Suchergebnisse

Käesoleva magistritöö eesmärgiks oli hinnata Eesti piimatoodete konkurentsivõimet ilmutatud suhtelise eelise meetodil Euroopa Liidus aastatel 2000-2011. Uurimistöö alguses püstitatud hüpotees, et piimatöötlemine on Eesti toiduainetööstuses rahvusvaheliselt konkurentsivõimeline valdkond, leidis kinnitust töö analüütilises osas. Konkurentsivõime määratlemisel samastati konkurentsivõimet tootlikkuse ja oskustega, ning ekspordivõimega ehk laiemalt eduga väliskaubanduses. Käesoleva töö empiirilises osas keskenduti majandusharu ja riigi tasandile. Tootlikkuse ja oskuste puhul vaadeldi töös piimalehmade produktiivsust, toodangumahtu, toorpiima kvaliteeti jne. Väliskaubanduse puhul analüüsiti väliskaubandusbilansi, ekspordistruktuuri ja ekspordipartnerite muutumist. Konkurentsivõimet hinnati ilmutatud suhtelise eelise meetodil tuues välja vastavad kaubanduse edukust mõõtvad indeksid. Viimastel aastatel on lehmade arv Eestis vähenenud alla 100 000 isendi, mille tulemusena on hakanud langema ka piimatoodang. Kui suudetakse piimalehmade arvu vähenemine peatada või arvukust mõnevõrra suurendada, siis on eeldust oodata ka mõningast piimatoodangu kasvu. Paralleelselt piimalehmade arvu vähenemisega on piimatoodang lehma kohta pidevalt suurenenud läbi investeeringute uute ja vanade karjalautade rekonstrueerimisse, seadmetesse ning põlluharimistehnikasse, samuti on hakatud rohkem tähelepanu pöörama loomade pidamis- ja söötmistehnoloogiale. Seega on oluline pöörata tähelepanu investeeringutoetustele ning teadus- ja arendustegevusele. Kogu Eestis toodetud piim vastab praktiliselt tervenisti EL-i nõuetele, piima kokkuostuhinnad on perioodil 2003-2011 kokkuvõttes tõusnud, kuid seda suhteliselt ebastabiilselt. Hetkel on piima kokkuostuhinnad tõusnud kõigi aegade kõrgeimale tasemele. Piimatööstuse osakaal on 2010. aastal töötlevas tööstuses ja toiduainetööstuses väärtuseliselt tõusnud, kuid kogu vaadeldava perioodi jooksul (2005-2010) langenud. Sama on toimunud piimatoodete osakaaluga töötleva tööstuse toodangu ekspordis ja piimatoodete osakaaluga toiduainete ekspordis. Koguseliselt tähtsamateks toodetavateks piimatoodeteks olid 2010. aastal joogipiim, jogurt ja juust. Eestis toodetakse piima rohkem, kui ise suudetakse tarbida, mis muudab võimalikuks piimatoodete ekspordi. Seetõttu on piimandussektor Eesti toiduainetööstuses kõige rohkem orienteeritud ekspordile. Eesti siseturul on piimatoodete tarbimine ühe elaniku kohta järjepidevalt vähenenud. Eesti piimatoodete väliskaubandusbilanss on positiivne, mida on suurendanud viimastel aastatel piimatoodete ekspordi väärtuse kasv seoses piimatoodete hindade tõusuga maailmaturul. Perioodil 2000-2011 on piimatoodete ekspordikasv ületanud impordikasvu kolmekordselt. Seega on piimatööstusel täita tähtis roll Eesti majanduse jätkusuutlikkuse tagamisel. Kuna piimatoodete eksport on suurenenud, tuleks senisest enam tähelepanu pöörata turuarendustoetustele ning ekspordigarantiidele. Tähtsamad ekspordiartiklid rahalises väärtuses 2011. aastal olid juust ja kohupiim ning kontsentreerimata piimatooted. Ka koguseliselt eksporditi kõige enam konsentreerimata piimatooteid, teiste piimatoodete osas on ekspordimahud püsinud enam-vähem samal tasemel. Eesti piimatoodete väliskaubanduspartneritest moodustavad 2/3 EL-i riigid ning 1/3 kolmandad riigid. EL-i riikidest olid peamisteks piimatoodete kaubanduspartneriteks Leedu, Soome, Läti ja Itaalia; kolmandatest riikidest moodustas enamuse piimatoodete eksport Venemaale. Kuna Venemaa on selline riik, kus vaatamata erinevatele rakendatud meetmetele pole suudetud kohalikku piimandussektorit madalseisust üle aidata, siis on Venemaa erinevate prognooside kohaselt keskpikas perspektiivis endiselt piimatooteid importiv riik. Seda peaks Eesti kindlasti tulevikus rohkem ära kasutama. Ilmutatud suhtelise eelise indeksi (RCA) põhjal on Eesti konkurentsieelis vähenenud piimapulbri ning või ja muude piimrasvade osas – konkurentsivõime on langenud mahtkaupade puhul, mille lisandväärtus on madal. Kõrgema lisandväärtusega piimatoodete eksport ja konkurentsivõime Eestis suureneb. Suhtelise impordi asendamise indeksi (RMP) analüüsi tulemuste põhjal saab väita, et EL-iga liitumise järgselt on paljude piimatoodete puhul saavutatud konkurentsieelis, mis on jäänud enamike piimatoodete osas ka püsima. Konkurentsieelis on vähenenud madalama lisandväärtusega piimatoodete osas. Kaubavahetuse suhtelise eelise indeksi (RTA) alusel omab Eesti enamike piimatoodete puhul suhtelist eelist. Konkurentsivõime on puudunud vaid mõne väiksema piimatoote kaubagrupi osas. Terviklikult omab Eesti konkurentsieelist kõigi kolme suurema piimatoodete kaubagrupi lõikes, milledeks on: (1) piim, koor ja muud piimatooted; (2) või ja muud piimrasvad; (3) juust ja kohupiim. Konkurentsivõime puudub vaid kolme kitsama tootegrupi puhul: (1) petipiim, keefir, kalgendatud piim ja koor; (2) sulajuust; (3) sinihallitusjuust. Eesti konkurentsivõime on oluliselt suurenenud piima ja koore, jogurtite, jäätiste, vadaku ja riivjuustude tootmisel. Eelnevalt loetletud toodete konkurentsivõime suurenemine on toimunud piimapulbrite, või ja muude piimrasvade konkurentsivõime vähenemise arvelt. Põhiliselt on konkurentsivõime suurenemine toimunud mahtkaupadelt kõrgemat lisandväärtust omavate piimatoodete suunas. Seega võib väita, et pikemas perspektiivis on Eesti majandusele kasulikum väärindada kogu Eestis toodetav piima kohapeal ning eksportida väärindatud tooteid. Autori arvates tuleb piimandussektori puhul Eestil olla konkreetne, jätkata ühtset põllumajanduspoliitikat ja määratleda nii missioon kui ka visioon tulevikuks. Tuleb propageerida kodumaiste piimatoodete tarbimist, ettevõtete omavahelist koostööd, parandada tööviljakust, mis tagaks sektori stabiilsuse. Seetõttu on autori arvates viimaste aastate ainuõige samm olnud Eesti piimanduse strateegia väljatöötamine, kus on konkreetselt määraltletud kuhu ja kuidas tahetakse jõuda. Eesti riigil peab olema selge nägemus piimandussektori tulevikust, sest piimatöötlemine on hetkel Eesti toiduainetööstuses rahvusvaheliselt üks konkurentsivõimelisemaid valdkondi. ; The present MA thesis has been written in Estonian. The thesis consists of 87 pages and includes 30 figures and 4 tables. A total of 84 literary sources were used in the compilation of the thesis. The focus of the thesis is a topical issue due to the fact that dairy products constitute approximately one third of the total production of the food industry and more milk is produced than consumed in Estonia, which in turn makes the export of dairy products possible. Therefore, the dairy industry has an important role to play in providing the sustainable development of the Estonian economy. This also highlights the importance of estimating the competitiveness of dairy products as well as making suggestions in order to enhance it. The aim of the present MA thesis is to estimate the competitiveness of Estonian dairy products in the European Union during the years 2000-2011 using revealed comparative advantage. The thesis presents the hypothesis that dairy processing within Estonian food industry is an internationally competitive sphere. The hypothesis is proved to be correct in the analytical section of the thesis. During recent years, the number of cows in Estonia has fallen below 100 000, resulting in a gradual decrease in milk production as well. However, milk production per cow has continuously grown due to an increase in productivity and effectiveness. Milk produced in Estonia conforms to the requirements by the European Union almost entirely; the purchase prices of milk have increased during the observed period of time, yet in a relatively unstable manner. The purchase prices of milk have currently reached their absolute peak. In terms of its monetary value, the dairy industry has increased its proportion in both the manufacturing and the food industry in 2010; however, during the entire period under observation (2005-2010), the proportion has decreased. This is also the case with the proportion of dairy products in the export of the manufacturing as well as the food industry. In 2010, the most important dairy products in terms of the production amount were milk, yogurt, and cheese. Estonia's foreign trade balance of dairy products is positive due to an increase in the export of dairy products in recent years, which, in turn, has been influenced by the rising prices of dairy products in the global market. During 2000-2011, the export growth of dairy products was three times bigger than the import growth, suggesting that the dairy industry has an important role in providing the sustainable development of the Estonian economy. In 2011, the most important export goods in terms of monetary value were cheese, curd, and non-concentrated dairy products. The latter was the most important also in terms of quantity. The export quantity of other dairy products has roughly remained the same. Members of the European Union constitute 2/3 of Estonia's foreign trading partners in terms of dairy products, whereas 1/3 is held by third countries. The main trading partners within the European Union were Lithuania, Finland, Latvia, and Italy; out of the third countries, the majority of dairy products were exported to Russia. Comparing the previous two years, the export of dairy products to Russia has decreased; instead, Estonia has increased its export to Lithuania, Finland, Italy, and to other EU and third countries. The analysis showed that Estonia has a competitive advantage in all three major product groups: milk, cream and other milk products; butter and other fats and oils derived from milk; cheese and curd. However, Estonia is not competetive in three narrow product groups: buttermilk, kephir, curdled milk and cream; processed cheese and blue-veined cheese. Estonia's competitiveness has substantially increased in the production of milk and cream, yogurt, ice cream, whey and grated cheese. However, this has resulted in a decrease in Estonia's competitiveness in the production of milk powder, butter and other fats and oils derived from milk. The results show that Estonia's competitiveness has decreased in the production of low value-added products. Instead, the focus is on the production and export of dairy products which have higher added value. Estonia is facing important decisions on several issues: it needs to choose certain product groups in which the country wants to enhance competitiveness as well as find a way to enhance the competitiveness of the entire dairy industry to its maximum extent. As far as the dairy industry is concerned, Estonia needs to continue firmly with its uniform agricultural policy. A clear mission and vision for the future should be stated. In addition, Estonia should propagate the consumption of domestic dairy products and cooperation between enterprises. It is also important to enhance labour productivity and ensure the stability of the industry. An important step has been the compilation of the "Estonian Dairying Strategy 2012-2020", which states the future goals of the country. Estonia needs to have a clear vision of the future of its dairy industry. Furthermore, active support should be provided for the industry, because dairy processing is currently one of the most internationally competitive spheres of the Estonian food industry

