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A visit to Malaysia is a delight for a comparative family lawyer, especially one who adores satay, nasi goreng and biryani.The country itself is an unlikely amalgam of two land masses separated by 700 km, containing thirteen States of widely differing cultures. West Malaysia is by far the more populous, East Malaysia the larger geographically. In East Malaysia, a rich country (Brunei) is sandwiched as an independent enclave between the two States which do belong to Malaysia (Sarawak and Sabah). In the Malay Peninsula the port of Singapore, which geographically belongs to West Malaysia, ceded from the Federation in 1965, and is a separate country.

New College Heads Appointed; Facty of Medicine Gets Psychiatric Epidemiological Research Unit; Staff News: Personalia, Community/External Service, Talks/Lectures, Participation in Conferences/Seminars, Message from the Transport Office, Staff Vacancies; Scholarships News: Overseas Development Group Postgraduate Scholarship, Research Fellowship in Biomedical Sciences; Book Donation by Government of Alberta, Canada; Student News: New Executive Committee of the University Student Union, Rests of the Friendly Matches with National University of Singapore; Attachments: Academic Publications by Staff, Academic Visitors, Circar on General Arrangements on the Approach of Typhoons, Text of a speech by Professor C.N. Chen at the inauguration ceremony of the Psychiatric Epidemiological Research Unit

(3) Three brief notes are devoted to the following: (a) to the Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka of the Sultanat of Brunei, whose activities, parallel to those of the Dewan of Kuala Lumpur (cf Archipel 2, p. 23) concentrate above all on the publication of texts and lexicography, (b) to Sasterawan, a literary revue edited exclusively in Malay, whose first editions have just appeared in Singapore, (c) To Pustaka Djaya, a new publishing house that Ajip Rosidi has just started under the auspices of the Municipality of Djakarta, and whose aim is to give a taste of books and reading to a larger public.

Michael Leifer : selected works on Southeast Asia -- Contents -- Director's Message -- Preface -- Foreword -- Introducing Southeast Asia -- 1. Southeast Asia -- Part I: International Relations -- Introduction to Part I -- Southeast Asia: Conflict and Co-operation -- 2. Sources of Regional Conflict -- 3. Regional Association: Sources of Conflict -- 4. The Vietnam War and the Response of Southeast Asian Countries -- 5. Regional Association: From ASA to ASEAN -- 6. The Limits of Functionalist Endeavour: The Experiences of Southeast Asia -- ASEAN and Regional Order -- 7. Regionalism, the Global Balance, and Southeast Asia -- 8. ASEAN's Search for Regional Order -- 9. Indochina and ASEAN: Seeking a New Balance -- 10. The ASEAN Peace Process: A Category Mistake -- 11. ASEAN as a Model of a Security Community? -- 12. Regional Solutions to Regional Problems? -- 13. Truth about the Balance of Power -- 14. The Merits of Multilateralism -- 15. The Limits to ASEAN's Expanding Role -- The Cambodia Conflict -- 16. The Indochina Problem -- 17. Vietnam's Intervention in Kampuchea: The Rights of State v. the Rights of People -- 18. Cambodia Conflict: Interests and Roles of the External Powers -- 19. UNTAC Fulfils Its Mission -- External Actors and Southeast Asia -- 20. Anglo-American Differences over Malaysia -- 21. Astride the Straits of Johore: The British Presence and Commonwealth Rivalry in Southeast Asia -- 22. China and Southeast Asia: Interdependence and Accommodation -- 23. Taiwan and Southeast Asia: The Limits to Pragmatic Diplomacy -- 24. Who's It that Really Needs to be Engaged? -- 25. The European Union, ASEAN, and the Politics of Exclusion -- 26. The Peace Dividend: Israel's Changing Relationship with Southeast Asia -- Between Regions: ASEAN and the EC/EU -- 27. Regional Decision-Making and Corporate Foreign Policies -- 28. Europe and Southeast Asia -- 29. Regionalism Compared: The Perils and Benefits of Expansion -- Security and Order: The Maritime Dimension -- 30. The Maritime Regime and Regional Security in East Asia -- 31. The Straits Are Not Protected -- 32. Stalemate in the South China Sea -- Part II: Domestic Politics and Foreign Policies -- Introduction to Part II -- Cambodia -- 33. The Failure of Political Institutionalization in Cambodia -- 34. Problems of Authority and Political Succession in Cambodia -- 35. Rebellion or Subversion in Cambodia? -- 36. Cambodia and Her Neighbours -- 37. Kampuchea in 1980: The Politics of Attrition -- 38. The Anguish of Cambodia -- 39. Challenges Remain in Cambodia -- 40. Tune Back In, Friends of Cambodia, the Crisis Show Isn't Over -- Malaysia -- 41. Politics and Constitutional Stability in Malaysia -- 42. Adverse Conceptions of Malaysia: Consequences of Communal Violence -- 43. Malaysia after Tun Razak: Tensions in a Multi-racial State -- 44. Anti-Semitism without Jews: The Malaysian Example -- 45. Anglo-Malaysian Alienation Revisited -- Singapore -- 46. Singapore in Malaysia: The Politics of Federation -- 47. Triumph of the Will -- 48. Backseat Driver -- 49. Overnight, an Oasis May Become a Desert -- 50. Israel's President in Singapore: Political Catalysis and Transnational Politics -- 51. Singapore in Regional and Global Context: Sustaining Exceptionalism -- 52. Coping with Vulnerability -- Indonesia -- 53. Whither Indonesian Nationalism? -- 54. Uncertainty in Indonesia -- 55. The Challenge of Creating a Civil Society in Indonesia -- 56. Lesson from a Downfall -- 57. Indonesia's Foreign Policy: Change and Continuity -- 58. The Islamic Factor in Indonesia's Foreign Policy: A Case of Functional Ambiguity -- 59. Indonesia's Dilemmas of Engagement with China -- Vietnam, Brunei, the Philippines, and Thailand -- 60. Vietnam's Foreign Policy in the Post-Soviet Era: Coping with Vulnerability -- 61. Vietnam's Changing Relations with China -- 62. The Predicament of the Brunei Sultanate -- 63. Brunei: Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy -- 64. The Philippines and Sabah Irredenta -- 65. Thailand: The Politics of "De-Stalinization" -- 66. Can Democracy Last in Thailand? -- Bibliography -- Index.

