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Front Cover -- Book Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part One: Conditions -- 1. Sickly Sapling, Glorious Tree? -- 2. Multilateralism and Engagement -- 3. The US Global Security Guarantee and UN Collective Security -- Part Two: Heuristics -- 4. Always Engage: The United States and the Security Council -- 5. Sometimes Engage: Internal UN Management and the General Secretariat, the Buyout of the UN-that-Works, and Containment of the UN-that-Doesn't -- 6. Parallel Engagement: International Development and Global Human Welfare -- 7. Disengage and Obstruct: The UN-of-Values and the Human Rights Council -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- About the Author -- About the Hoover Institution's Koret-Taube Task Force on National Security and Law -- Index.

This article addresses the question of what it means to think of a distinctly international ethics by developing a radical reinterpretation of Waltzian neorealism from a Derridean deconstructive perspective. The core argument of the article is that Derridean deconstruction effectively explains why there is an ethics of neorealism in the first place, and why this ethics cannot be easily overcome. Underpinning this argument is a notion in Derrida's philosophy of survival as an unconditional affirmation of life, which finds an equivalent in Waltz's theory of international life in the anarchic system. On this basis, I claim that Waltz's theory is ethical, not despite its focus on the structural conditions of survival, but precisely because of it. Moreover, the article shows how this notion of ethics renders universal ethical ideals, beyond relations of violence, not only impossible, but undesirable. They are undesirable because to actually fulfil them would be to undermine the conditions that make international life possible in the first place. In this way, various attempts to theorize the meaning and implications of international ethics that hold on to the notion of ethical ideals beyond relations of violence become untenable. Instead of aspiring towards such ideals, the article concludes, international ethics should be thought of as an unconditional affirmation of the incalculable future that structures international life and inevitably exposes it to the worst forms of destruction, but also enables the making of responsible decisions.

International audience ; As particularly cosmopolitan places, harbours, and the dockers who work within them, provide a good example for a study of the difficulties of implementing international strategies amongst workers. Added to the competition between the harbours, there is also the competition between the workers themselves, especially between regular and casual labourers. This explains the introduction of closed shops and the regularisation of employment, which hardened to the distinction between different categories of labour. From the end of the 19th century, this system was the basis of the resistance led by the International Transport Federation (ITF) to international policies of employers. An uneasy coexistence, and occasional disputes amongst the federations, some of which looked towards Moscow, was eventually resolved in the common struggle against fascism. Even when it was politically aggressive — cf. the organised boycotts — the internationalism of the dockers' trade unions remained one step behind that of the employers, as the late foundation of the European Transport Federation (whose recent resistance against European deregulation was nevertheless successful) illustrates. ; Lieux cosmopolites par excellence, les ports et ceux qui y travaillent, les dockers, permettent d'étudier la complexité de la mise en œuvre de stratégies internationales. À la concurrence entre les sites s'ajoute celle entre habitués et occasionnels à travers le souci de la professionnalisation et du contrôle de l'embauche qui amène à distinguer intermittence et précarité. Depuis la fin du XIXe siècle, l'organisation du travail suscite la résistance aux ententes patronales internationales auxquelles s'est opposé l'un des plus importants SPI, l'International Transport Federation. La difficile cohabitation, voire l'affrontement, avec les fédérations d'obédience moscovite se résout dans un antifascisme partagé. Offensif sur le plan politique — boycotts orchestrés —, l'internationalisme syndical accuse cependant toujours un ...

International audience ; As particularly cosmopolitan places, harbours, and the dockers who work within them, provide a good example for a study of the difficulties of implementing international strategies amongst workers. Added to the competition between the harbours, there is also the competition between the workers themselves, especially between regular and casual labourers. This explains the introduction of closed shops and the regularisation of employment, which hardened to the distinction between different categories of labour. From the end of the 19th century, this system was the basis of the resistance led by the International Transport Federation (ITF) to international policies of employers. An uneasy coexistence, and occasional disputes amongst the federations, some of which looked towards Moscow, was eventually resolved in the common struggle against fascism. Even when it was politically aggressive — cf. the organised boycotts — the internationalism of the dockers' trade unions remained one step behind that of the employers, as the late foundation of the European Transport Federation (whose recent resistance against European deregulation was nevertheless successful) illustrates. ; Lieux cosmopolites par excellence, les ports et ceux qui y travaillent, les dockers, permettent d'étudier la complexité de la mise en œuvre de stratégies internationales. À la concurrence entre les sites s'ajoute celle entre habitués et occasionnels à travers le souci de la professionnalisation et du contrôle de l'embauche qui amène à distinguer intermittence et précarité. Depuis la fin du XIXe siècle, l'organisation du travail suscite la résistance aux ententes patronales internationales auxquelles s'est opposé l'un des plus importants SPI, l'International Transport Federation. La difficile cohabitation, voire l'affrontement, avec les fédérations d'obédience moscovite se résout dans un antifascisme partagé. Offensif sur le plan politique — boycotts orchestrés —, l'internationalisme syndical accuse cependant toujours un ...

