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The Research and Study Group in Administrative Law of the University of Montevideo already in 2009 addressed the study of the phenomenon of "telework" in the Public Administration, reflecting on Decree No. 420/007 of November 7, 2007 and its modern forms of civil service provision. The reality of the COVID-19 pandemic, which has highlighted this type of work, justifies taking up those ideas and analyzing them in their development and under the new reality, with the aim of contributing to the study and discussion of this form of provision of public function. Thus, in this work the phenomenon of teleworking in the Public Administration in comparative law is surveyed and updated, specifically in Spain, and in the Federal Government of the United States. Moving on to the analysis of the existing regulations in the Positive Law of Uruguay, and the examination of the legal and regulatory background in the area of telework and technology. Finally, to assess the virtues, defects and prospects of telework in Civil Service. ; El Grupo de Investigación y Estudio en Derecho Administrativo de la Universidad de Montevideo ya en 2009 abordó el estudio del fenómeno del "teletrabajo" en la Administración Pública, al reflexionar sobre el Decreto No. 420/007 de 7 de noviembre de 2007 y sus modernas formas de prestación de la función pública. La realidad de la pandemia de COVID-19, que ha puesto de relieve esta modalidad de trabajo, justifica retomar aquellas ideas y analizarlas en su desarrollo y bajo la nueva realidad, con el ánimo de aportar al estudio y discusión de esta forma de prestación de función pública. Así, en este trabajo se releva y actualiza el fenómeno del teletrabajo en la Administración Pública en el derecho comparado, específicamente en España, y en el Gobierno Federal de los Estados Unidos. Pasando luego al análisis de la normativa existente en el Derecho Positivo de Uruguay, y el examen de los antecedentes normativos en el área de teletrabajo y tecnología. Para, finalmente, valorar virtudes, defectos y prospectiva del teletrabajo en la Función Pública. ; O Grupo de Pesquisa e Estudo em Direito Administrativo da Universidade de Montevidéu já havia abordado, em 2009, o estudo do fenômeno do "teletrabalho" na Função Pública, refletindo sobre o Decreto nº 420/007 de 7 de novembro de 2007 e suas formas modernas de prestação de serviços públicos. A realidade da pandemia de COVID-19, que põe evidência esta modalidade de trabalho, justifica retomar aquelas ideias e analisá-las em seu desenvolvimento e sob a nova realidade, com o intuito de contribuir ao estudo e discussão desta forma de prestação de função pública. Assim, neste trabalho, se aborda e atualiza o fenômeno do teletrabalho na Administração Pública no direito comparado, especificamente na Espanha, e no Governo Federal dos Estados Unidos. Seguindo com a análise da normativa existente no Direito Positivo do Uruguai, e o exame dos antecedentes normativos na área de teletrabalho e tecnologia. Finalmente, valorizar virtudes, defeitos e prospectiva do teletrabalho na Função Pública.

The paper is analyzing political aspects of "trade war" between the Republic of Korea and Japan. In our research we took an attempt to considering the number of events that started in July of 2019 and connected with mutual doings of Seoul and Tokyo on exempting from preferential "white lists" of exporters. We also analyzed political roots and implications of these events. Since the bilateral talks between Republic of Korea and Japan doesn't gave no significant result, we are dealing with new unsettled issues, that potentially can reduce the non-political cooperation between two states. The reason of current crisis in South Korea – Japan relations was an attempt of gov- ernment of Republic of Korea to use for political goals the issue of compensation for victims of forced labour in the World War II. It caused a negative reaction from the Japanese side. In Tokyo stated that these claims are controverting the Agreement on the settlement of problems concerning property and claims and on economic co-operation (1965). Under this agreement, both sides rejected from the property and compensations claims, in exchange for the financial aid and credits that were provided by Japan. New dispute was caused to negative implications for Korea-Japan relations. In particular, issue of preserving the General Security of Military Information Agreement that allows intelligence information sharing, is open. Moreover, using the economic pressure measures toward South Korea, becomes an instrument that allows Tokyo to demonstrate its readiness to act more strictly. ; В статье рассмотрены политические аспекты «торговой войны» междуРеспубликой Корея и Японией. Речь идет о событиях, начавшихся в июле 2019 года и связанных с взаимными акциями Сеула и Токио по исключению из преференциальных списков экспортеров, а также политических предпосылках, причинах и последствиях этих шагов. Судя по тому, что двусторонние южнокорейско-японские переговоры, начатые в декабре 2019 года, не принесли заметного результата, скорее всего, мы имеем дело с появлением новых неурегулированных проблем, которые потенциально могут нанести урон неполитическому сотрудничеству между Республикой Корея и Японией. Причиной нынеш-него кризиса в южнокорейско-японских отношениях стали попытки властей Республики Корея использовать тему компенсаций жертвам принудительного труда в период Второй мировой войны во внутриполитических целях. Это вызвало негативную реакцию со сто-роны Токио, где обратили внимание на то, что вынесение требований о компенсациях противоречит духу и букве Соглашения об урегулировании проблемы прав и притязаний и о экономическом сотрудничестве между Республикой Корея и Японией от 22 июня 1965 г.По этому соглашению стороны взаимно отказывались от прав на компенсации и претензий на собственность в обмен на предоставление Японией финансовой помощи и кредитов. Развертывание нового спора привело к неблагоприятным для сторон последствиям. В частности, поставлено под вопрос существование Договора о защите военной информации между РК и Японией, который предполагал, помимо прочего, обмен разведывательной информацией. Кроме того, использованием мер экономического давления в отношении РК, в Токио дали понять, что, в случае дальнейших попыток заставить Японию принять невыгодные для себя соглашения, правительство страны может отреагировать куда жестче, чем на этапе переговоров по проблеме «женщин для утешения».