I've been watching Channel News Asia as of late, and a news item that struck me was the Malaysian ban on chicken exports starting this June. It's very much a supply chain issue: as the price (and hence availability) of chicken feed--comprised of grains and soybeans--has increased significantly, Malaysian chicken production has been reduced. Understandably, Malaysia is keen on having sufficient food for its populace before exporting it in this day and age of inflation and shortages. Unfortunately, neighboring Singapore has been negatively affected by Malaysia's impending chicken export ban. Hainanese chicken rice is Singapore's signature dish--a staple food in that wealthy Asian nation. Having little domestic chicken production, Singapore is reliant on imports from countries like Malaysia. Given its limited sources, Singaporeans now have to cope with this shortage. Let's begin with constraints on the supply end in Malaysia: Malaysia, itself facing soaring prices, has decided to halt chicken exports until local production and costs stabilise. Prices
have been capped since February at 8.90 ringgit ($2.03) per bird and a
subsidy of 729.43 million ringgit ($166 million) has been set aside for
poultry farmers.Chicken
feed typically consists of grain and soybean, which Malaysia imports.
But the government is having to consider alternatives amid a global feed
shortage. Lower
quality feed means the birds are not growing as fast as usual, slowing
down the entire supply chain, said poultry farmer Syaizul Abdullah
Syamil Zulkaffly.In turn, Singaporean food stalls have been feeling the pinch. To be sure, there are other sources of chicken such as Brazil. The problem, however, is that Brazil is much farther away than nearby Malaysia, necessitating freezing of chickens to the detriment of freshness and taste:Singapore,
although among the wealthiest countries in Asia, has a heavily
urbanised land area of just 730 square km (280 square miles) and relies
largely on imported food, energy and other goods. Nearly all of its
chicken is imported: 34% from Malaysia, 49% from Brazil and 12% from the
United States, according to data from Singapore Food Agency (SFA).A
plate of simple poached chicken and white rice cooked in broth served
with a side of greens is a dish beloved by the country's 5.5 million
people, and is usually widely available for about S$4 ($2.92) at
eateries known as hawker centres.The
SFA has said the shortfall can be offset by frozen chicken from Brazil,
and has urged consumers to opt for other protein sources like fish.Singapore being a wealthy country with more refined tastes, some restaurateurs would rather serve something else rather than frozen Brazilian chicken:Some vendors have said they will stop selling
chicken altogether and instead find alternative dishes – bad news for
fans of Singapore's much-loved dish of poached chicken, served with rice
cooked in stock, and chilli dip.The owner of the popular eatery Tian Tian Hainanese Chicken Rice told the Singaporean outlet The Straits Times
that it would stop serving chicken dishes if it could not get fresh
supplies. Its founder, Foo Kui Lian, said they would instead "bring back
dishes like fried tofu, fried pork chop and prawn salad, but we will
not use frozen chicken".The Singapore Food
Agency has encouraged the public to use frozen chicken, which is
imported from countries such as Brazil, or to try alternative meat or
fish, and to refrain from buying more than they need.Singapore's situation has been likened to McDonalds without burgers, but the analogy is not quite correct in that they do have chicken--albeit of the frozen variety. Still, it's another timely illustration of food shortages you encounter nowadays due to supply chain disruptions occurring worldwide.