Eerste gepubliseer op www.litnet.co.za. LitNet Akademies is LitNet se afdeling vir geakkrediteerde akademiese navorsingsartikels. ; Navorsing deur Schlemmer (2010) toon aan dat taalverskuiwing na Engels in 'n redelik groot mate by bruin Afrikaanssprekendes en in 'n geringer mate by wit Afrikaanssprekendes plaasvind. Ook is daar 'n groot toename in taalvermenging onder veral wit Afrikaanssprekendes, wat moontlik 'n gevaarteken vir Afrikaans is. In hierdie artikel word die faktore en tendense beskryf wat gelei het tot funksie- en statusverlies vir Afrikaans. Ook faktore wat taalverskuiwing bevorder en die verswakking van kragte wat taalverskuiwing kan teëwerk, word onder die loep geneem. Tendense en faktore wat destruktief is vir die voortbestaan van die taal, is globalisering, die staat se transformasiemaatreëls (soos regstellende aksie en verteenwoordigendheid), die owerheid se onverskillige houding teenoor inheemse tale, die disintegrasie van Afrikaner-nasionalisme, die negatiewe gevolge van 'n onverwerkte verlede en demografiese marginalisering. Daar is egter ook konstruktiewe faktore en tendense wat waarskynlik verhoed dat taalverskuiwing groter afmetings aanneem. Dit is die lewenskragtigheid en aantrekkingskrag van die Afrikaanse kultuur, die gehalte van Afrikaanse skole, die ontluikende verwerking van die verlede deur Afrikaners en optredes van die burgerlike samelewing, wat 'n mate van aktivisme en skepping van selfhelpinstellings insluit. Ook is daar obstruktiewe tendense wat positief of negatief kan ontwikkel, soos pogings om taalvermenging teen te gaan, die ontwikkeling van nuwe tegnologie en pogings om betrekkinge tussen wit en bruin Afrikaanssprekendes te verbeter. Taalhandhawing is daarop gerig om positiewe tendense positief te hou en obstruktiewe tendense in 'n positiewe rigting te laat ontwikkel, sodat die destruktiewe tendense en faktore gestuit of selfs omgekeer kan word. Ten slotte word twee moontlikhede vir die toekoms geskets. Die een kom neer op 'n voortsetting van 'n passiewe houding teenoor destruktiewe tendense en prosesse en die ander op die aanvaarding van verantwoordelikheid vir die behoud van die taal, wat aktivisme en selfhelpinstellings insluit waar die houding van die owerheid dit noodsaak. ; Language shift and language maintenance in the Afrikaans community: trends and perspectives for the future Research conducted by Schlemmer (2010) indicated that a significant language shift towards English is taking place among Afrikaans-speaking coloured people, and to a lesser extent among white Afrikaners. In terms of percentages, white Afrikaans-speaking adults increased from 57,1 percent in 1993 to 57,6 percent in 2008, while coloured Afrikaans speakers declined from 83,4 percent in 1993 to 77,3 percent in 2008. The moderate growth in the number of whites using Afrikaans as their mother tongue conceals a worrying trend of language shift. Among coloured adults the percentage of Afrikaans speakers decreased markedly due to language shift. Yet previous studies indicated that the coloured Afrikaans-speaking demographic has enjoyed steady growth, especially outside the Cape Peninsula. This could indicate the emergence of regional polarisation, resulting in localised language shift toward English in the Cape Town metropolitan area. Surveys also indicate the proliferation of English as an additional language. Whereas in 2003 only 30,1 percent of white Afrikaans households used English, its usage increased to 50,4 percent in 2008. The corresponding figures for coloured households indicate that English was an additional language in 36,9 percent of households in 2003, which grew to 45,4 percent in 2008. Coloured Afrikaans speakers have traditionally mixed their mother tongue with English, but (as the above figures demonstrate) in five years mixed language use among Afrikaans-speaking whites surpassed that of coloureds. The extent of language mixture varies: from a sporadic English word, up to whole sentences could be inserted. Schlemmer posits that Afrikaans speakers are returning to a situation similar to that of a century ago, when many Afrikaners utilised Dutch or English for the purposes of formal or technical communication (sometimes even in love letters). He suggests that this should serve as a warning sign regarding the Afrikaans language. This article describes the factors and trends leading to the loss of status and function of the Afrikaans language; factors which promote language shift; and the weakening of forces that oppose language shift. Trends and factors which are seen as destructive toward the continued existence of the language include globalisation, the parameters of transformation implemented by the state, such as affirmative action, the authorities' reckless attitude towards indigenous languages, the disintegration of Afrikaner nationalism, demographic marginalisation, and the negative consequences of an unrealised peace. Many whites still harbour feelings of guilt about apartheid, while others have lost confidence in the future due to a lack of self-determination. Similarly, coloureds have not shaken off the painful memories of life under apartheid. The authors demonstrate the destructive consequences of transformation for the Afrikaans language, citing Malan (2010a:427): "If transformation has developed into the master concept of our post-1994 public order, representivity is the principal instrument for achieving transformation." Many preeminent commentators suggest that legal and political representivity play a destructive role. Even though according to the Constitution representivity is applicable only to judges and civil servants, its application has been extended to civil society, the corporate sector, non-profit organisations and NGOs. The authors further indicate how transformation has undermined Afrikaans as a language of practical communication in broadcasting, legal practice, at universities and in schools. Controversially, education departments have changed language policies in Afrikaans schools; decisions which have been implemented at great cost of time and resources. Such policy changes were subsequently contested in high-profile court cases such as those of Middelburg, Mikro and Ermelo. One of the multitude of problems that has emerged in legal practice has been the interpretation between English and Afrikaans in court cases. Whereas the courts have traditionally been effective at interpreting between English or Afrikaans and African languages, they are proving to be largely inept at interpreting between English and Afrikaans. Interpretation between these two languages is often unavailable, or of such poor quality that Afrikaans witnesses and accused often choose to testify in English, arguably to their detriment. With regard to demographics the authors point to the consequences of unequal growth in the composition of the South African population. On the one hand, large-scale emigration by white Afrikaans speakers has accentuated the problems of an existing low birth rate, which is now below the replacement rate (by comparison, the Afrikaans-speaking coloured demographic has only recently reached the replacement birth rate). In contrast, the black population exhibits a high birth rate and an influx of immigrants from the rest of Africa. However, there are also several constructive trends and factors which have prevented the process of language shift from attaining greater momentum. These are the quality of Afrikaans schools, the attempts of Afrikaners to come to grips with the past, and the activities of civil society, which include the measures of activism and the establishment of self-help initiatives. The most significant constructive trend has proved to be the vitality and allure of the Afrikaans culture. Contributing to this is the scope and variety of Afrikaans literature, the various printed and electronic media publications, and the expanding activities of the new media, for example online journals such as LitNet. The growing number of Afrikaans arts and music festivals have also become popular attractions. Afrikaans culture is blossoming – one aspect which cannot be directly controlled by the ANC. However, areas where the state is predominant pose a difficult challenge: the SABC has drastically curtailed Afrikaans television since 1994 (while it flourishes through private broadcasters such as kykNET). Obstructive trends have also been identified which have the potential to develop either positively or negatively, such as attempts to consciously counter language-mixing, the development of new technologies, and attempts to foster a closer relationship between coloured and white Afrikaans speakers. The preeminent now deceased Afrikaans linguist Fritz Ponelis suggested that it is futile to supplant standard Afrikaans with a hybrid or mixed language. In his opinion, such a language would be unable to stand its ground against the long-term encroachment of English. Regarding cooperation between the white and coloured Afrikaans communities Giliomee (2010) differentiated between two groups of coloured Afrikaans speakers. The educated working and middle classes exhibit an enthusiasm for Afrikaans and for initiatives promoting Afrikaans, as is evident in the successes of the ACVV, Kindersorg and the Stigting vir die Bemagtiging in Afrikaans.However, a different picture emerges among the coloured "elite". This group still maintains sensitive memories of apartheid, resulting in their rejection of Afrikaans and the subsequent adoption of English as a language of mobility and aspiration. Giliomee (2010) notes that many members of the coloured elite occupying senior positions in the civil service, university management and large companies tend to be strongly progressive and individualistic, resulting in a close association with English and the subsequent values and worldview the language promotes. Such individuals generally support the government's pursuance of race-based transformation and its policy of English as the language of access in society. In 2006, during an ATKV conference, Neville Alexander pointed out that it is still too early to speak of an Afrikaans language community. For now, the focus should be on the shared interests of Afrikaans speakers, of which effective education and tuition in Afrikaans is the most important. The authors expect that the language policy and practices of the authorities will remain unchanged, and that the Afrikaans community will have to reckon with continued aloofness, animosity and recklessness from government. Therefore taking ownership and responsibility is essential for initiatives and institutions which aim to promote Afrikaans as a language of communication, education and job creation.

