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This article describes an aspect of the progressive insertion of commercial interests into the relationship between patients and their clinicians, with particular reference to psychiatry. Treatment noncompliance, a long-standing problem for healthcare professionals, has lately drawn the attention of the pharmaceutical and allied industries as a site at which to improve return on investment (ROI). Newly founded corporate `compliance departments' and specialized consultancies that regard noncompliance as a form of marketing failure are seeking to rectify it with reinvigorated models and strategies. This intervention stands to impact patients' experience of illness as well as the participation of those formally (physicians, case managers, etc.) and informally (family, friends, etc.) involved in treatment. My analysis draws upon observation at compliance conferences to demonstrate the contrasting models of patient empowerment underlying the marketing vs. medical approaches. I propose a research agenda for measuring the effects of industry compliance programs.

In Nairobi, where the economic and social consequences of business failure are high, entrepreneurs' risk-management strategies work separately and together to discourage firm growth. Many manage risk through flexibility. By working in rent-free quarters, using family labour and little capital, they minimise fixed costs and increase opportunities for additional income. Business owners also avoid risk by manufacturing standard products for a known market. Successful entreprenuers diversify their income and assets rather than expanding one enterprise. Finally, most prefer to preserve land and other assets unencumbered by debt. These rational responses to a risky business environment inhibit formation of a dynamic manufacturing sector. Policymakers, NGOs, and the private sector can help by creating broad policies and targeting specific programmes to remove or reduce risk. (DÜI-Hff)

Can a school of 'critical management studies' survive in the context of a marketising university which relies heavily on business education for its income? This paper explores the case of a UK management school which attempted to do that and survived for 13 years with a clearly 'critical' project. As someone who worked in the school, but left some time ago, I evaluate its successes and failures, concluding that the radicalism of its research and publication strategy was not paralleled by an understanding of the politics of the institution and its environment. This led to a posture of 'defensive isolation' which ultimately made the school vulnerable to changes in the strategies of senior university management.

A Global History of Consumer Co-operation since 1850: Movements and Businesses -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- List of Illustrations -- List of Abbreviations -- Notes on Contributors -- Introduction -- 1 A Global History of Consumer Co-operation since 1850: Introduction -- 2 Co-operative History: Movements and Businesses -- SECTION 1: Origins and Models -- Origins and Models: Introduction to Section 1 -- 3 Rochdale and Beyond: Consumer Co-operation in Britain before 1945 -- 4 The Belgian Co-operative Model: Elements of Success and Failure -- 5 History of Consumer Co-operatives in France: From the Conquest of Consumption by the Masses to the Challenge of Mass Consumption -- 6 Consumer Co-operation in the Nordic Countries, c. 1860-1939 -- 7 Canadian and US Catholic Promotion of Co-operatives in Central America and the Caribbean and Their Political Implications -- 8 African American Consumer Co-operation: History and Global Connections -- 9 A Co-operative Take on Free Trade: International Ambitions and Regional Initiatives in International Co-operative Trade -- SECTION 2: Challenges to Democracy - State Intervention -- Challenges to Democracy - State Intervention: Introduction to Section 2 -- 10 German Co-operatives: Rise and Fall 1850-1970 -- 11 The Rise and Fall of Austria's Consumer Co-operatives -- 12 Consumer Co-operatives in Portugal: Debates and Experiences from the Nineteenth to the Twentieth Century -- 13 Consumer Co-operatives in Spain, 1860-2010 -- 14 The Experience of the Consumer Co-operative Movement in Korea: Its Break off and Rebirth, 1919-2010 -- 15 Consumer Co-operatives in the People's Republic of China: A Development Path Shaped by Its Economic and Political History -- SECTION 3: Challenges to Business -- Challenges to Business: Introduction to Section 3

Taxation reform has dominated Australian politics over the past twenty-five years. Despite this prominence on the political agenda, until recently Australian governments have lacked the capacity to consolidate key elements of this tax reform agenda. While the problematic nature of Australian tax reform can be explained in part by macro-level variables, this protracted policy deadlock has also influenced historical patterns of business-government intermediation. The article argues that the evolution of the Australian tax policy network over the study period was prompted by both associational and state actors reassessing their strategies in the context of the political failure of tax reform proposals. These developments provide empirical insights into the ongoing debate relating to the factors which lead to the formation and evolution of sectoral level policy networks. The article concludes that while the increasing levels of business mobilization experienced over the study period enhanced the electoral viability of reform proposals, these new patterns of sectoral business politics should be regarded as a consequence of the policy deadlock relating to tax reform rather than primary cause of policy change.