El artículo presenta los hallazgos de una investigación hecha sobre el proceso de la génesis del campo artístico paraguayo y el fenómeno de grupos de vanguardia antagónicos, entre los años 50 y 60's. Se utilizó el sistema teórico de Pierre Bourdieu, cuya puesta a prueba dejó ver que sus conceptos definen, simultáneamente, una interpretación conceptual específica y unas funciones metodológicas precisas en la reconstrucción de casos particulares: por ejemplo, mantener una perspectiva relacional, ejercer la ruptura con las prenociones y los datos preconstruidos, como también estabilizar un modelo analógico para la comparación entre casos ya establecidos. Esto significa que, si bien se estudiaron las propiedades singulares del caso, el objetivo radicó en inscribirlo en una serie de casos históricos semejantes mediante el razonamiento por analogía. El artículo presenta tres dimensiones estrictamente interrelacionadas: a) dimensión epistemológica; b) dimensión histórica; y c) una dimensión de análisis. Las proposiciones teóricas hacen inteligible que las tomas de posición de los grupos Arte Nuevo y Los Novísimos constituyeron unas específicas articulaciones entre la ética, la estética y la política en el arte paraguayo. ; This paper shows the research finding of the Paraguayan artistic field genesis process and the phenomenon of the avant-garde antagonistic groups around the 1950s and 1960s. Pierre Bourdieu's theoretical system was utilized for the purpose of construction and reconstruction: the deployment of concepts in this case showed that they define a specific conceptual interpretation and very precise methodological steps simultaneously. This means that, even if the singular properties of the case have been studied, the main aim resided in inscribing it in a series of similar historical cases through the reasoning by analogy. Furthermore, the logic of the investigation was composed of historical analysis, epistemological vigilance, and socio-analysis for the sake of reaching the rigorousness that characterizes sociology. The paper is structured by three interrelated dimensions: and epistemological dimension; a historical dimension; and a dimension of the analysis. Naturally, the Paraguayan artistic field has displayed singular properties like a particular case. But the heuristical power of Bourdieu's theoretical propositions has allowed inscribing the Paraguayan case in the model of symbolic revolutions and in the specific struggle which revolved around the proper definition of art that was carried out by avant-garde groups. At the same time, the political context was a fundamental element: as Stroessner's power was increasing (with the support of international cooperation like Brazil or the United States contributions), local artists, writers, and intellectuals were defining the structure and the autonomy of the cultural production field. Primarily, the importance of the actions of the group called Arte Nuevo was fundamental in the relative rupture with postulates of academic art; but later, Los Novísimos' irruption played as a trigger of ethic and aesthetic investments that modified the field structure as it was emerging. Results show, on the one hand, the interrelations between ethics, aesthetic and political issues in the Paraguayan artistic field during the historical period studied and, on the other hand, the theoretical force of Bourdieu's concepts. Finally, the approach applies a dispositionalist theory to study the process of symbolic production.

The article analyzes the contemporary crisis of democracy as one of the key factors in the socio-political situation of the global world. A substantive separation between critical reflection on the effectiveness of mechanisms, procedures and other elements of govern- ment, which constitutes an inseparable dimension of democratic life, and the actual crisis of democracy as a way of self-organization of society, is conducted. Two versions of this crisis are distinguished: (1) the denial of a democratic system by other socio-political sys- tems (first of all totalitarian regimes); (2) the loss of democracy by virtue of the pressure of internal problems and conflicts in the development of society. The devastation of the con- temporary crisis of democracy lies in the crisis of political participation of citizens in the process of governance and, in general, the exercise of power functions. That is why, first of all, the crisis of the representative form of democracy. Among the ways of overcoming it, the emphasis is on the mechanisms of direct democracy, which ensures the involvement of citi- zens in government practices. Proceeding from the drawbacks of traditional forms of direct democracy (in particular, plebiscite), a model of deliberative democracy is proposed, which organically combines the expansion of opportunities for citizen participation in government with the neutralization of manipulative technologies of public communication. The com- plex of requirements for public discourse is substantiated so that he could answer the tasks of deliberative democracy (criteria of authenticity of a discourse). A special role in it must be played by the media of discourse — a public intellectual. Based on these theoretical foun- dations, the state and problems of public discourse in Ukraine are analyzed. This allows us to determine the prospect of a deliberative democracy in Ukrainian society. ; У статті аналізується сучасна криза демократії як один із ключових чинників соціально-політичної ситуації ґлобального світу. Проведено змістове розмежування між критичною рефлексією щодо дієвості механізмів, процедур та інших елементів урядування, яка становить невіддільний вимір демократичного життя, і власне кри- зою демократії як способу самоорганізації суспільства. Вирізнено два формати цієї кризи: (1) заперечення демократичного устрою з боку інших соціально-політичних систем (передусім тоталітарних режимів); (2) втрата демократією дієвості під тис- ком внутрішніх проблем і колізій розвитку суспільства. Осердя сучасної кризи де- мократії полягає у кризі політичної участі громадян у процесі управління та взагалі здійснення владних функцій. Тому це передусім є кризою представницької форми демократії. Серед шляхів її подолання наголос робиться на механізмах прямої демо- кратії, що забезпечує залучення громадян у практики урядування. Виходячи з недо- ліків традиційних форм прямої демократії (зокрема, плебісцитів), пропонується модель деліберативної демократії, що органічно поєднує в собі розширення можливостей участі громадян в урядуванні з нейтралізацією маніпулятивних технологій публічної комунікації. Обґрунтовано комплекс вимог до публічного дискурсу, щоб він був спроможний відповідати завданням деліберативної демократії (критерії ав- тентичності дикурсу). Особливу роль в ньому має відіграти медіум дискурсу — пуб- лічний інтелектуал. Виходячи з цих теоретичних засновків, проаналізовано стан і проблеми публічного дискурсу в Україні. Це дає змогу визначити перспективу делі- беративної демократії в українському суспільстві.