Eerste gepubliseer op www.litnet.co.za. LitNet Akademies is LitNet se afdeling vir geakkrediteerde akademiese navorsingsartikels. ; Navorsing deur Schlemmer (2010) toon aan dat taalverskuiwing na Engels in 'n redelik groot mate by bruin Afrikaanssprekendes en in 'n geringer mate by wit Afrikaanssprekendes plaasvind. Ook is daar 'n groot toename in taalvermenging onder veral wit Afrikaanssprekendes, wat moontlik 'n gevaarteken vir Afrikaans is. In hierdie artikel word die faktore en tendense beskryf wat gelei het tot funksie- en statusverlies vir Afrikaans. Ook faktore wat taalverskuiwing bevorder en die verswakking van kragte wat taalverskuiwing kan teëwerk, word onder die loep geneem. Tendense en faktore wat destruktief is vir die voortbestaan van die taal, is globalisering, die staat se transformasiemaatreëls (soos regstellende aksie en verteenwoordigendheid), die owerheid se onverskillige houding teenoor inheemse tale, die disintegrasie van Afrikaner-nasionalisme, die negatiewe gevolge van 'n onverwerkte verlede en demografiese marginalisering. Daar is egter ook konstruktiewe faktore en tendense wat waarskynlik verhoed dat taalverskuiwing groter afmetings aanneem. Dit is die lewenskragtigheid en aantrekkingskrag van die Afrikaanse kultuur, die gehalte van Afrikaanse skole, die ontluikende verwerking van die verlede deur Afrikaners en optredes van die burgerlike samelewing, wat 'n mate van aktivisme en skepping van selfhelpinstellings insluit. Ook is daar obstruktiewe tendense wat positief of negatief kan ontwikkel, soos pogings om taalvermenging teen te gaan, die ontwikkeling van nuwe tegnologie en pogings om betrekkinge tussen wit en bruin Afrikaanssprekendes te verbeter. Taalhandhawing is daarop gerig om positiewe tendense positief te hou en obstruktiewe tendense in 'n positiewe rigting te laat ontwikkel, sodat die destruktiewe tendense en faktore gestuit of selfs omgekeer kan word. Ten slotte word twee moontlikhede vir die toekoms geskets. Die een kom neer op 'n voortsetting van 'n passiewe houding teenoor destruktiewe tendense en prosesse en die ander op die aanvaarding van verantwoordelikheid vir die behoud van die taal, wat aktivisme en selfhelpinstellings insluit waar die houding van die owerheid dit noodsaak. ; Language shift and language maintenance in the Afrikaans community: trends and perspectives for the future Research conducted by Schlemmer (2010) indicated that a significant language shift towards English is taking place among Afrikaans-speaking coloured people, and to a lesser extent among white Afrikaners. In terms of percentages, white Afrikaans-speaking adults increased from 57,1 percent in 1993 to 57,6 percent in 2008, while coloured Afrikaans speakers declined from 83,4 percent in 1993 to 77,3 percent in 2008. The moderate growth in the number of whites using Afrikaans as their mother tongue conceals a worrying trend of language shift. Among coloured adults the percentage of Afrikaans speakers decreased markedly due to language shift. Yet previous studies indicated that the coloured Afrikaans-speaking demographic has enjoyed steady growth, especially outside the Cape Peninsula. This could indicate the emergence of regional polarisation, resulting in localised language shift toward English in the Cape Town metropolitan area. Surveys also indicate the proliferation of English as an additional language. Whereas in 2003 only 30,1 percent of white Afrikaans households used English, its usage increased to 50,4 percent in 2008. The corresponding figures for coloured households indicate that English was an additional language in 36,9 percent of households in 2003, which grew to 45,4 percent in 2008. Coloured Afrikaans speakers have traditionally mixed their mother tongue with English, but (as the above figures demonstrate) in five years mixed language use among Afrikaans-speaking whites surpassed that of coloureds. The extent of language mixture varies: from a sporadic English word, up to whole sentences could be inserted. Schlemmer posits that Afrikaans speakers are returning to a situation similar to that of a century ago, when many Afrikaners utilised Dutch or English for the purposes of formal or technical communication (sometimes even in love letters). He suggests that this should serve as a warning sign regarding the Afrikaans language. This article describes the factors and trends leading to the loss of status and function of the Afrikaans language; factors which promote language shift; and the weakening of forces that oppose language shift. Trends and factors which are seen as destructive toward the continued existence of the language include globalisation, the parameters of transformation implemented by the state, such as affirmative action, the authorities' reckless attitude towards indigenous languages, the disintegration of Afrikaner nationalism, demographic marginalisation, and the negative consequences of an unrealised peace. Many whites still harbour feelings of guilt about apartheid, while others have lost confidence in the future due to a lack of self-determination. Similarly, coloureds have not shaken off the painful memories of life under apartheid. The authors demonstrate the destructive consequences of transformation for the Afrikaans language, citing Malan (2010a:427): "If transformation has developed into the master concept of our post-1994 public order, representivity is the principal instrument for achieving transformation." Many preeminent commentators suggest that legal and political representivity play a destructive role. Even though according to the Constitution representivity is applicable only to judges and civil servants, its application has been extended to civil society, the corporate sector, non-profit organisations and NGOs. The authors further indicate how transformation has undermined Afrikaans as a language of practical communication in broadcasting, legal practice, at universities and in schools. Controversially, education departments have changed language policies in Afrikaans schools; decisions which have been implemented at great cost of time and resources. Such policy changes were subsequently contested in high-profile court cases such as those of Middelburg, Mikro and Ermelo. One of the multitude of problems that has emerged in legal practice has been the interpretation between English and Afrikaans in court cases. Whereas the courts have traditionally been effective at interpreting between English or Afrikaans and African languages, they are proving to be largely inept at interpreting between English and Afrikaans. Interpretation between these two languages is often unavailable, or of such poor quality that Afrikaans witnesses and accused often choose to testify in English, arguably to their detriment. With regard to demographics the authors point to the consequences of unequal growth in the composition of the South African population. On the one hand, large-scale emigration by white Afrikaans speakers has accentuated the problems of an existing low birth rate, which is now below the replacement rate (by comparison, the Afrikaans-speaking coloured demographic has only recently reached the replacement birth rate). In contrast, the black population exhibits a high birth rate and an influx of immigrants from the rest of Africa. However, there are also several constructive trends and factors which have prevented the process of language shift from attaining greater momentum. These are the quality of Afrikaans schools, the attempts of Afrikaners to come to grips with the past, and the activities of civil society, which include the measures of activism and the establishment of self-help initiatives. The most significant constructive trend has proved to be the vitality and allure of the Afrikaans culture. Contributing to this is the scope and variety of Afrikaans literature, the various printed and electronic media publications, and the expanding activities of the new media, for example online journals such as LitNet. The growing number of Afrikaans arts and music festivals have also become popular attractions. Afrikaans culture is blossoming – one aspect which cannot be directly controlled by the ANC. However, areas where the state is predominant pose a difficult challenge: the SABC has drastically curtailed Afrikaans television since 1994 (while it flourishes through private broadcasters such as kykNET). Obstructive trends have also been identified which have the potential to develop either positively or negatively, such as attempts to consciously counter language-mixing, the development of new technologies, and attempts to foster a closer relationship between coloured and white Afrikaans speakers. The preeminent now deceased Afrikaans linguist Fritz Ponelis suggested that it is futile to supplant standard Afrikaans with a hybrid or mixed language. In his opinion, such a language would be unable to stand its ground against the long-term encroachment of English. Regarding cooperation between the white and coloured Afrikaans communities Giliomee (2010) differentiated between two groups of coloured Afrikaans speakers. The educated working and middle classes exhibit an enthusiasm for Afrikaans and for initiatives promoting Afrikaans, as is evident in the successes of the ACVV, Kindersorg and the Stigting vir die Bemagtiging in Afrikaans.However, a different picture emerges among the coloured "elite". This group still maintains sensitive memories of apartheid, resulting in their rejection of Afrikaans and the subsequent adoption of English as a language of mobility and aspiration. Giliomee (2010) notes that many members of the coloured elite occupying senior positions in the civil service, university management and large companies tend to be strongly progressive and individualistic, resulting in a close association with English and the subsequent values and worldview the language promotes. Such individuals generally support the government's pursuance of race-based transformation and its policy of English as the language of access in society. In 2006, during an ATKV conference, Neville Alexander pointed out that it is still too early to speak of an Afrikaans language community. For now, the focus should be on the shared interests of Afrikaans speakers, of which effective education and tuition in Afrikaans is the most important. The authors expect that the language policy and practices of the authorities will remain unchanged, and that the Afrikaans community will have to reckon with continued aloofness, animosity and recklessness from government. Therefore taking ownership and responsibility is essential for initiatives and institutions which aim to promote Afrikaans as a language of communication, education and job creation.