Scholars have shown that corporate responsibility (CR) initiatives can create intangible assets that help MNCs reduce their liability of foreignness and even gain competitive advantage over local rivals. But scholars have not addressed the ability of MNCs to transfer CR initiatives to subsidiaries. This study builds theory about the conditions that influence success and failure in the transfer of CR practices from headquarters to overseas subsidiaries. We analyze CR transfers from the headquarters of an Indian multinational to its subsidiaries in China and the U.K. Our findings suggest that CR transfer differs in substantial ways from operational practice transfer. In particular, the ambiguity of the CR initiative, the social competency of the business unit transferring the CR initiative, and the active involvement of local stakeholders play significant roles in CR transfer success.

Recently-released archival material has given historians the opportunity to re-examine the impact of the initial British application to join the European Community on the development of the EC, and on the role of Britain and its European neighbours in broader world politics. The dramatic end to the British application was a devastating blow to many Europeans and Americans who hoped that the EC would be strengthened by the inclusion of the UK. The essays collected here outline a number of factors which made the EC too young to be able to assimilate Britain's important interests, and the British over-optimistic in their approach to negotiations with the Community. The role of conflict over Western strategy and European political union in the breakdown of the negotiations is re-assessed, and the negotiations over agriculture and the Commonwealth are revealed in an entirely new light.

This article contributes to debates on business power, noisy politics, and right-wing populism. The populist right weakens strategies of quiet politics, which many suggest has led to a steep decline of business power. I challenge this view and argue that a combination of innovative strategies and ample financial resources allow business associations to exercise power in this environment. Drawing on new empirical evidence, the article makes three central contributions. First, I suggest that the failure of Remain business advocacy in the 2016 Brexit referendum resulted from the constraints of administrative legislation (the PPERA), weaknesses in campaigning strategies, and the CBI leadership's decision to not register as a campaign organization. Second, while my regression analysis provides some support for Culpepper's quiet politics argument, the Swiss business federation Economiesuisse has won 90% of the referendum campaigns it has led, including many referendums with high issue salience against right-wing populists. Third, Economiesuisse shows that business strategies of 'loud voice' can be successful. With money and innovative public-facing campaigning strategies, business organizations can win in noisy environments and against right-wing populists.

In this Article, Dr. Gray discusses the evolving legal framework in the Czech Republic as the government there moves from a socialist to a private market economy. The author traces the major legal developments, including the Republic's establishment of significant private property rights and of a modern commercial code. The author finds that the Republic has made significant strides in developing a private market economy and in facilitating foreign investment. Dr. Gray concludes, however, that the new laws face significant challenges, including a weak and immature judicial system and problems with addressing business failures.

This is a comprehensive case study of the collapse of BES that failed in 2014 and prompted the government to draft and implement a resolution plan for BES in which they created NOVO Banco, a bridge bank to transfer all the healthy operations of the bank and left the toxic assets in BES to be liquidated. BES collapsed after 145 years of existence after it founded by Jose Maria do Espírito Santo e Silva, who started in Lisbon in 1869 as a moneychanger. This study aims to study the causes of the collapse of BES and discuss the corporate governance mechanism that has gone wrong. This study also examines the evidence of clan culture in BES which is probably one of the core strength of the BES and the ES family that helped the bank to survive 145 years, both world wars, dictatorship regimes and nationalisation. The case of BES gives the opportunity to understand that corporate governance rules and recommendations are just as relevant in family businesses as they are in other businesses. Our study found that the desire to diversify the operations of the ES family by investing into many business sectors through its non-financial companies, combined with the economic recession put significant pressure on Ricardo Salgado, who with his status in the family and his power on the board of directors of BES used fraudulent financial reporting and related parties transactions to hide the bank's toxic assets made mainly of debt instruments of its holding parent. We also found the clan culture in BES gave significant decision powers to Ricardo Salgado. At one point, he was CEO of BES and chairman of the group, which was likely to have intimidated directors on the board of BES. Our main finding on this study is that the collapse of BES could have been avoided if the corporate governance in BES emphasised on accountability and integrity of financial reporting.