У статті розглянуто комерційну таємницю як умова трудового договору у міжнародному контексті, на підставі чого зроблено відповідні висновки. Зазначено, що важливою умовою успішного функціонування правового механізму комерційної таємниці в Україні є його вдосконалення з урахуванням зарубіжного досвіду та міжнародно-правових стандартів, що сприятиме його подальшому збалансуванню, уникненню колізій та неврегульованостей, оптимальному поєднанню інтересів працівника та роботодавця при використанні комерційної таємниці під час трудових відносин. Оскільки збереження комерційної таємниці, дотримання правового режиму її охорони всіма працівниками підприємства є важливим для забезпечення економічної безпеки підприємства. Недотримання ж цих правил навіть частиною персоналу може суттєво погіршити результати господарської діяльності, звести нанівець прагнення інших працівників до економічного зростання компанії. Тому вкрай важливо для демократичної та правової держави налагодити правові інструменти захисту, збереження інформації, що становить комерційну таємницю, та відповідальність за її незаконне збирання, використання та розголошення. При цьому вдосконалення правового забезпечення захисту комерційної таємниці має відбуватися в напрямку адаптації українського законодавства до вищих стандартів ЄС. Акцентовано увагу, що на сьогодні чинне законодавство про працю не містить жодних норм щодо режиму використання комерційної таємниці чи відповідальності за її незаконне поширення. Наголошено на доцільності передбачити у новому Трудовому кодексі України визначення поняття «комерційна таємниця як об'єкт трудових відносин», а також доповнити перелік підстав звільнення за ініціативою роботодавця такою підставою, як умисне розголошення охоронюваної законом таємниці, що стала відомою працівникові у зв'язку з виконанням ним трудових обов'язків. ; The article considers a trade secret as an object of labor relations in the international context, on the basis of which the relevant conclusions are made. It is noted that an important condition for the successful functioning of the legal mechanism of trade secrets in Ukraine is its improvement taking into account foreign experience and international legal standards, which will contribute to its further balancing, avoidance of conflicts and unresolved, optimal combination of employee and employer relations. Because the preservation of trade secrets, compliance with the legal regime of its protection by all employees of the enterprise is important to ensure the economic security of the enterprise. Failure to comply with these rules, even part of the staff can significantly worsen the results of economic activity, nullify the desire of other employees to economic growth of the company. Therefore, it is extremely important for a democratic and legal state to establish legal instruments for the protection, preservation of information that constitutes a trade secret, and responsibility for its illegal collection, use and disclosure. At the same time, the improvement of the legal provision for the protection of trade secrets should take place in the direction of adapting Ukrainian legislation to higher EU standards. It is emphasized that the current labor legislation does not contain any rules on the regime of use of trade secrets or liability for its illegal distribution. Emphasis is placed on the expediency of the new Labor Code of Ukraine to define the concept of "trade secret as an object of labor relations", as well as to supplement the list of grounds for dismissal at the initiative of the employer with such grounds as deliberate disclosure of a secret protected by law. performance of labor duties.