Wie die meisten lateinamerikanischen Großstädte zeichnet sich die Peripherie von Porto Alegre durch ein dynamisches und ungeregeltes Siedlungswachstum in Form von Landbesetzungen und illegalen Parzellierungen aus. Mit Hilfe von Methoden der qualitativen Sozial¬forschung werden anhand einer Fallstudie insbesondere die damit verbundenen städtischen Umweltkonflikte analysiert und deren Einbeziehung in kooperative Planungsverfahren untersucht. Die Prozesse des ungeregelten Siedlungswachstums am Stadtrand von Porto Alegre sind vor allem durch Wanderungsprozesse innerhalb der Stadt, die ausgrenzende Wirkung des städtischen Immobilienmarktes sowie durch fehlgeschlagene städtische Siedlungspolitik bedingt. Die Zersiedung am Standrand führt in Porto Alegre aus umweltplanerischer Sicht zu einem Raumnutzungskonflikt mit Belangen des Naturschutzes. Das hängt vor allem damit zusammen, dass sich die informellen Siedlungen auf den aus Umweltgesichtspunkten empfindlichen Bereichen konzentrieren, die für den Immobilienmarkt keinem Wert haben. Davon ist besonders die Hügelkette am unmittelbaren Stadtrand betroffen, die sich durch ein sehr artenreiches Wald-Grasland-Mosaik auszeichnet. Trotz fortschrittlicher Entwicklungen in der Stadtpolitik versagen die politischen Instrumente bisher weitgehend, diesem Landnutzungskonflikt entgegen zu wirken. Besonders die Widersprüche zwischen umwelt- und siedlungspolitischer Maßnahmen führen zu unwirksamen Verwaltungshandeln. In einem Kontext, in dem Sanktionen und restriktive Maßnahmen nicht greifen, werden kooperative Instrumente als Alternative gesehen, um in diesem komplexen Konfliktfeld staatliches Handeln zu ermöglichen. Der Schwerpunkt der dieser Arbeit liegt in der Auseinandersetzung mit den Möglichkeiten und Grenzen eines derartigen partizipativen Planungsansatzes, raumbezogene Umweltkonflikte verhandelbar zu machen. Die Bewertungen basieren auf einer umfassenden Fallstudie zu einem vom Stadtplanungsamt in Porto Alegre initiierten Verfahrens der Bürgerbeteiligung. In dem in der Fallstudie untersuchten Projekt geht es darum, in einem kooperativen Planungsprozess gemeinsam mit den Bewohnern den Stadtentwicklungsplan für ein informelles Siedlungsgebiet in der Peripherie zu aktualisieren. Es soll definiert werden, welche Bereiche für die zukünftige Besiedlung geeigneten sind und in welchen Bereichen der Schutz der natürlichen Vegetation Vorrang hat. Insgesamt kann der partizipative Ansatz als wesentlicher Fortschritt zu den in der brasilianischen Stadtplanung nach wie vor gängigen technokratischen Planungspraxis gesehen werden. Durch das Verfahren konnte bei den teilnehmenden Bewohnern und den beteiligten Behördenvertretern ein gemeinsames Problemverständnis erreicht werden. Letztere entwickelten durch die direkte Auseinandersetzung mit der Lebensrealität in den informellen Siedlungen eine realistische Problemsicht. Doch die Fallstudie zeigte auch zahlreiche Hindernisse eines derartigen kooperativen Planungsprozesses auf. Als besonders negativ stellte sich die fehlende Einbindung der Ergebnisse des Beteiligungsprozesses in die formalen Stadtplanungsprozesse und die ad¬ministrativen Routinen heraus. Es besteht weiterhin eine Kluft zwischen dem Beteiligungsverfahren und den Entscheidungsprozessen der einzelnen Fachbehörden. Die fehlende institutionelle Integration des Partizipationsprojektes in die gesamte Verwaltungsstruktur stellt ein zentrales Hindernis dar. Ein grundsätzliches Dilemma derartiger Planungsprozesse in einem so hochdynamischen Kontext wie informelle Siedlungen besteht außerdem darin, nicht auf die eigentlichen Ursachen der Siedlungsexpansion einwirken zu können. Der Handlungsdruck von zuziehenden Neusiedlern kann nicht entschärft werden. Kooperative Ansätze reichen nicht aus, um staatliche Handlungsdefizite zu kompensieren. Vielmehr bedarf es gleichzeitig zur Demokratisierung der Entscheidungsprozesse einer Stärkung der staatlichen Institutionen, um so die Umsetzung präventiver Maßnahmen des Siedlungsbaus zu ermöglichen. Dennoch lässt sich mit den Interviewdaten belegen, dass es durch Beteiligungsprozesse zu einer Eigendynamik kommen kann. Das gestärkte Selbstbewusstsein der Bürgervertreter als politische Akteure gibt Grund zur Hoffung, dass langfristig über den Weg des Empowerment der am stärksten von städtischer Umweltdegradierung betroffenen Bevölkerungsgruppen eine Verbesserung der städtischen Umweltqualität erreicht werden kann. ; Like most Latin American cities the outskirts of Porto Alegre are facing a fast growing uncontrolled urban expansion, characterized by fragmentary settlement structure, squatter settlements and unauthorized land divisions. On the basis of empirical social research using qualitative methods this study analyses the related urban environmental conflicts as well as their incorporation in a participatory planning process. The sprawl of informal urbanization in the periphery of Porto Alegre is mainly due to intra-urban migration processes, segregative effects of the local real estate market and ineffective urban policy. As the informal settlements concentrate in vulnerable areas, like steep slopes and river banks that have no value on the real estate market, the urban fragmentation in the periphery causes environmental conflicts with concerns of nature conservation. The hills adjacent to the urban area, which are characterized by a species-rich mosaic of forests and grassland are especially affected by this urban encroachment. Besides progressive changes in local governance, so far public policy widely fails in counteracting these land use conflicts. Especially contradictions between environmental and urban policies lead to ineffective regulatory action. In a context where restrictive measures are not feasible, collaborative instruments are seen as an alternative in order to influence settlement development. This study analyses the opportunities and limitations of such participatory approaches as far as environmental conflicts related to urban encroachment are concerned. These evaluations are built on an extensive case study on a pilot project of the department for urban planning in Porto Alegre. In a participatory process the local planning authority aims at the collective development of directives for further urban development in cooperation with the local population. This action plan contains a detailed zoning in areas appropriate for settlement and areas to be preserved as natural areas inappropriate for housing. Generally speaking the studied participatory planning project has to be considered a substantial progress in making urban planning in the periphery of Brazilian cities more responsive to the real problems in these areas. Particularly bearing in mind that technocratic planning attitudes are still common in Brazilian planning institutions, this pilot project means an important step forward in creating a new relationship between public agencies and the residents of the illegal settlements. It helps to develop a common understanding of the problems and a shared vision for future settlement development. According to the case study a participatory approach implies a vast potential for institutional learning and capacity building for the individual public servant. As the participating public sector officials directly are confronted with the demands of marginalized social groups in the informal settlements they obtain a more realistic perception of the most urgent problems in these areas. However, the case study identified many limitations of such a collaborative planning approach. A key problem consists in the missing integration of the participation project's results into administrative routines and formal planning processes. The institutional gap between the participatory process and the decisions of the technical authorities prevented the political efficiency of the project and can be considered as the central constraint. Furthermore a fundamental dilemma of the collaborative planning process within the highly dynamic context of informal settlements lies in its inadequacy to influence underlying driving forces for settlement expansion. For instance, the participatory approach is not able to incorporate to integrate potential future squatters, the main actors of further informal urban expansion, as participants. All in all it became clear that collaborative approaches alone are not sufficient to compensate the shortcomings in governmental action. The democratization of the decision-making process has to go along with consolidation of the institutional framework, in order to enable preventive measures of settlement development. Nevertheless the interview data proves that participatory process can instigate the local stakeholders to demand more accountability of the technical authorities regarding their needs. In the long run the strengthened self-esteem of the dwellers of informal settlements as political actors raises hope for improvement of urban environmental quality by empowering the stakeholders most affected by urban environmental degradation.Como a maioria das metrópoles latino-americanas a periferia de Porto Alegre se caracteriza por uma urbanização descontrolada e uma estrutura urbana fragmentada, composta por ocupações e loteamentos irregulares. Através de métodos de pesquisa social qualitativa, investigaram-se especificamente os conflitos ambientais urbanos relacionados bem como a integração destes em processos cooperativos de planejamento. A urbanização descontrolada na periferia de Porto Alegre resulta sobretudo de processos de migração intra-urbana, da segregação sócio-espacial devido à estrutura do mercado imobiliário, assim como de políticas urbanas fracassadas. Do ponto de vista do planejamento ambiental, a fragmentação urbana periférica leva a conflitos ambientais, pois as ocupações informais se concentram nas áreas ecologicamente mais sensíveis, que não têm valor no mercado imobiliário. Isto se reflete principalmente no processo acelerado de ocupação na cadeia dos morros que circunda o espaço urbanizado e que se caracteriza por mosaico de floresta subtropical e campos ricos em espécies endêmicas. Apesar de uma tendência progressiva na política urbana de Porto Alegre os instrumentos políticos falham ao não conseguir interferir nestes conflitos relacionados ao uso da terra. Analisando-se como as políticas urbanas e ambientais da administração local respondem à cidade informal da periferia, vêem-se claramente as contradições na atuação das instituições governamentais. Num contexto onde medidas restritivas não funcionam, instrumentos cooperativos são apontados como alternativas para viabilizar gestão urbana na cidade informal O enfoque deste trabalho é a avaliação das limitações e possibilidades de instrumentos participativos para gerenciar conflitos sócio-ambientais relacionados ao espaço urbano. Isto foi examinado através de um estudo de caso extenso sobre um projeto de planejamento urbano participativo iniciado pela secretaria de planejamento municipal de Porto Alegre (SPM). Este projeto se focaliza na atualização do plano diretor num bairro periférico em cooperação com a população atingida. O objetivo é definir as áreas que são aptas para ocupação urbana e onde para a proteção da vegetação natural é prioridade. A abordagem participativa representa um avanço significativo, uma vez que se consegue construir um entendimento comum dos problemas locais entre os moradores e os funcionários públicos. Estes últimos, sobretudo, ganharam com isso uma visão realista dos problemas das ocupações informais através da confrontação direta e contínua com os moradores. Por outro lado, a falta de integração dos resultados do processo participativo na atuação das diferentes secretarias na região restringe significativamente a eficácia do projeto. Existe um abismo entre o processo participativo e os processos decisórios das secretarias setoriais, sendo esta falta de integração institucional uma das principais limitações identificadas neste estudo de caso. Além disso, um dilema fundamental de tais processos de planejamento num contexto de urbanização acelerado é o fato de não se poder interferir nas causas desta expansão urbana informal. Não se consegue modificar a pressão dos novos ocupantes que se mudam para esta região. Processos cooperativos não conseguem compensar os déficits institucionais. Além da democratização do planejamento urbano, é necessário um fortalecimento das instituições locais, possibilitando a implementação de medidas preventivas de política urbana. Apesar disso, os dados das entrevistas sustentam que um processo participativo pode levar a uma dinâmica própria. O fortalecimento da auto-estima dos participantes como atores políticos pode, em longo prazo, levar a uma melhoria da qualidade ambiental urbana, pois desta maneira os grupos mais atingidos pela degradação ambiental conseguem reivindicar o atendimento das suas demandas pelo poder público.