COVID-19 turned the world as we knew it upside down, impacting families around the world in profound ways. Seeking to understand this global experience, Family Life in the Time of COVID brings together case studies from 10 countries that explore how local responses to the pandemic shaped, and were shaped by, understandings and practices of family life. Carried out by an international team during the first year of the pandemic, these in-depth, longitudinal, qualitative investigations examined the impact of the pandemic on families and relationships across diverse contexts and cultures. They looked at how families made sense of complex lockdown laws, how they coped with collective worry about the unknown, managed their finances, fed themselves, and got to grips with online work and schooling to understand better how life had transformed (or not). In short, the research revealed their everyday joys and struggles in times of great uncertainty. Each case study follows the same methodology revealing experiences in Argentina, Chile, Pakistan, Russia, Singapore, South Africa, Sweden, Taiwan, the United Kingdom and the USA. They show how local government responses were understood and responded to by families, and how different cultures and life circumstances impacted everyday life during the pandemic. Ultimately the analysis demonstrates how experiences of global social upheaval are shaped by international and local policies, as well as the sociocultural ideas and practices of diverse families.

This article analyzes the typical effects of the impact of political familizm on the political process in Ukraine. It is concluded that in general the essence of this phenomenon is negative. Therefore, in order to highlight examples of effective anti-familistic strategiesthe paper studies the existing international experience – from public documents such UN Convention against corruption to examples of specific states. The subject of the current research is the policy of states, which are considered as global (Singapore) and regional (Georgia) samples of the anti-familistic movement. We analyze the historical path of these countries – from the critical development of political familizm to the successful anti-familistic reforms with their subsequent consolidation of the institutional body of state. Accordingly, the research defines the possibility and the expected effectiveness of implementation of existing examples of institutional minimizationof political familizm in Ukrainian political realities basing on the advantages and disadvantages of current anti-familistic methods. The paperalso analyzes the expected impact of the Law of Ukraine regarding the public funding of political parties as one of the possible means of minimization of political familizm. ; У даній статті аналізуються характерні наслідки впливу політичного фамілізму на політичний процес в Україні, робиться висновок про в цілому негативну сутність досліджуваного явища. Виходячи з цього, з метою виокремлення ефективних стратегій боротьби з проявами політичного фамілізму вивчається світовий досвід – від загальних документів типу конвенції ООН проти корупції до прикладів конкретних держав. Предметом дослідження є політика країн, що вважаються зразками ефективної боротьби з корупцією у світовому (Сінгапур) і регіональному (Грузія) масштабах. Аналізується історичний шлях цих держав – від критичного розвитку політичного фамілізму до проведення вдалих антифамілістичних реформ з їх подальшим закріпленням в інституційному тілі держави. Відповідно, визначаються можливість і очікувана ефективність втілення наявних зразків інституційної мінімізації політичного фамілізму в українських політичних реаліях, оцінюються переваги й недоліки відомих методів боротьби з фамілістичними практиками. Окремо аналізуються очікувані наслідки прийняття закону України стосовно державного фінансування політичних партій як одного із можливих засобів мінімізації політичного фамілізму. ; У даній статті аналізуються характерні наслідки впливу політичного фамілізму на політичний процес в Україні, робиться висновок про в цілому негативну сутність досліджуваного явища. Виходячи з цього, з метою виокремлення ефективних стратегій боротьби з проявами політичного фамілізму вивчається світовий досвід – від загальних документів типу конвенції ООН проти корупції до прикладів конкретних держав. Предметом дослідження є політика країн, що вважаються зразками ефективної боротьби з корупцією у світовому (Сінгапур) і регіональному (Грузія) масштабах. Аналізується історичний шлях цих держав – від критичного розвитку політичного фамілізму до проведення вдалих антифамілістичних реформ з їх подальшим закріпленням в інституційному тілі держави. Відповідно, визначаються можливість і очікувана ефективність втілення наявних зразків інституційної мінімізації політичного фамілізму в українських політичних реаліях, оцінюються переваги й недоліки відомих методів боротьби з фамілістичними практиками. Окремо аналізуються очікувані наслідки прийняття закону України стосовно державного фінансування політичних партій як одного із можливих засобів мінімізації політичного фамілізму.

Baba Peter Wee is a fourth generation Straits Chinese Peranakan, whose ancestry can be traced back to Malacca on his maternal side. Born Peter Wee Ban Kheng in 1946 to Wee Guan Hong from Indonesia and Josephine Tan Pin Neo, his name was taken from his maternal grandfather's ji hoh, or family plaque, Kheng Huat.

Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong's National Day Rally on Sunday signalled a putative shift in the government's policy towards tackling workplace discrimination and supporting lower-wage workers. While the tripartite approach remains the bedrock in industrial relations, the government is prepared to adopt a more muscular approach through regulation by legislation. Businesses must recognise the concerns of workers amid the unpredictable arc of the global pandemic. It cannot be business as usual.

The introduction of the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) has been generating considerable debate and feedback. Some of the concerns raised include whether the bill unduly restricts the freedom of expression. In focusing on the hate speech provisions of the POFMA, this legislation comment situates the criticisms within the larger framework of international human rights law and international practices and proposes some ways forward to improve the regulatory framework for online hate speech.