Continuous changes in the international system make states adapt permanently and developnew capacities to achieve influence and power globally. This is the case of China, which has undertakena series of internal and external transformations that position it as one of the most relevant powers ofthis century. In this way, the classic tools of geopolitical thinking were adapted to the exercise of a newway of understanding the world: geoeconomics. This way of developing foreign policy is characterizedby the use of economic variables in the diplomatic game and deterrence in the community of nations.Then, it becomes relevant to understand how power is currently built, putting the role of the militaryand war into the background to give way to the economy and markets. This does not mean that thepower derived from military capacities disappears; it becomes an important, but subsidiary, deterrencetool secondary to all the tools and strategies derived from the use of the economy. ; Las transformaciones constantes dentro del sistema internacional obligan a los Estados aadaptarse de manera permanente y a desarrollar nuevas capacidades con el fin de lograr influencia ypoder a nivel global. Es el caso de China, el cual ha emprendido una serie de transformaciones internasy externas que lo proyectan como una de las potencias más relevantes del presente siglo. De estemodo, las herramientas clásicas del pensamiento geopolítico fueron adaptadas al ejercicio de unanueva forma de entender el mundo: la geoeconomía. Esta forma de desarrollar la política exteriorse caracteriza por el uso de las variables económicas en el juego diplomático y de la disuasión en lacomunidad de naciones. De tal manera se hace relevante comprender las formas en las que se construye el poder actualmente, el cual relega a un segundo lugar el papel de lo militar y la guerra, paradarle paso a la economía y a los mercados. Esto no significa que el poder derivado de las capacidadesmilitares desaparezca; se convierte en una herramienta secundaria de disuasión, importante, perosubsididaria, de todas las herramientas y estrategias derivadas del uso de lo económico. ; As constantes transformações do sistema internacional obrigam os Estados a se adaptaremde maneira permanente e a desenvolverem novas capacidades a fim de conseguir influência e poderno âmbito global. É o caso da China, que tem empreendido transformações internas e externasque a projetam como uma das potências mais relevantes deste século. Desse modo, as ferramentasclássicas do pensamento geopolítico foram adaptadas ao exercício de uma nova forma de entendero mundo: a geoeconomia. Essa forma de desenvolver a política exterior é caracterizada pelo uso dasvariáveis econômicas no jogo diplomático e da dissuasão na comunidade de nações. Dessa maneira,faz-se relevante compreender as formas nas quais o poder é construído atualmente, o que relega aum segundo plano o papel do militar e da guerra, para abrir espaço à economia e aos mercados. Issonão significa que o poder derivado das capacidades militares desapareça; converte-se numa ferramentasecundária de dissuasão importante, mas subsidiária, de todas as ferramentas e estratégiasderivadas do uso do econômico.

The study aims to carry out an analysis of the social contradictions that affect consumer behavior in the development of tourist destinations in Ecuador. A study of the state of the art is carried out that contributes to the approach of social science and the factors that influence the behavior of consumers. The research is of the applied and descriptive type. Simple random sampling was used to select the elements of the sample used in the survey. The population considered was the average number of tourists who visited the destination in 2015: 8048 and the sample size was 366. The descriptive analytical method allowed us to reflect on the satisfaction indicators and their contribution to the behavior of tourist consumers from conception degree of satisfaction where 45% evaluated the destination as very well, the reason for the trip where 26% did it for leisure, vacations or recreation and 35.1% visit historical centers of the country. A study of the issuing markets is carried out according to historical statistics from 2014 to 2017, which shows a variation in the rates of tourists to the country. The analysis of the social contradictions in the process of consumer behavior made it possible to define the causes that have affected the management of the destination from the epistemological, political, economic, cultural and environmental levels. The study provides that by adopting an integrated approach bearing in mind the economic, social and environmental dimensions, an efficient and effective destination management will be achieved. ; El estudio tiene como objetivo de realizar un análisis de las contradicciones sociales que afectan el comportamiento del consumidor en el desarrollo de los destinos turísticos en Ecuador. Se realiza un estudio del estado del arte que aporte al acercamiento de la ciencia social y los factores que influyen en el comportamiento de los consumidores. La investigación es del tipo aplicada y descriptiva. Se empleó el muestreo aleatorio simple para seleccionar los elementos de la muestra utilizada en la encuesta. La población considerada fue el promedio de turistas que visitaron el destino en el 2015: 8048 y el tamaño de la muestra fue de 366. El método analítico descriptivo permitió reflexionar sobre los indicadores de satisfacción y su aporte al comportamiento de los consumidores turísticos desde la concepción de grado de satisfacción donde el 45% evaluaron el destino de muy bien, el motivo de viaje donde el 26% lo realizo por ocio, vacaciones o recreo y el 35.1% visitan centros históricos del país. Se realiza un estudio de los mercados emisores según histórico estadísticos del 2014 al 2017 donde se denota una variación en los indicies de turistas al país. El análisis de las contradicciones sociales en el proceso del comportamiento al consumidor permitió definir las causas que han afectado la gestión del destino desde el plano epistemológico, político, económico, cultural y ambiental. El estudio aporta que al adoptar un enfoque integrado teniendo presente las dimensiones económicas, sociales y ambientales se lograra una gestión del destino eficiente y eficaz.