{B}INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF SCIENTIFIC UNIONS - ICSU{/B}{P} {B}{P} Science International Newsletter No. 67 pril 1998{P} {/B} ISSN 1011-6257{P} April 1998{P} {B} Code Number:NL98001 {BR} Sizes of Files: {BR} Text: 55k {BR} No associated graphics files {/B}{P} {B} ABOUT ICSU{/B}{P} {B}Members of the ICSU General Committee for the period 1996-1999:{P} {/B} Officers{br} Representatives of International Scientific Union Member (with year appointed){br} Representatives of National Scientific Members (with year elected) {B}{P} EDITORIAL{/B}{P} The role of ICSU in a rapidly changing world{P} As you know from previous issues of {I}Science international, {/I}an assessment of the International Council for Scientific Unions by an international group of distinguished scientists was completed in 1996. The aim of this assessment was to see how ICSU should evolve in a rapidly changing world.{P} {B}TROPICAL CYCLONE DISASTERS{P} {/B} Sir James Lighthill, SC-IDNDR{P} In the Joint ICSU/WAAO project on Tropical Cyclone Disasters it has been well appreciated that ICSU's contribution can most appropriately be concentrated on oceanographic and air-sea-interaction aspects of Tropical Cyclone Disasters, in ways that will complement the in-depth expertise of WMO in meteorological and hydrographic aspects and on effective delivery of forecasts and warnings. Accordingly, during the 1997 preparations for the WMO/ICSU 4th International Workshop on Tropical Cyclones (Haiku, China, 21 to 30 April 1998), ICSU representatives readily consented to provide the preliminary discussion document related to air-sea interactions. {P} {B}DEVELOPING AN INTEGRATED GLOBAL OBSERVING STRATEGY{P} {/B} Sophie Boyer-King{p} Over the past few months, major steps have been made towards the development of an Integrated Observing Strategy (IGOS).{P} {B} NEWS ON DIVERSITAS ACTIVITIES{P} {/B} OECD Megascience Forum on Global Scale Issues{P} Strengthening the Interaction Between Science and Policy Making{P} Diversitas was invited to participate in a Workshop on Global-Scale issues, sponsored by the {I}OECD, {/I}which brought together scientists and policymakers to critically examine the role of the scientific community in providing analysis and advice on global scale issues to government officials and other decision-makers. {P} {B}CONVENTION ON BIOLOGICAL DIVERSITY{P} Articles meeting{P} {/B}{P} The Convention on Biodiversity's (CBD) scientific and technical and technological advisory body (SBSTTA) periodically reviews selected issues following instructions from the Conference of Parties to the Convention. 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Addy, who heads the Biochemistry Department at the University of Ghana in Legon is the Secretary of this Regional COSTED Secretariat covering the Western and Central African region.{P} {B}Networking Natural Products Research{br} {/B}Although not quite finalised yet, this secretariat has initiated activities towards the formation of a network of natural products research scientists in the Western African sub-region. {P} {b}Central secretariat{P} COSTED-USIU Course on "Technology Management"{/b}{br} In response to the direction from the Executive Committee encouraging COSTED to undertake appropriate activities in Technology Management, the Central Secretariat conceived a four week intensive course on Technology Management in co-operation with the United States International University in San Diego, USA. {P} {B}COSTED Occasional Paper Series{br} {/B}COSTED is charged with the responsibility of influencing public policy in science and technology. Towards this end a new activity has been initiated by the Central Secretariat which involves the publication of a monograph series called the "COSTED Occasional Papers", aimed at influencing public policy for science and addressing emerging and enduring issues in science and technology which have a particular importance for developing countries. {P} {B}COSTED REGIONAL SECRETARIES MEET AT CHENNAI{P} {/B} Regional Secretaries of COSTED met at Chennai during Feb. 1617, 1998 at a meeting, the first of its kind. The meeting was convened by the Scientific Secretary with the primary purpose of formulating major Pan-COSTED programmes.{P} {B}CONFERENCE ON INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY REGIME: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR THE ARAB REGION{P} {/B}February 25-26 1998, Cairo, Egypt{P} The above conference was organised with the primary objective of enhancing the awareness and preparedness of the Arab countries in coping with the challenges posed by the new Intellectual Property Regime and taking advantage of the opportunities presented therein.{P} {B}COSTED PUBLICATIONS{P} {/B} Concepts in Biotechnology.{br} Regional Land Cover Changes, Sustainable Agriculture and their Interactions with Global Change.{P} {B} JOURNAL PUBLISHING IN LATIN AMERICA{P} {/B} Ana Maria Cetto, ICSU Press{P} A Second International Workshop on Scientific Publications in Latin America was held in Guadalaiara in November ]997, as a follow-up to the First Workshop held three years earlier (see Science International No. 59, March 1995). {P} {b}THE PHILOSOPHICAL ROOM{P} K. Evers, Executive Secretary, SCRES{P} {/b}This is a Swedish Radio 40-minute programme in which a panel of three scientists and/or philosophers discuss a chosen topic. Kathinka Evers, Executive Secretary of ICSU Standing Committee on Responsibility and Ethics in Science (SCRES) participated in two such programmes, endeavouring to make ICSU/SCRES more publicly known.{P} {B}EU DATABASE DIRECTIVE RAISES HACKLES{P} {/B}Controversial European Legislation aimed at protecting the rights of database owners went into effect last week, and scientists around the world are worried that publishers will use it to make access to data too expensive for cash-strapped academics. {B}{P} IUPAC PLANS LONG-RANGE STRATEGY AND PROPOSES OPERATIONAL CHANGE{/B}{P} Edwin D. Backer, Secretary General, IUPAC{P} With the major changes that have occurred worldwide in chemistry and the chemical industry, the International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry has found it essential examine its activities and delineate its role as the organization principally responsible for promotion of the chemical sciences internationally. Following a series of meetings to obtain input from leaders in chemistry on four continents, IUPAC has redefined its mission and established goals and strategies to guide its approach to the shaping of the chemical sciences and the service of chemistry in a rapidly changing world.{P} {B}NEW ACTING GENERAL SECRETARY OF THE INTERNATIONAL UNION OF BIOCHEMISTRY AND MOLECULAR BIOLOGY (IUBMB){P} {/B} IUBMB is happy to announce the appointment of the new Acting General Secretary of IUBMB. Dr. Francis Vella. A native of Malta, he was educated at St. Joseph Convent, Sliema, Malta Lyceuin, and Royal University of Malta. Graduated B.Sc. (1949)and MD (1952). He distinguished himself as a medical student.{P} {B}28TH BIENNIAL CONGRESS OF IAHR{P} {/B} In 1999, the 18th Biennial Congress of the International Association for Hydraulic Research (IAHR) will take place in Graz, Austria.{P} {B} INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR MATHEMATICAL GEOLOGY CONFERENCE{P} {/B} The Annual Conference of the International Association for Mathematical Geology will be held from 5-9 October 1998 in Naples, Italy.{P} {B}NEW TECHNOLOGIES AND FRONTIERS IN DRUG RESEARCH{br} Cyprus, 4-8 May 1998{P} {/B} This conference addresses emerging technologies in drug discovery with special attention to their impact on the chemical and biochemical sciences. The sessions structure have been designed to present both background and futures in each topic addressed and to provide optimal opportunity for discussion.{P} {B}CALENDAR{/B}{P} APRIL 1998{P} 23-25 ICSU Vienna (Austria) ICSU General Committee and Extraordinary General Assembly Board Meeting{P} 27 INASP Oxford (U.K.) Board Meeting{P} MAY 1998{P} 14-15 CSFS Paris (France), Committee Meeting{P} 20-21 ICSU Paris (France), Standing Finance Committee{P} 21-25 ICSTI Loch Lomond (Scotland, UK), General Assembly{P} 14-20 SCOPE Piscataway, NJ (USA), Xth General Assembly{P} 15-26 COSTED San Diego (USA), COSTED-USIU Training Course on Technology Management (Part II){P} {/body} {/html}