Relationships and relational outcomes are key in international development volunteering (IDV) research, but little attention has been paid to the spaces of relationship formation. This article contributes to the literature by unpacking volunteer–local relationships using a spatial lens. It uses a case study of Singapore–Cambodia IDV projects spanning the short and long-term temporal continuum to unpack how space, time and structure influence volunteer–local relationships. It presents three distinct development spaces—structured, social and transition spaces—that shape hierarchical, reciprocal or convivial relationships. These findings highlight the role organizations play in volunteer–local relationships, and the importance of making space and time for more equitable relationships.

With the widespread use of technology, a new host of threats appear that affect the American government, businesses, and civilians. This is why Cybersecurity is a global emergency that involves not only the United States, but all countries, and which makes it necessary for the gaps within international cybersecurity to be filled. Cyber security crosses all geographic boundaries and must be addressed wholistically in order to be effective. Current regulations within cyberspace are not adequate and in order to protect each state from cyber threats, it is imperative for the states to create a collaborative solution to the issues within the current cyberspace in order to maintain peace.

L'article examine comment et pourquoi des acteurs deviennent passeurs de normes. À partir d'une enquête de terrain prolongée, l'étude de cas porte sur le transfert des normes de l'asile en Ukraine. Des organisations internationales établissent une chaîne de transfert et recrutent des agents qui, avec des employés d'ONG locales, fréquemment novices dans le domaine de l'asile, deviennent des passeurs de profession. Ils diffusent ensuite des standards internationaux auprès des fonctionnaires ukrainiens, souvent par des liens personnels, et parviennent à faire d'eux des passeurs de conviction. L'approche par les passeurs permet de nuancer les dichotomies entre transferts imposés et transferts volontaires, ainsi qu'entre promoteurs et destinataires de normes. Elle contribue également aux recherches émergentes sur les temporalités des transferts.

AbstractIn May to July 1931, a series of financial panics shook central Europe before spreading to the rest of the world. This article explores the role of cross‐border banking linkages in propagating the central European crisis to Britain and the US. Using archival bank‐level data, the article documents US and British banks' exposure to central European frozen credits in 1931. Central European lending was mostly done by large and diversified commercial banks in the US and by small and geographically specialized merchant banks/acceptance houses in Britain. Differences in the organization of international bank lending explain why the central European crisis disturbed few US banks but endangered many British financial institutions.

Investigating highly mobile labor populations presents researchers with unique challenges and opportunities. In this paper, I share my experiences and reflections in collecting international merchant seafarers' oral histories and propose to move the dialogue forward regarding the use of hybrid qualitative research practices. Seafarers are constantly moving, at sea and in port, and traditional research methodologies are inadequate in determining the nature of modern-day seafaring. I suggest how qualitative research methods must be flexible enough to accommodate researchers' needs in a chaotic global milieu. Investigators researching highly mobile labor populations, as well as mobile immigrant and refugee communities, can gain insights into the challenges and methods available for meeting those challenges.

How do domestic political institutions affect the outcomes of international trade negotiations? Specifically, are the aggregate trade barriers agreed upon by a democratic pair lower than those by a pair composed of a democracy and an autocracy? I revisit these important questions by highlighting some problematic aspect of the analysis by Mansfield, Milner, and Rosendorff (2000). Contrary to their central conclusion, I find that whether the aggregate trade barriers are lower for a democratic pair than those for a mixed pair depends on the preferences of the decision makers involved. Thus, although domestic political institutions are important, they alone are insufficient to predict a higher level of cooperation among democracies.