The article is devoted to Ukrainian Marxism, its initial stages of development and one of its main areas — anti-colonial and postcolonial research. It continues the discussion on the round table Ideology and Utopia. The Legacy of Marxism and Modern Political Reality (FD, No. 2, 2018). The author notes the attempts of the Ukrainian Marxists to adapt Marx's and Engels's main ideas to domestic realities and to criticize a number of these ideas. The article outlines main achievements of the Ukrainian Marxists in terms of anti- colonial and post-colonial studies. Julian Bachinsky in 1895 in the book Ukraine Irredenta substantiated the objective need to overcome the colonial status of Ukrainian lands and to create Ukrainian independent state. In 1919, Serhiy Mazlach and Vasyl Shakhray published the book, named To the Wave. In it they wrote that industrial capitalism turned Eastern Ukraine into a developed Russian colony, and its inhabitants — into a modern nation. It prepared the ground for making Ukraine independent. The expanded political and economic study of the phenomenon of colonialism and the substantiation of the status of Ukraine as one of the "European-type colonies" was given by Mikhaylo Volobuev-Artemov in the article On the Problem of the Ukrainian Eco- nomy, published in the journal Bolshevik of Ukraine (2-3, 1928). Volobuyev stressed: if in the USSR Ukraine will not become a separate economic unit, it will again turn into a colony. The author believes that the experience of Ukrainian neo-Marxism, which did not simplify the problems of colonialism, reducing it to a racial factor, is very relevant. The ideological resource of postcolonial studies, understanding Ukraine's specifics as "Euro- pean-type colony" is urgently needed today for in-depth reforms. ; Стаття присвячена українському марксизму, його початковим етапам розвитку та одному з його найголовніших напрямків — антиколоніальним і постколоніаль- ним дослідженням. Розвідка продовжує дискусії круглого столу «Ідеологія і уто- пія. Спадщина марксизму і сучасна політична реальність» («ФД», No2, 2018). Автор констатує намагання українських марксистів пристосувати загальні положення Маркса та Енґельса до вітчизняних реалій і критичне ставлення до низки цих по- ложень. У статті окреслено найголовніші досягнення українських марксистів у царині антиколоніальних і постколоніальних досліджень. Юліан Бачинський 1895 року у книзі «Україна Irredenta» обґрунтував об'єктивну потребу в подоланні колоніально- го стану українських земель Галичини та Наддніпрянщини та створення Української самостійної соборної держави. У 1919 році Сергій Мазлах і Василь Шахрай у книзі «До хвилі (Що діється на Вкраїні і з Україною)» писали, що індустріальний капіта- лізм перетворив східну Україну на розвинену російську колонію, а її мешканців — на сучасну націю. Це підготувало ґрунт унезалежнення України. Розгорнуте полі- тико-економічне дослідження явища колоніалізму й обґрунтування статусу України як однієї з «колоній європейського типу» дав Михайло Волобуєв-Артемов у статті «До проблеми української економіки» («Більшовик України», 1928, No2–3). Волобуєв наголошував: якщо в СССР Україна не стане окремою економічною одиницею, вона знову перетвориться на колонію. Автор вважає, що врахування досвіду українського неомарксизму, який не спрощував проблематику колоніалізму, зводячи її до расового чинника, є вельми актуальним. Ідейний ресурс постколоніальних студій, розуміння специфіки України як «колонії європейського типу» вкрай потрібні сьогодні для проведення глибин- них реформ.

In the present article, the problem of public authoruty's realization by means of bureaucracy was investigated. The task of searching for ways of debureaucratization of public authority (restrictions of negative manifestations, areas of work and functions of bureaucracy) might be accomplished with a historical and comparative methodology. The research helped to identify the presence of comparable elements of public authority and bureaucracy; to explain their comparable similarities and differences in a "vertical plane" – the phenomena of different time periods in indication the general tendencies of progress and causality were analyzed. The problem of public authority's realization by means of bureaucracy was specifi ed according the materials of the researches of governance in ancient societies, early states, governmental machinery of bourgeois democracies. A special attention was given to an alternative Soviet power model that in practice had led to establishing a command and control system with a ruling "class" of nomenclature in our country. The general characteristics of public authority and bureaucracy in a post-Soviet society were identifi ed. The research found that the transformation of public authority in the new phase of global social and economic development might mean its functional involvement in the international system of national resources' exhausting according to the interest of increasingly internationalizing elites. It was agreed that bureaucracy and institutes of direct and representative democracy, self-governance and control of civil society over the government are direct competitors. Nevertheless, post-industrial society provides new opportunities for debureaucratization. Therefore, the active and volitional actions of political groups as entire segments of society that are aimed at the struggle for the constitutional guarantees for rights to get information, a real access to education and a meaningful democracy, as a connected consequence represent a diffi cult, but necessary way to debureaucratization of public authority. ; В представленной статье исследуется проблема осуществления публичной власти посредством бюрократии. Задача поиска путей дебюрократизации публичной власти (ограничения негативных проявлений, сферы деятельности и функций бюрократии) решается с помощью историкокомпаративистской методологии. Исследование позволило выявить наличие сопоставимых свойств публичной власти и бюрократии, объяснить их сравнительные сходства и различия в «вертикальной плоскости» ‒ анализу подвергнуты данные феномены разных временных периодов для обнаружения общих тенденций развития и причинно-следственных связей. Проблема осуществления публичной власти посредством бюрократии конкретизирована на материалах исследований управления в древних обществах, ранних государствах, государственном механизме буржуазных демократий. Особое внимание уделено альтернативной советской модели власти, которая в своем практическом воплощении привела к формированию в нашей стране командно-административной системы с господствующим «классом» номенклатуры. Выявлены основные характеристики публичной власти и бюрократии в постсоветском обществе. Выяснено, что трансформация публичной власти на новом этапе глобального социально-экономического развития может означать ее функциональную вовлеченность в международную систему выкачивания национальных ресурсов в интересах все более интернационализирующихся элит. Сделан вывод, согласно которому бюрократия и институты прямой и представительной демократии, самоуправления, контроля гражданского общества над государством являются прямыми конкурентами. Тем не менее, постиндустриальное общество открывает новые возможности для дебюрократизации. Поэтому активные, волевые действия политических групп, целых слоев общества, направленные на борьбу за конституционные гарантии прав граждан на информацию, реальный доступ к образованию и, как взаимосвязанное следствие, осмысленную демократию ‒ это сложный, но необходимый путь дебюрократизации публичной власти