 Elizabeth Anderson is always an interesting author for me to read because as much as we are both concerned with the same issues, namely,  the politics of work, and the domination of the work ethic over our lives, we approach these issues from fundamentally different philosophical perspectives. Anderson is for the most part working on these issues from within the liberal tradition, construed broadly, while my approach is framed in large part by the traditions of Marxism and Marxist Spinozism. Determination is negation, as Marx cited Spinoza as saying, and it is through reading Anderson that I get a deeper sense of my own philosophical commitments and perspective.Anderson's latest book is, as the title and subtitle make clear, about the work ethic and how it has been reworked by neoliberalism. Her critique is in some sense an immanent one, demarcating a division between a progressive and conservative work ethic. In some sense this division draws a line of demarcation that can be traced back to such thinkers as John Locke. It is a question of asking who or what was being referred to when Locke argued that, "God gave the world to men in common…He gave it to the use of the industrious and rational (and labor was to be his title to it) not to the fancy or covetousness of the quarrelsome and contentious." Where the quarrelsome and contentious that Locke was arguing against the lower classes, the rabble, who begged rather than worked, or were they the landed gentry and aristocratic classes, that lived off of their inheritance rather than laboring? Anderson makes the claim that it is as much the latter than the form, that the central line of demarcation in Locke's writing is between idle and industrious and this line of demarcation cuts against the wealthy as much as the poor. As much as Locke can be understood as arguing for inequality and the accumulation of a few, it is only because those few are proven to be more industrious. Anderson rejects the interpretation put forward by C.B. Macpherson and others that Locke is developing the philosophical foundations for capitalism. For her the line "turfs my servant has cut" is less a symptom of an emergence of wage labor than a residue of the disappearing world of indentured servitude. Locke is positioned as a starting point of a division between the progressive and conservative work ethic, a disagreement "within economic liberalism," as Anderson puts it.  As she argues, "The progressive work ethic includes the virtues of industry, saving for investment, and prudential planning. As a secularized ideal, it aims to bring the rewards of following the work ethic from the next life into this one." In contrast to this the conservative work ethic focuses on work itself as a source of discipline primarily for the poor and working classes. The meaning of the work ethic does not end or begin with Locke. After Locke it continually vacillates between its progressive meaning, critical of the idle rich as much as the unemployed, and its conservative meaning, focused on the idleness of the poor. Caught between these two interpretations is the question of how unemployment is understood, is it structural, an effect of the capitalist division of labor, or is it an individual issue, a failure of resolve, dedication, and industriousness? As Anderson writes, "Poor law reforms at turn of the seventeenth century had been drafted partially in response to the discovery of a large class of poor who were neither the impotent deserving poor (unable to work) nor the able-bodied underserving poor (unwilling to work). This third class of poor--the "laboring poor" for whom Adam smith had great sympathy, and Burke such contempt--consisted of the involuntary under- and unemployed."In other words, namely Hegel's (cited above) the problem of capitalism is that of the rabble. By and large the response to the rabble, to those able to work but unable to find work, has been to double down on the "ideology of the conservative work ethic." Anderson defines ideology as follows, "By 'ideology' I refer in part to a set of explicit beliefs that rationalize some social or political ideal and its associated institutions and policies. I also refer to a system of representations, cognitive biases, attitudes, emotional and epistemic dispositions, and values embodied in the social practices associated with those ideologies."In the conservative work ethic it is work itself that becomes the central ideology. Work, wage labor, is ideological when it is in excess of its economic function. As Anderson writes, "British welfare reform and famine-relief policies in the nineteenth century reflected the key features of poverty policies informed by the conservative work ethic. They offer extremely stinting levels of relief, typically insufficient to enable recipients to escape poverty, and sometimes even to survive. They observe the principle of "less eligibility," insuring that recipients, even if blamelessly unable to work, are worse off than the lowest paid worker. They prefer to condition relief on the performance of wage labor, even if the recipient's activities would better promote social welfare directed to education, self-employment, or dependent care. Work requirements are often imposed without regard to their interference with recipient's ability to fulfill duties provide direct care for dependents."Following Anderson's understanding of ideology, it is possible to say that the conservative work ethic is attached to the idea of work as discipline and virtue, what Hegel understood as the ethical and formative dimension of work.  In some sense this ideological dimension is at tension with the economics of work, as workhouses and even modern work programs prove to be more costly than just giving people what they need to survive. It is not always in tension, however, and the overall emphasis on work as discipline and virtue has proven to be a beneficial tool of discipline and control--this is part of what Anderson means by neoliberalism. As with her earlier book on the corporation, one is left wondering where Marx fits into this divide between progressive and conservative work ethics. In some sense Anderson sees Marx as the most radical of the advocates of the progressive work ethics, "from each according to their abilities to each according to their needs" can be understood as a statement of a general imperative of productivity and industriousness. Marx went further than Mill and other advocates of the progressive work ethic in that he thought that a realization of this ideal would mean eliminating private property and markets. Anderson generally interprets Marx through the lens of Lenin and even Stalin rereading the young Marx discussion of labor as a human activity as a testament to productivity as an ideal.  Her exclusion of any other aspect of Marx, of an anti-work Marx gets the strangest dismissal. As Anderson writes,"This view draws inspiration from nascent attempts of revolutionary workers to spontaneously organize society, as in the Paris Commune of 1871, and the soviets (workers' councils) of Russia's February Revolution. However, these attempts were rapidly crushed wherever they appeared. For this reason I shall set it aside."It is a strange formulation, and if I wanted to follow through with the symptomatic reading of Locke linked to above (and expanded upon here), one could argue that she takes repression, a historical and political process,  to be a refutation, a philosophical argument. It is a confusion of defeat and failure, to draw on a distinction made by Michael Hardt in his latest book.  When it comes to all of the other positions considered, from Adam Smith to the Levellers and Diggers, Anderson considers their argument, how they understand work, its value, and its ethic. When it comes to Marx, or at least a strain of Marxism understood as a radical critique of work, another factor is introduced, how they were defeated. There arguments and positions are refuted not in theory but in the practice of history.  Of course one could argue that such a dismissal of the revolutionary tradition is almost required to be discussed in the circles of the New York Times, NPR, etc. Lest that seems too harsh I should add that I appreciate Anderson's attempt to revive the reputation of Eduard Bernstein, to at least be open on her commitment to Marx as part of liberal project of reform even if, at the moment she makes that choice, she sets aside the radical tradition of Marxism for the odd reason of its repression. More could be said about this, much more, but in closing I would like to say that she misses perhaps the most important aspect of Marx's critique of capitalism and his most important point about ideology. The true "highjacking" of the work ethic is the idea of capitalist productivity itself in that it identifies as productive, as valuable, primarily that which produces surplus value, and not that which is aimed or oriented towards human needs. What Anderson calls the "progressive work ethic" is predicated on the idea, often unstated, that work, wage labor, always fulfills some social need. Capitalism refutes this daily, not just in dismissing the important work of care, as Anderson acknowledges, but in elevating pernicious and harmful work to value creating activity. A work ethic presupposes a connection between work as an activity and some social good as a result, and that does not exist under capitalism. 

