Suchergebnisse

Prospect theory is the most influential behavioral theory of choice in the social sciences. Its creators won a Nobel Prize in economics, & it is largely responsible for the booming field of behavioral economics. Although international relations theorists who study security have used prospect theory extensively, Americanists, comparativists, & political economists have shown little interest in it. The dominant explanation for political scientists' tepid response focuses on the theoretical problems with extending a theory devised in the lab to explain political decisions in the field. This essay focuses on these problems & reviews suggested solutions. It suggests that prospect theory's failure to ignite the imagination of more political scientists probably results from their aversion to behavioral assumptions & not from problems unique to prospect theory. 92 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper surveys the growth and various phases of and influences on the concept of democracy in the Islamic political thought of the last two centuries. Among the thinkers covered in the survey are Rifa'a Tahtawi (1801-73), Khairuddin at-Tunis (1810-99), Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani (1838-97), Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905), Abdurrahman al-Kawakibi (1849-1903), Rashid Rida (1865-1935), Hasan al-Banna (1904-49), Ali Abd Ar-Raziq (1888-1966), Sayyid Qutb (1906-66), Sa'id Hawwa, and Malik Bennabi (1905-73). Reference is made to the influence of Sayyid Mawdudi (1903-79), on the thought of Sayyid Qutb. The paper traces also the bearing of Bennabi's thought on Rachid Ghannouchi and on the Islamic movements of our times.

What is the utility of classical political theory and modern writing about it for current-day positive (that is, explanatory) political science? By "classical," I mean works from Plato through at least Weber.In modern American political science, the conventional answer to this question has been that classical theory offers normative illumination. It helps out with certain "should" questions—that is, recommendations about how political systems should be constructed or how individuals acting as political beings should behave. Important as this line of thinking may be in its own terms, I believe that it has worked to marginalize or trivialize classical theory for many writers and teachers in the positive sectors. It has allowed the kind of dismissal that Ayer (1948), writing at the high tide of logical positivism, gave to normative concerns. Classical theory scholars made a tactical mistake a few generations back, if they had any choice in the matter, to let themselves become labeled "normative."It is much better to see classical theory as a source of ontological illumination—that is, as a window to the nature of political reality. What is the nature of the political reality that political scientists should be studying? If we members of the profession possessed a clear, singular answer to this question, we might not feel the need to keep classical theory alive. But we do not possess a clear, singular answer, or at least we do not agree on any.

"Beginning Research in Political Science takes a learn-by-doing-approach to guide students through all of the steps needed for their own original projects. Each chapter builds from the previous chapter with step-by-step instructions that guide students towards the project's completion. The text features recent data from the World Values Survey and instructional SPSS Statistics software tutorials, along with a variety of features reflecting its consistent pedagogy"--

This note explores new ways of thinking about the history of political thought in twentieth-century Europe. It argues that more attention ought to be paid to the interaction between political thought or imagination on the one hand and, on the other, actual political institutions as they were designed, sometimes destroyed, an often re-designed in the course of twentieth-century European history. With this comes a clearer focus on 'in-between figures' (such as public lawyers). The note then outlines an argument concerning the emergence--even triumph--of a particular set of institutions and normative ideas (or sometimes just intuitions) in Western Europe after 1945, a set that was largely extended to Southern as well as Eastern Europe towards the end of the century. What is summed up as a conception of constrained civilian democratic administrative statehood did not reflect any traditional 'ism' and constituted a genuinely new ideological configuration. Adapted from the source document.

Leo Strauss's article "An Epilogue" is made up of many different critical arguments about political science. The guiding principles of these arguments are not revealed clearly enough. One can even get the impression that "An Epilogue" is an unfinished article. Only after finding the guiding principles we can understand the Strauss's critique. He emphasized the difference between the philosophical and scientific approach to politics. "An Epilogue" shows that he understood political science as philosophy.

Begins with a reflection on the field of political science, which, while highly politicized internally, plays no central role in public policy debate. Research is generally shaped by the political preferences of the field's generally liberal-Left practitioners, but these views are seldom attended to outside of academia. The remainder of the comment discusses the importance & disadvantages of specialization, & the need for methodological expertise to include policy knowledge as well as academic knowledge. K. Coddon