This study aims to provide a deep perspective on the debate between two camps in the beginning of the 20th century: the Chinese bourgeois revolutionary ideology represented by Sun Yat-sen (孫中山) and Marxism represented by Lenin. By studying Sun Yat-sen's speech "Principles of People's Livelihood and Social Revolution" and Lenin's article "Democracy and Narodism in China," which is in response to Sun Yat sen's speech, this research attempts to reassess the nature of the Chinese bourgeois revolutionary road represented by the thoughts of Sun Yat-sen and remind researchers of the difficult choices between capitalist and socialist development in China as a latecomer country. This study first explains how Sun Yat-sen's speech expressed his views on capitalism, the definition of the Principle of People's Livelihood, and his claim of the equalization of land rights. Then, Lenin's evaluation of Sun Yat-sen's speech is discussed. The different views of Sun Yat-sen and Lenin on the stage of capitalism, the means and power of social revolution, and the solution of the land problem are thus presented. This study argues that the split between the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 1927 came less from the KMT's betrayal of the revolutionary road than from the fundamental difference between Sun Yat-sen's thoughts and Marxism. Although the ideology of Sun Yat-sen has an anti-capitalist component, he paid attention to the use of the state, rather than the society as a tool, and reconciliation, rather than revolution to ease the gap between the rich and the poor brought by capitalism. This thinking compels us to reconsider the particularity of the development path of China. ; Исследование направлено на то, чтобы представить глубокую перспективу дебатов между двумя лагерями в начале 20-го века: китайской буржуазной революционной идеологией, представленной Сунь Ятсеном (孫中), и марксизмом, представленным Лениным. Исследуя речь Сунь Ят-сена «Принципы жизни народа и социальная революция» и статью Ленина «Демократия и народничество в Китае», которая является ответом на речь Сунь Ятсена, данное исследование пытается пересмыслить природу воззрений китайского буржуазного революционера. В исследовании сначала показано, как в речи Сунь Ятсена выражены его взгляды на капитализм, дано определение принципа жизнеобеспечения людей и обосновано появление его требования равенства прав на землю. Затем обсуждается оценка Лениным выступления Сунь Ятсена. Таким образом, представлены различные взгляды Сунь Ятсена и Ленина на стадии капитализма, средства и силы социальной революции и решение земельной проблемы. В исследовании показывается, что раскол между Китайской Национальной Партии (Гоминьдан) и Коммунистической партией Китая (КПК) в 1927 году был вызван не столько «предатель ством» Гоминьдана революционного пути, сколько фундаментальным различием между идеями Сунь Ятсена и марксизмом. Хотя идеология Сунь Ятсена имеет антикапиталистический компонент, он обращал внимание на использование механизма государства, а не общества в качестве инструмента, и примирение, а не революцию для уменьшения разрыва между богатыми и бедными. Такой подход позволяет пересмотреть особенности развития Китая в настоящее время.

Today, in many countries around the world, the role of religion in the public sphere is strengthening. This causes the methodological problems of the theory of secularization, which claimed the gradual and irreversible decline of religion. At the same time, the processes of religious revival in societies that have undergone secularization do not lead to the restoration of religion in the forms that preceded it. To denote this state of society, which occurs after secularization, Jürgen Habermas proposed to use the term "post-secular". A number of both foreign and domestic scientists became interested in this issue. But the purposeful study of postsecularity is still in its infancy and is mostly descriptive. In the scientific works devoted to its research, insufficient attention is focused on specific characteristics of postsecular societies. Therefore, there is a need to generalize these characteristics in order to better understand post-secular society. To achieve this goal, the article analyzes some conceptual approaches to the study of postsecularity. These approaches argue that the "return" of religion does not preclude the preservation of a powerful (or even dominant) secularization cluster in society. Post-secularization is a move forward and the creation of a new system characterized by religious freedom, pluralism, competition between different denominations, rather than a return to the traditions of the pre-modern era. In a post-secular society, as the authors of the works analyzed in the article prove, religion has all the opportunities from secular power for its development. At the same time, there is a reduction in the role of religious institutions and the individualization of religious practices, ie the "privatization" of religion, which is an element of secularization. But this "privatization" is significantly different from secularization, because it is not due to coercion, but to pluralism of choice. According to many researchers, a post-secular situation is possible under the condition of ideological pluralism and parity between religious and non-religious people, when each party has the opportunity to propagate its opinion, but does not impose it, when there is no place for privileged and discriminated, but awareness of mutual coexistence. That is, post-secularity is possible only in democratic and legal societies. The post-secular situation is also characterized by religious competition, intensification of missionary work, manifestations of fundamentalism, globalization of religious piety, transformation of religion into a commodity and the emergence (mostly in the West) of the phenomenon used to refer to the term "spirituality". The situation of post-secularism is a situation of uncertainty, when it is not known how the processes of interaction between the secular and the religious will take place in the future, and it is impossible to make any predictions about how stable this situation is. As the analysis carried out in the article shows, the post-secular approach has not become a full-fledged theory, but is perceived mostly as a program of what should be paid attention to, as a certain correction and continuation of the secularization approach. But with its help, scientists are trying to describe religious processes in modern societies.

