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Despite an increase of advocacy by established nongovernmental sport organizations, little is known about how advocacy is enacted and with what effects. Building conceptually on frame alignment theory and empirically on interview data from 19 Swedish Regional Sport Federations, this article investigates how advocates politicize sport to gain "insider status" and analyses the by-products of such efforts. This research demonstrates that the architecture of advocacy claims perpetuates a separation between organizations that "sell" sport from those that "produce" it. Framing also impels centralized authority because advocates safeguard their credibility as political actors by taking up a "leadership-position" vis-à-vis clubs. Advocacy frame alignment has further by-products insofar as they narrow advocates' room for maneuver and become institutionalized over time. ; idrottsped

In the reform era, management of information by the Chinese Communist Party has been continuously moving away from explicit, crude tactics of the past toward more subtle and orderly mechanisms of the present. This study examines one facet of this transformation in the online sphere: digital persuasion. Drawing on three emerging trends in online persuasion, including official digital revamping of state media, expansion of government Weibo, and official promotion of patriotic bloggers, the authors explain how online persuasion is taking on an increasingly participatory form under President Xi. Specifically, the conceptualization of 'authoritarian participatory persuasion 2.0' includes direct co-production of persuasion, with netizens called to repost, share and create content, as well as the indirect participation, whereby netizens are invited to partake in the life of the top leader, Xi Jinping, and to consume exclusive practical tips provided by the state. The participatory digital persuasion, whereas intended to facilitate public complicity with the regime, has also opened up spaces for satire and 'incivility' unmasking and challenging the state's covert propaganda practices. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

Racism, persuasion, and emotion: reflections on then and now -- Class beginnings: September and October -- Emotioned rules taught in school and the persuasive power of racism: November and December -- When to break the rules: February, March, and April -- Beyond white privilege: June at Laurel Canyons

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acronyms -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1 Response to Protests in Okinawa Under the U.S. Administration, 1945-1972 -- 2 Response to Protests in Okinawa, 1995-1996 and 2009-2010 -- 3 Response to Protests in South Korea, 2000-2007 -- 4 Response to Protests in the Philippines, 1964-1965 and 1972-1979 -- 5 Persuasion and the Closure of U.S. Military Bases in the Philippines, 1991 -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

Persuasion et politique, les campagnes de Georges Pompidou et Alain Poher, par Jean et Monica Charlot
La campagne électorale des deux principaux candidats à l'élection présidentielle de juin 1969 témoigne d'un souci de rationalité dans les décisions importantes : declaration de candidature, choix de l'image, choix des moyens, organisation et rythme de la campagne : MM. Pompidou et Poher n'ont pas eu recours aux conseils en campagnes politiques - contrairement à Lecanuet en 1965 - et se sont défendu de faire une "campagne à l'américaine" ; ils ne negligèrent pas pour autant les armes modernes, du sondage d'opinion à l'avion à réaction. Leurs campagnes respectives, cependant, sont davantage mar- quées par leurs conceptions divergentes de la présidence, par leur entourage et par leur tempérament que par les techniques de persuasion politique.

Over the last few years, increasing political and criminal violence has dominated narratives emerging from Daraa and Sweida governorates in southern Syria. In their own localities, however, local notables have not been mere bystanders. They have made use of tribal sulh – a traditional conflict-resolution mechanism – to adjudicate disputes and contribute to maintaining some degree of normality and order. Drawing on original data derived from interviews with civilians, local notables and senior leaders of armed groups, together with rare access to the backstage of various intra- and inter-community sulh initiatives, we investigate the conditions under which local notables have succeeded or failed to utilise sulh and reduce the risk of intra-community violence in Daraa and Sweida. We demonstrate how domestic, regional and international actors have interfered to create, support or spoil the sulh process that took place between Daraa and Sweida over the course of 2020 in pursuit of their interests.