International lessons from emerging economies suggest that business associations may provide an effective channel of communication between the government and the private sector. This function of business associations may become still more important in transition economies, where old mechanisms for coordinating enterprise activities have been destroyed, while the new ones have not been established yet. In this context, Russian experience is a matter of interest, because for a long time, Russia was regarded as a striking example of state failures and market failures. Consequently, the key point of our study was a description of the role and place of business associations in the presentday Russian economy and their interaction with member companies and bodies of state administration. Relying on the survey data of 957 manufacturing firms conducted in 2009, we found that business associations are more frequently joined by larger companies, firms located in regional capital cities, and firms active in investment and innovation. By contrast, business associations tend to be less frequently joined by business groups' subsidiaries and firms that were non-responsive about their respective ownership structures. Our regression analysis has also confirmed that business associations are a component of what Frye (2002) calls an 'elite exchange'- although only on regional and local levels. These 'exchanges' imply that members of business associations, on the one hand, more actively assist regional and local authorities in social development of their regions, and on the other hand more often receive support from authorities. However, this effect is insignificant in terms of support from the federal government. In general, our results allow us to believe that at present, business associations (especially the industry-wide and 'leading' ones) consolidate the most active, advanced companies and act as collective representatives of their interests. For this reason, business associations can be regarded as interface units between the authorities and businesses and as a possible instrument for promotion of economic development. ; Internationale Studien legen nahe, dass Wirtschaftsverbände in Entwicklungsökonomien als Schnittstelle in der Kommunikation zwischen Staat und privatem Sektor dienen können. Da Russland lange Zeit als treffendes Beispiel für Staats- und Marktversagen galt, liegt der Schwerpunkt dieser Studie auf einer Analyse der gegenwärtigen Rolle der russischen Wirtschaftsverbände und deren Interaktion mit Mitgliedsunternehmen und staatlichen Institutionen. Nach Auswertung von Befragungsdaten, die 2009 in 957 Industrieunternehmen erhoben wurden, zeigt sich, dass große Unternehmen, Unternehmen mit Niederlassungen in regionalen Ballungszentren und Unternehmen, die Investitionen und Innovationen tätigen, häufiger in Wirtschaftsverbänden vertreten sind als Tochtergesellschaften von Großkonzernen und Unternehmen, die sich zu ihren Eigentumsverhältnissen nicht äußern wollten. Die Regressionsanalyse zeigt auch, dass Wirtschaftsverbände Teil dessen sind, was Frye (2002) 'elite exchange' nennt - wenngleich dieser Austausch nur auf regionaler und lokaler Ebene stattfindet. Diese 'exchanges' beinhalten, dass die Mitglieder der Wirtschaftsverbände auf der einen Seite aktiver die regionalen und lokalen Institutionen unterstützen und auf der anderen Seite auch häufiger Unterstützung von diesen Institutionen erhalten. Dieser Effekt ist jedoch insignifikant für die gesamtstaatliche Ebene. Die Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass Wirtschaftsverbände als Schnittstelle zwischen staatlichen Institutionen und Wirtschaft und somit als mögliches Instrument zur Förderung der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung beitragen können.

Introduction. The paper studies specifics of the communicative behavior of native speakers of English and Arab speakers of English as a second language in business situations. The novelty of the study is implied by the fact that it establishes ethnocultural features of comissive speech acts in value-marked situations in the English-language business discourse. The relevance of the study is conditioned by the interest in speech acts functioning in lingvocultural perspective, which studies patterns of communicative behavior in cross-cultural situations and issues of verbal representation of speech acts in the speech of native and non-native speakers of English as they are employed in various genres and types of discourse.Methodology and sources. The study employs methods of corpus linguistics and discourse analysis interpretive method. The study is drawn on a corpus compiled of business letters written by employees of United Arab Emirates companies who speak English as a second language (LBLC). The corpus LBLC comprises 160 letters, 33 907 words. To identify cultural differences, Business Letter Corpus of 1 million words that contains letters written by British and American writers was chosen.Results and discussion. The results of cross-cultural comparison of commissive speech acts representation in value marked situations in the Learner Business Letter Corpus (LBLC) and Business Letter Corpus are presented. It has been concluded that both corpora under study display similarity as for functions of comissive speech acts in value-marked communicative situations whereas differences are revealed in the variation of lexical and grammatical choices that represent these speech acts and their pragmatics. In the BLC the situations when commissive speech acts correlate with apology the addresser commits themselves to obligation not to perform actions that are undesirable for the addressee or prevent the circumstances that might have negative consequences for the addressee. In the LBLC, following the communicative act of apology the addresser emphasizes the causes that have resulted in his failure to complete his obligations and promises to eliminate these causes. The texts in BLC employ explicit speech acts of guarantee that represent an obligation on condition that the addressee completes a certain action and emphasize the sincerity of the addresser. The texts in LBLC do not contain any instances of explicit speech acts of guarantee and the utterance is interpreted as a guarantee on the basis of declarations expressed in the letter.Conclusion. It is concluded that in cross-cultural value-marked situations speech acts implementation follows algorithms that are relevant in a given culture and display cultural specificity that can be studies by linguistic methods.

What makes a terrorist? Is an individual inherently predisposed to be attracted to political violence or does exposure to a certain environment desensitize them in such a way that violence represents a viable mode for addressing political grievances? Identifying state failure as the impetus for political violence this book addresses these questions and focuses on why existing extremist groups find failed states so attractive. Utilizing global barometer data, Tiffiany Howard examines the underpinnings of individual support for political violence and argues that an insidious pattern of deprivation within failed states drives ordinary citizens to engage in and support extreme acts of political violence. A rigorous examination of four regions plagued by a combination of failed states and political violence-Sub Saharan Africa, The Middle East and North Africa, Southeast and South Asia, and Latin America-this text draws parallels to arrive at a single conclusion; that failed states are a natural breeding ground for terrorism and political violence.