MIA is one of the main actors implementing the state anti-corruption policy. It includes established appropriate structures that are assigned responsibilities for the prevention, detection, suppression of corruption offenses; implement legal liability on persons guilty of committing. They interact with other law enforcement agencies, state and local governments that oppose or are involved in combating corruption at all levels, to prevent corrupt acts in the middle of the MIA; participating in legal education and the education of the population; perform other tasks prescribed anti-corruption legislation. Important role in the implementation of anti-corruption activities play a Minister of the Interior, the Ministry Collegium, Board (Main Board) Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine in the areas of Anti-Corruption Bureau for Main Board Combating Organized Crime, state service undertaken against economic crime units, internal security personnel departments and heads of departments and the police. Activities to create and implement Internal Affairs of Ukraine the state anti-corruption policy promote higher education system and the Research Institute of Ministry of Interior, as well as some civil society.

We study optimal climate policy for a policy bloc of countries facing a market where emissions offsets can be purchased from a non-policy fringe of countries (such as for the CDM). Policy-bloc firms benefit from free quota allocations whose quantity is updated according to firms' past emissions, or their outputs. We show that the resulting abatement and its allocation between policy bloc and fringe are both inefficient. When firms buy offsets directly from the fringe and all quotas are traded at a single price, the policy bloc chooses to either not constrain the offset market, or ban offsets completely. The former (latter) case occurs when free allocation of quotas is not (very) generous, and the offset market is large (small). It is preferable for policy-bloc countries' governments to instead buy offsets directly from the fringe at a quota price below marginal damage cost of emissions, while the policy-bloc quota price will be above this cost. With maximization of global welfare and a unified quota price, this price is higher, and offsets constrained in fewer cases, but the solution still inefficient. Full efficiency then requires a higher quota price in the policy bloc than in the fringe.

On 13 December 1975 the Liberal‐Country party coalition led by Malcolm Fraser conclusively won a double dissolution election with large majorities in the Senate and House of Representatives. The following year, 1976, was a year of policy debates – debates about economic policy, foreign policy, family policy, health policy (especially Medibank), uranium and the environment, human rights and Aboriginal land policy in particular. They were, in reality, political struggles over the direction of the country and the ideas and philosophy that would govern the course of policy. At the core of government there was an epic battle between the Prime Minister and the government's senior advisers in the Treasury, the Department of Foreign Affairs, and the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet. Significant battles over foreign policy were modest compared with struggles over economic policy and the quest to control inflation. Debate came to a head with a devaluation of the dollar in the face of official advice. Among the consequences were division of the Treasury and creation of the Department of Finance, greater independence of the Reserve Bank and a confirmation of the need for elected leaders to have their own political staffs.

Stringent government policies, in general, and strict containment and closure policies in particular including workplace closing, restrictions on gatherings, close of public transport, stay-at-home order, restrictions on internal movement, and international travel control are associated with a lower spread rate of COVID-19 cases. On the other hand, school closures and public event cancellations have not been found to be associated with lower COVID-19 spread. Restrictions on international travel and the closing of public transport are two policies that stand out and have a consistent and slowing effect on the spread of COVID-19. The slowing effect of the containment and closure policies on the spread of COVID-19 becomes stronger one week after the policies have been implemented, consistent with the SARS-CoV-2 transmission pattern and the incubation period evolution. Furthermore, the slowing effect becomes stronger for culturally tight countries and countries with a higher population density. Our findings have important policy implications, implying that governments need to carefully implement containment and closure policies in their own countries' social and cultural contexts, with an emphasis on the ideas of the common interest, personal responsibility, and the sense of community.

Internet finance is a new form of finance that applies capacities found on the Internet to the traditional financial industry. However, at the present stage, internet finance is faced with many problems, such as overly rapid development and non-standard operation. This paper adopted the evolutionary game theory as the analysis tool to design an evolutionary game model of government audit supervision of Internet finance, and analyzed the evolutionary stability of the strategies used by Internet financial institutions and government financial audit supervision departments. A simulation calculation was carried out by placing the calculation experimental method &ldquo ; Scenario&ndash ; Coping&rdquo ; which simulated the initial probability of different strategies adopted by both parties of the game and evaluated the influence of changing the penalty intensity of Internet financial institutions&rsquo ; violation on the outcome of the evolutionary game. Based on the simulation analysis, the paper provided policy suggestions on strengthening audit supervision and promoting its sustainable development from three aspects: strengthening the construction of the Internet financial credit information system, improving Internet financial laws and regulations, and improving the early warning level of Internet financial credit risk.

This paper examines the process of the formulation of decentralised planning in the Tribal regions of Odisha, a state located in eastern part of India, while examining the powers devolved to the local governments in such regions in the state to formulate plan, and the ground reality of the preparation of such plans in the context of the implementation of the Provisions of Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA Act). Formulation of decentralised planning in Odisha was taken up in the year 2008. However, based on the secondary data and interacting with the various people in field, the paper has revealed that "structural impediments" and "functional incapacity" of the local governments in the Scheduled Areas have hampered the spirit of such institutions with regard to the planning and implementation of the development programs. The paper argues that decentralised plans should be realistic, based on the effective utilisation of local resources, and the local development issues should be prioritised and implemented accordingly. The paper suggests policy measures such as effective participation, prioritisation of development needs, and rationalisation of the required and available funds, considering the significance of the PESA Act. While doing so, the issues of the tribals should receive priority.

В даній статті розглядаються напрями державного регулювання підприємницької діяльності, складові економічної безпеки підприємства, а також проводиться аналіз складових державної політики, що впливають на економічну безпеку підприємства ; The ways of the government regulation of the business activities and the components of the company's economy security are viewed in this article. Also we can see the analysis of the components of the state policy, which have influence on the company's economy security

After the Netherlands in 2009 landed in the first of three recessions, the government, which took office in 2012, announced that spending cuts had become inevitable. Government deficits and government debts were increasing and the country no longer complied with the requirements for a stable currency union in Europe. Therefore, the Netherlands has implemented substantial spending cuts which were, among others, achieved by reforms of the social security system. An increased emphasis was placed on incentives to find work, whilst access to care facilities was made more difficult, in part by making access require­ments more stringent. Now that the recessions of 2012 and 2013 are also behind us, society is confronted with an increase in both the number of social assistance benefit recipients and those living at risk of poverty. Increasing numbers of citizens are having difficulties with making ends meet (payment arrears and debts). In Rotterdam, the city heading the municipal poverty list, 17.2% of the households must survive on a low income and six per cent had had a low income for at least four consecutive years. This study articulates the experiences of ten of Rotterdam's residents who found themselves in a finan­cially vulnerable position at the beginning of this study. They shared their experiences via three group ses­sions and two in-depth interviews. It may be assumed that these experiences, within the context of the broad spending cuts implemented in the Netherlands and the resultant increases in financial problems, are relevant not only for vulnerable households in Rotterdam, but also in the Netherlands. As framework of analysis, this participative study draws on the concepts of capability and human right. Capabilities refer to the opportunities or freedoms of persons to opt for certain beings or doings defining a person's well-being, impacted on by available resources and skills and prevailing norms and institutions. Human rights embody the universal values for well-being and a good life. The participants ...