James Freeman's always excellent "best of the web" WSJ column today covers a Manhattan Institute report by Mark Mills itself referencing material deep in side an International Energy Agency report on battery powered electric cars. Like corn ethanol, this enthusiasm may also pass. The economic and environmental costs of batteries are slowly seeping out. One of my pet peeves in all of our command-and-control climate policy is that any comprehensive quantification of costs and benefits seems so rare, or at least so hidden. How many dollars for how many tons of carbon -- and especially the latter: how many tons of carbon, really, all in, including making the cars? (California only counts tailpipe emissions!) I have seen guesstimates that electric cars only breakeven in their carbon emissions at 50,000-70,000 miles. And, the point of the article, those estimates are likely undercounts especially if there is a huge expansion.  Parts I found interesting and novel: For all of history, the costs of a metal in both dollar and environmental terms are dictated primarily by ore grades, i.e., the share of the rock dug up that contains the metal sought... Ore grade is what accounts for the differences in the cost per pound of gold, $15,000, and iron, $0.05. The former ore grades are typically below 0.001% and the latter over 50%.... Average nickel ore grade is under 2% and for copper below 1%, ... Such geological realities determine the amount of energy used by big machines to do the digging, moving, grinding, refining, etc.The global mining industry today already accounts for about 40% of all industrial energy use, and that's before an epic expansion that will be needed to meet green plans. Petroleum itself typically accounts for half of mining-sector energy use.Thus, estimating future EV energy emissions requires including the trajectory for ore grades. There is no evidence that any study is doing so. [My emphasis] Every metal exhibits a long-run and significant decline in ore grades. [The International Energy Agency] acknowledges this, even if it tendentiously understates the reality: "Future [minerals] production is likely to gravitate towards more energy-intensive pathways." The word "likely" dodges the fact that the data and the trends are clear. Copper is typical and is one metal for which there are no substitutes for building EVs or wind and solar hardware. As a National Renewable Energy Laboratory paper pointed out, "a decrease in copper ore grade between 0.2% and 0.4%, will require seven times more energy than present-day operations." And copper ore grades are forecast to continue the long-run decline...Mr. Mills cites an IEA report showing a trend of increasingly energy-intensive mining to collect a number of other minerals needed for EVs and adds:All the trends for declining ore grades are visible, even if they are ignored. [my emphasis]Now any economist of a certain era like me remembers the resource limits arguments of the 1970s, and the fact that raw materials prices keep going down over time. How does this square with the above? Simple: over time energy prices go down, and a bit the cost of machinery goes down, so we can mine lower and lower quality ore at the same or lower price.  This is how we overcome the laws of thermodynamics. As the thing you want is more and more needle in a haystack of rubble, it takes more and more energy to pull it out. We could make copper from sea water with enough free energy. We could make copper from other elements in particle accelerators with enough free energy. Energy abundance drives declining resource prices. And, of course, current policy is driving us to more and more expensive energy.  So perhaps the resource limited crowd might be right after all, though only because of our self-imposed energy policies. (I don't see how one can use nuclear or solar power to run a mine. Maybe, which would at least help the carbon issue if not all the other externalities of mining.)Some of the environmental question around carbon is nicely stated as, what kind of earth do we want to leave our great grandchildren? A hotter earth is not a pleasant choice. But an earth with all of its high grade minerals removed, and only a tenth of a degree cooler, is not a great choice either. I recall from somewhere a speculation about whether industrial civilization could revive after a social collapse. The answer is no. We can't even have a new Bronze Age. All the easily accessible deposits are gone.  Second, an interesting forecast that our regulators will give up -- i.e. give up on the idea that replacing ICE vehicles with batteries and continuing as we do now will work: . . . Consumers are also to be persuaded, or forced, to drive less in general and travel more by bus, bicycle, rail, ride-share, or on foot, and to own fewer cars in the first place. As stated in the IEA net zero goal: the number of global households without a car needs to rise from 45% today to 70% by 2050, reversing a century-long trend of rising ownership. One researcher simply stated: "There is therefore a need for a wide range of policies that include measures to reduce vehicle ownership and usage." As usual, California regulators are ahead of the proverbial curve in admitting that the state's emissions goals will require citizens of that state—on top of being forced into EVs—to drive 25% fewer miles than they did 30 years ago . . . Reversing Americans' entire residential locations to something like a Manhattan where non-car transport can work is hard enough.  Carbon emissions in the next century means China, India and Africa. Do they join the modern world? Reducing "global" car ownership means, no. You walk. Not in the article, my own pet peeve about electric car mandates, current policy, and the coming total ban on ICE vehicles: Economics teaches you the wonder of tremendous variety in our economy. Lots of people use cars and trucks for lots of different things. If electrification saves carbon at all -- a big if, and the central point of this report -- but is expensive or range limited, then it makes sense to do it first where it's least costly and most beneficial, and leave the most high value and hard to substitute uses of gas power alone. For example, the natural first use for electric cars is a second or shared small car with small battery for around town. Most families have two cars. Or, you could own a small limited range car for daily driving and rent a Chevy Tahoe for a long road trip. Privately owned cars sit idle most of the time, and are not a great first use for expensive and environmentally costly batteries anyway. A fire truck that operates one month of the year in the middle of nowhere off the grid should probably stay gas powered forever. The earth does not require 100% elimination of ICE, 90% will do! Yet our policy makers see only one vision: each family has one car, Chevy Chase's family truckster, and must take that car on a long road trip. So the car needs to be huge, have a huge battery, and have a network of charging stations. All at once. Moonshot, not bit by bit. The pressure on materials will not just come from cars either. The current policy plan is to move home heating, AC, stoves, and industry to electricity, and to move electric production to solar panels and windmills. But those only work during the day. The current plan -- dream -- is battery powered grid scale electric storage. To obviate the need for backup fossil plants -- i.e. doubling the fixed cost -- we then need something like a week's worth of battery backup for the whole current electrical output, all the cars, houses, and industry that are going to be forced to move to electricity, and new economic growth. A total ban on gas power, a forced move to huge cars with huge batteries, and no clear quantitative understanding that this actually saves any carbon at all, let alone the other environmental consequences of massively increasing resource extraction, will obviously end badly. Freeman says "they're coming for your cars." They may, but we are still a democracy. More likely, this will join corn ethanol, switchgrass, high speed trains, urban mass transit, and a hundred other enthusiasms in a pile of eternal subsidies while the chattering classes move on to the next great enthusiasm. I can bet what will happen in California. The ban will take effect, but there will be a mechanism to plead for exemptions. Once again large well connected people and companies will get exemptions, smaller businesses will shut down, and everything gets more expensive.  The sad effect of all of this is that slow diffusion of sensible electric cars may be stalled, along with development of the technology--whatever it is--that will eventually win out 20 or 30 years from now.  

Scott Lincicome and Alfredo Carrillo Obregon


It's a well‐​known fact in the nation's capital that politicians' rhetoric gets progressively detached from reality as a November election approaches. During a race's final few months, inconvenient things like "facts" and "logic" tend to get thrown out the window as candidates get desperate for votes.
On trade, at least, it seems President Biden has kicked off the 2024 "silly season" more than a year early.
In particular, Biden's recent proclamation announcing World Trade Week 2023 (and implicitly justifying his tariff‐ and subsidy‐​heavy "worker‐​centric" trade policy) stated that, "For decades, the middle class and thriving towns across America were hollowed out as good‐​paying jobs moved overseas and factories at home closed down." Were this claim in the middle of an early‐​autumn stump speech—from Biden or former President Trump—we may have given it a pass. But since the claim comes in the middle of a World Trade Week proclamation from the sitting president of the United States, we feel compelled to correct the record.
First, the only "hollowing out" of the American middle class over the last few decades has been due to U.S. households moving up the income ladder, not down. For example, Census Bureau data show that between 1990 and 2019—the era of "peak globalization"—the share of middle‐ and low‐​income U.S. households (adjusted for inflation) have both declined, while the share of U.S. households annually earning $100,000 has increased (see Figure 1). Research on individuals' wages shows much of the same thing.











Wage and income gains have been solid for lower‐​income Americans over this same period. The Congressional Budget Office, for example, finds a 55 percent increase in the inflation‐​adjusted incomes of U.S. households in the bottom 20 percent. These improvements would be even larger after accounting for taxes and transfers. (As noted in the introduction of the new Cato Institute book, Empowering the New American Worker, household income gains are likely not owed to a substantial increase in two‐​earner families since 1990.) According to the most recent calculations from economist Michael Strain, moreover, inflation‐​adjusted wages increased between 1990 and 2022 by 50, 48, 38, and 39 percent at the 10th, 20th, 30th, and 50th (median) percentiles, respectively (see Figure 2).











Second, while it is undeniably true that the United States has fewer manufacturing workers today than in the 1970s or 1980s and that most jobs (even male‐​dominated, blue‐​collar ones) are in services, American industrial jobs have not all been "shipped overseas." As explained in a 2022 Cato paper, globalization undoubtedly eliminated some U.S. manufacturing jobs, especially labor‐​intensive, low‐​wage industries like textiles/​apparel and furniture, but the main, long‐​term drivers of U.S. manufacturing job‐​losses are productivity gains and a shift in U.S. consumption from goods to services. Thus, countries around the world—including ones with large and persistent trade surpluses and active industrial and labor policies—have experienced their own, if not larger, declines in manufacturing jobs, and recent increases in U.S. manufacturing jobs have been accompanied by stagnating U.S. manufacturing productivity.
Furthermore, as explained in Empowering, there are still manufacturing jobs available in the United States—for those who want and can qualify for them:
Contrary to the conventional wisdom…, the current U.S. manufacturing job situation is not due to a lack of demand for these workers (caused by globalization or automation, for example): in the first quarter of 2022, there were around 850,000 unfilled manufacturing job openings, and new research from Deloitte and the Manufacturing Institute estimates that this figure could hit 2.1 million by 2030.

A year later, even after a significant cooling of the U.S. manufacturing sector, job openings there are historically elevated. At the same time, the Census Bureau reports that very few prime‐​age American workers are out of work because they can't find a job (Figure 3).











Third, President Biden ignores, as we explained in a 2022 paper, the tens of millions of American jobs in services and in manufacturing that are today dependent on trade and globalization:
[A] 2020 report found that trade—imports and exports—directly or indirectly supported approximately 40.6 million jobs in both goods‐​producing industries (agriculture, construction, manufacturing, etc.) or services‐​producing industries (wholesale/​retail trade, transportation, professional services, etc.). Imports alone support an estimated 17.3 million American jobs in transportation, logistics, wholesale and retail trade, and other services industries, which comprise more than 10 percent of total employment in the sector. And almost half of all dollars spent on imported goods go to American workers rather than to the foreigners producing the goods. Thus, new research finds that, while only 6 percent of U.S. firms in manufacturing and services are goods traders, these firms account for half of economy‐​wide employment today and supported 60 percent of all new net jobs created after 2008, primarily through the establishment of new businesses. [See Figure 4.]
Meanwhile, foreign direct investment supported approximately 8 million jobs in 2019. By contrast, these same American workers are harmed by protectionism: higher input costs, for example, typically mean reduced wages or unemployment in the consuming company or industry at issue.