This case study provides an overview on protracted displacement in the Horn of Africa and aims to uncover evidence on transnational and translocal connectivity and mobility of displaced populations in the region. The case study contributes to the elaboration of the working paper "Protracted Displacement in the postWWII period" in the framework of the three-year project "Translocal Figurations of Displacement" (TRAFIG), which is financed by the European Union within the Horizon 2020 work programme (Societal Challenge 5 'Europe in a changing world'; call MIGRATION-08-2018 'Addressing the Challenge of Forced Displacement'). The objective of this case study is to review academic and literature issued by relevant actors in the field of protracted displacement such as international organisations, NGOs or governments to answer the questions whether and how transnational and translocal connectivity and mobility contributes to selfreliance and resilience of displaced populations, both internally and across borders, in the region. In addition, the study looks at policy responses to protracted displacement in the Horn of Africa. For the purpose of this study, the Horn of Africa includes Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan. These countries are all members of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), a regional economic community formed to promote regional cooperation and integration to add value to its Member States' efforts in achieving peace, security and prosperity. When drawing on figures of protracted displacement, the study follows UNHCR's definition of a protracted refugee situation "as one in which 25,000 or more refugees from the same nationality have been in exile for five consecutive years or more in a given asylum country" (UNHCR, 2018c, p. 22). When drawing on specific examples from the literature, a wider definition of protracted displacement is applied, following TRAFIG's definition of protracted displacement situations "as situations in which the capability of displaced persons to rebuild their lives after displacement and the opportunities available to do so are severely limited for prolonged periods of time, in other words, in situations where (more durable) solutions are not available or progress towards achieving these is stalled" (Etzold, et al., 2019, p. 22). This case study is structured as follows: section two provides an overview on protracted displacement in the region. It describes the four main protracted displacement situations in the region1 : The Eritrean refugee crisis, the displacement of Somalis internally and across borders and the South Sudanese and Sudanese protracted and emergency refugee and IDP situation. The third section identifies main patterns and selected examples in six dimensions of transnationalism and translocality, namely the emergence and existence of transnational/translocal communities and diasporic links, mobility patterns such as secondary movements, return or resettlement, family dynamics of displaced populations, emerging transnational economic spaces, social remittances, i.e. the circulation of ideas, behaviours, identities and social capital, and transnational political spheres. The fourth section summarises policy responses to protracted displacement in the Horn of Africa and major policy shifts while studying two cases, namely the emergence of encampment in Kenya and the envisaged phasing out of camps and facilitating refugee's access to work in Ethiopia.

<p>O artigo apresenta a trajetória acadêmica de Vera Zolberg (1932-2016), considerada uma das fundadoras do campo da sociologia da arte nos Estados Unidos. Com base em um relato da socióloga, durante sua última visita ao Brasil, o texto revela as adversidades que ela enfrentou para obter uma formação acadêmica pelo fato de ser mulher, judia, casada e mãe. Da infância no South Bronx, aos estudos no Hunter College, à vida em Boston e no Texas, até o doutorado na Universidade de Chicago, o depoimento de Vera Zolberg evidencia o movimento de sua subjetividade entre oportunidades e adversidades, contingências e surpresas, viagens e deslocamentos em busca de sua autonomia intelectual, assim como nos revela peculiaridades da sociedade norte-americana que raramente aparecem nos discursos sobre o cenário do pós guerra naquele país.</p><p> </p><p>THE SOCIOLOGY OF ART AS A VOCATION: an account of Vera Zolberg</p><p>The article presents the academic trajectory of Vera Zolberg (1932-2016), one of the founders of the field of sociology of art in the United States. Based on an account of the sociologist made during her last visit to Brazil, the text reveals the adversities that she faced in order to obtain an academic training by being a woman, a jew, a wife and a mother. From childhood in the South Bronx, to her studies in Hunter College, to the life in Boston and in Texas to University of Chicago, Vera Zolberg's testimony evidences the movement of her subjectivity between opportunities and adversities, contingencies and surprises, travels and journeys in search of her intellectual autonomy, just as it reveals to us the peculiarities of American life, which rarely, appears in discourses about the postwar scene.</p><p>Keywords: Vera Zolberg. Academic formation. Intellectual autonomy. Sociology of art.</p><p> </p><p>LA SOCIOLOGIE DE L'ART COMME UNE VOCATION: un rapport de Vera Zolberg</p><p>C'est article présent le trajectoire academique de Vera Zolberg (1932-2016), une des foundatrice du champ de la Sociologie de l'Art dans L'États-Unis. Basé sur un rapport de la sociologue fait lors de sa derniéré visite au Brésil, le text révèle les adversités auxquelles elle a été confrontée afin d'obtenir une formation académique en étant femme, juive, épouse et mére. De l'enfance dans le sud du Bronx, aux etudes au Hunter College, à la vie à Boston et au Texas à l'Université de Chicago, le témoignage de Vera Zolberg montre le mouvement<br />de sa subjetivité entre opportunité et adversité, contingences et surprises, voyages et déplacement à la recherche de sa autonomie intellectuelle, comme nous révèle les particularités de la vie américaine, qui apparaît rarement dans les discours sur la scène de l'après-guerre.</p><p>Mots-clés: Vera Zolberg. Formation academique. Autonomie intellectuelle. Sociologie de l'Art.</p>

Purpose. The article is aimed to show the specificity and heuristic value of the humanism of the French existentialist J.-P. Sartre, represented both in his early works, where the isolationist position prevailed, and considering his evolution to various types of collective responsibility and attempts to build a universal morality on the basis of ontological integral humanity. Theoretical basis. Taking into account the relevance of the topic of person's searching for authentic existence in the modern world, the author analyzes the concept of Sartre's humanism, which remains poorly researched in the Ukrainian philosophical space, since most of his works of the later period remained untranslated and unknown to the Ukrainian community. That is, there is a need to consider the phenomenon of a human and his/her basic characteristics, which ultimately determine what type of humanism deserves further support and development. The author places the existentialist dimension of a human being, which is one of the most important determinants of human behavior and the ways of human self-determination of his/her existence, in the context of the general development of the humanistic tradition of modern anthropology. Originality. The article substantiates the thesis that Sartre's position concerning humanism is conditioned by the specificity of his understanding of the authentic human existence as a constant self-transcendence, the person's realization of the project that makes a person the creator of the values. Therefore, Sartre's humanism can only be understood in the context of this self-construction and responsibility of a person for his/her choice. The author proved that although this concept was subsequently changed, the basic intention of the Sartre's approach remains the same. Thus, having combined the existentialism and Marxist understanding of the historical process, Sartre nevertheless emphasizes that the primal intentionality of human existence (project or transcendence) is decisive in all subsequent actions and doings, despite the fact that real practice may demonstrate deviations and even regression concerning humanity. Having defined the universality of the human situation in the world as the presence of certain a priori restrictions, the philosopher comes to the recognition of intersubjectivity, which allows him to reach a new type of morality, which defines "integral humanity" or "full-fledged human" as its goal. Conclusions. The interpretation of humanism by early Sartre relied on the idea of a person as such, who is in constant transcendence (going beyond), constantly constructing him/herself; he/she is oriented towards the future (but it is a pure future, unplanned and undefined). In this case, a person is the creator of the values and their legislator in this world. At the same time, the late Sartre emphasized that since a person exists in a society where he/she is usually in a state of alienation, the question under which conditions and by what means is it possible to reproduce and realize a truly humanistic dimension is inevitable. Sartre's position is based on the fact that there is a primal need for self-realization, to be human.

No Brasil, ao longo das últimas décadas, algumas políticas públicas procuraram sanar os problemas da carência alimentar. Contudo, a insegurança alimentar tem fatores multidimensionais e impacta de maneiras variadas na vida da população, especialmente de crianças e adolescentes. O impacto da quantidade e qualidade insuficiente dos alimentos pode ser um fator de redução do rendimento escolar. O Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos (PAA) é uma política pública que visa a distribuição de alimentos de qualidade nas escolas, bem como em outros órgãos, e que objetiva gerar renda no campo ao mesmo tempo em que oferece qualidade nutricional. Partindo do problema da carência alimentar para crianças e adolescentes e como isso afeta a produtividade escolar, o objetivo desta pesquisa é avaliar o impacto do PAA no rendimento escolar de crianças e adolescentes que estudam em escolas que são beneficiárias do programa. A metodologia utilizada foi o teste de Mann-Whitney e as variáveis utilizadas foram o IDEB, a taxa de aprovação, a taxa de abandono escolar e a taxa de distorção idade/série para o ensino fundamental séries iniciais e finais. O recorte geográfico é o estado do Paraná, e temporal, os anos de 2013 e 2015. O principal resultado do estudo mostrou que a variável taxa de distorção idade/série dos anos iniciais do ensino fundamental, para o grupo formado pelos municípios afetados pelo PAA, obteve melhora estatisticamente significativa em relação a municípios que não participaram do programa. Palavras-chave: Educação. Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional. Teste de Mann-Whitney. AbstractIn Brazil, over the last decades, some public policies have tried to remedy the problems of food shortage. However, food insecurity has multidimensional factors and impacts in various ways on the lives of the population, especially children and teenagers. The impact of insufficient food quantity and quality may be a factor in reducing school performance. The Food Acquisition Program (FAP) is a public policy aimed at the distribution of quality food in schools as well as other agencies, and which aims to generate income in the countryside while providing nutritional quality. Starting from the problem of food shortage for children and teenagers, and how it affects school productivity, the objective of this research is to evaluate the impact of FAP on the school performance of children and adolescents who study in schools that benefit from the program. The methodology used was the Mann-Whitney test and the variables used were the IDEB, the pass rate, the dropout rate and the age / grade distortion rate for elementary and early grades. The geographical cut is the state of Paraná, and temporal, the years 2013 and 2015. The main result of the study showed that the variable age / grade distortion rate of the early years of elementary school, for the group formed by the municipalities affected by the FAP, obtained statistically significant improvement compared to counties that did not participate in the program. Keywords: Education. Food Safety and Nutrition. Test of Mann-Whitney.