Surely, not every American worker has come out ahead since the United States became more integrated into the global economy, but—even leaving aside the important consumption benefits that globalization has provided all Americans (even ones who lost jobs from import competition)—the narrative of broad, trade‐​driven declines in middle class jobs and lifestyles is simply false. As the Financial Times' Martin Wolf put it in April (citing the latest academic research), "contrary to the widespread view, it is untrue that liberal trade is a dominant or even significant cause of the woes of the working classes of western societies." Indeed.
Finally, similar conclusions may be drawn regarding American communities—including ones once dependent on manufacturing. For example, a 2018 Brookings Institution report found that 115 of the 185 counties that had a disproportionate share (20 percent or more) of manufacturing jobs in 1970 had successfully transitioned away from manufacturing by 2016. Of the remaining 70 "older industrial cities", 40 had exhibited "strong" or "emerging" (above‐​average) economic performance over the same period. Thus, by 2016 almost 85 percent of American communities once dependent on manufacturing—and thus potentially "hollowed out" by new import competition—had moved or were moving beyond their industrial past. That a handful of U.S. "mill towns" hadn't adjusted in more than four decades reveals other (and deeper) problems than simply exposure to the modern global economy. For example:






"Labor Market Conflict and the Decline of the Rust Belt" https://t.co/WN5RINmBF1"Rising foreign competition plays a more modest role quantitatively, and its effects are concentrated in the 1980s and 1990s, after most of the Rust Belt's decline had already occurred." 👀 pic.twitter.com/4c9xWaWgud— Scott Lincicome (@scottlincicome) May 12, 2023




Anecdotal evidence supports these conclusions. Former textile town Greenville, South Carolina is (along with its next door neighbor Spartanburg) today a bustling metro area with a diverse economy—including several multinational manufacturers. Just up the interstate, Hickory, North Carolina—a former textile and furniture hub that was the poster‐​child for the persistent ravages of the so‐​called "China Shock"—has just been named by U.S. News and World Report as the "best affordable place to live in the United States" for 2023–24. (Speaking of the China Shock, the authors of those influential studies have since acknowledged that, once you consider the substantial consumer gains from China trade, just 82 of 722 U.S. commuting zones, representing 6.3 percent of the U.S. population, would experience net welfare losses. Other scholars, of course, challenge the China Shock approach and conclusions more broadly.)
For Hickory, the USNWR highlights that manufacturing continues to account for most of the area's jobs, yet "the industry is [now] diversified, with plastics, biotechnology and pharmaceuticals playing a bigger role." Moreover, Google and Apple have established data centers in the area, and service‐​sector businesses are growing. Recognizing the area's potential, Appalachian State University will open a Hickory‐​based campus this August.
Coming in second on the same USNWR list is former steel town Youngstown, Ohio, which is "in the midst of a cultural and economic renaissance" driven mainly by service‐​sector businesses.
So much for being "hollowed out."
None of this means, of course, that certain American communities and workers don't face real challenges in today's globalized world. But alleging that trade caused these ills not only ignores the gains that the vast majority of Americans have experienced since the United States opened to the world decades ago, but also distracts from—as Empowering details—"the panoply of federal, state, and local policies that distort markets and thereby raise the cost of health care, childcare, housing, and other necessities; lower workers' total compensation; inhibit their employment, personal improvement, and mobility; and deny them the lives and careers that they actually want (as opposed to the ones DC policymakers think they should want)."
Blaming trade for these and other policies' failures might make for a good campaign soundbite, but that doesn't make it any less silly—especially during World Trade Week.

Since 2007, after the election of the economist Rafael Correa Delgado for president of the Republic of Ecuador, the country has been experiencing a series of ideological, structural and political changes. A Constitutional Assembly, demanded by a Popular Consultation, materialized Correa's project of "homeland refoundation" (Ulloa, 2020, p. 19). In 2008, once the Constitution had been drafted, 63,93% of the voting population said "Yes" to the new Constitution, thus establishing what would be a turning point in national politics.On the one hand, until the fall of Colonel Lucio Gutiérrez (2003-2005), the country had undergone turbulence during the nineties due to significant political-institutional instability. There were three political leaders toppled in total; an armed conflict with its neighbor country, Peru; and a deep economic crisis that led the country to embark on dollarization. Correa's presidency, on the other hand, lasted ten years (2007-2017), after which time he left one of his vice-presidents Lenín Moreno as successor (2017-2021). In addition, despite the corruption during his government, he continues to lead the second largest political party, as can be seen in the 2021 elections.His Plan of Government, called 'Plan Nacional para el Buen Vivir,' introduced the indigenous worldview of Sumak Kawsay. Translated from quichua language as Buen Vivir, this philosophy enabled the adoption of social inclusion measures, the enlargement of minority rights, including the expansion of the liberal juridical anthropocentric concept, by offering nature rights (Hernández, 2017). Sumak Kawsay means "life in its fullness […] in its material and spiritual excellence […] in its inner and outer balance of the community" (Macas, 2010, p. 14).Based on this philosophy, Ecuador started moving towards social change, which was impossible without the inclusion of gender equality (Zaragocín, 2017, p. 64). In that sense, many public policies have been planned, creating debates on economic, political and social issues (Acosta, 2012; Acosta y Cajas-Guijarro, 2018; Hernández, 2017; Radcliffe, 2017). Furthermore, these policies targeted one of the most hermetic institutions: the Armed Forces.In this respect, this paper aims to analyze the discursive reproductions and disruptions in gender categories (masculine and feminine) based on an analysis of Ecuadorian defense documents. The masculinities constitute a gender category that reflects the subjugation of the feminine by the masculine, and is connected to a superiority associated with strength, rationality, command, in opposition to feminine values (weakness, emotionality, anarchy) (Hooper, 1999). Nevertheless, masculinities are not personal characteristics concerning individuals. Instead, they should be understood as configurations produced by social actions in a particular context (Connell y Messerschmidt, 2005, p. 832). In this paper, Maya Eichler's militarized masculinities (MM) concept is used as a reference to the stereotypical masculine characteristics created by the exacerbation of virility in military rituals (military service, combat) (Eichler, 2014, pp. 83-85). The author highlights that the MM are regularly and dynamically produced, making necessary an analysis on its features. Therefore, it is used to identify discursive and ideological formations and interdiscourses associated with gender notions present in the documents through a post-structural feminist approach and a discourse analysis methodology.Gender equality constitutes an unavoidable issue in contemporary democracies and consequently the inclusion of women in the Ecuadorian Armed Forces is an ongoing challenge. Recent studies on the integration of women in the military demonstrate that public policies, mainly regarding gender equality and interculturality, have been militarized (Zaragocín, 2018, p. 436). In other words, the potential for social change has been lost. From this fact, this paper argues that the militarization of gender equality, besides undermining the transformative potential of social inclusion, allowed the reproduction of new manifestations of militarized masculinities in the defense documents, updating the dynamics based on a dialectic and negative masculine/feminine dichotomy.Furthermore, the existence of a gap in the Ecuadorian security and defense literature is identified; despite the increase of women in the military, studies on this phenomenon remain incipient (Chacón, 2014; Iturralde, 2015; Morales et al., 2017; Zaldumbide, 2020; Zaragocín, 2018). Issues concerning military masculinities, hegemonic masculinity in these places and in Ecuadorian society —and their discursive reproductions, continuities and resistances— constitute a fertile ground for the analysis of the consequences of militarization for social inclusion. This paper fills this gap by analyzing the transformation in militarized masculinities in national defense discourse, and it does so through innovative methodological resources that allow a critical perspective on the results of the policies implemented since 2007.In terms of methodology, a framework of analisis is used consisting of defense documents published from 2002 to 2017, namely: Libro Blanco de Defensa (2002, 2006), Agenda Política de Defensa (2009-2013 and 2014-2017), Política de Género de las Fuerzas Armadas del Ecuador (2013) and the Cartilla de Género Fuerzas Armadas del Ecuador (2017). This framework refers to the year of 2002 due to the release of the first Libro Blanco during Gustavo Noboa's administration (2000-2003). This permits us to determine to what extent the inclusion of gender politics was an unavoidable issue in national defense politics during the documents' transition.The body of analysis is addressed through the combination of a discourse analysis and a post-structural feminist perspective on gender, using Laura Shepherd's theoretical lens. The connection between these methodologies permits the identification of the ways that gender manifests itself as an element of power in discourses. It is highlighted how the post-structural feminist perspective allows us to question how the texts signify, enabling the realization of profound analyses that address the documents' discursive meanings (Shepherd, 2010, p. 9). Discourse should be understood as "word in motion", whose purpose is the production of effects of meaning (Orlandi, 2012, p. 15). Discourse is represented by oral and written word, and symbols that dispute meanings in subjective and ideological fields (Brandão, 2012, p. 9). For this study, the texts that form the body of analysis are considered discourses. In this way, discourses are understood as neither transparent nor inert (Orlandi, 2012, p. 15), but dynamic and contingent.Besides the introduction and the final considerations, the work has three sections. The first section presents the conceptual tools that will be used to understand the relation between gender and masculinities. After that, a brief description of the methodology employed in the study is developed. Finally, the analysis is conducted on the manifestations of militarized masculinities in the documents. The work finishes by presenting a final argument, that is: besides undermining the transformative potential of social inclusion, the militarization of gender equality allows for the reproduction of new manifestations of militarized masculinities in the defense documents. The dynamics are updated based on a dialectic and negative masculine/feminine dichotomy.Through this analysis three illustrative images of women's presence in the defense documents were created: "partial citizen", "authorized citizen" and "military woman". The three representations show, in a "before" and "after" comparison of gender politics, that women continue experiencing rejection in military spaces, being the "Other", and inherently a stranger to the ideal of militarized masculinity that prevails in the barracks. The conclusion is that militarized masculinities have experienced a discursive metamorphosis, demonstrating the subtle and resistant armor of the masculine military ethos. ; El presente trabajo busca analizar las manifestaciones, reproducciones y rupturas discursivas que experimentan las nociones de género a partir de las masculinidades militarizadas presentes en los documentos de defensa del Ecuador. El corpus de análisis está constituido por las políticas de defensa producidas entre 2002 y 2017, considerando el periodo presidencial de Rafael Correa (2007-2017). La Constitución de 2008, con la inclusión de la filosofía indígena del Buen Vivir (Sumak Kawsay), permitió la promoción de políticas públicas direccionadas a alcanzar la equidad de género y la interculturalidad. Las instituciones castrenses se han mostrado especialmente reticentes a los cambios producidos por dichas medidas, generando una militarización de las políticas de género. Es decir, el potencial de cambio que las caracteriza ha sido contenido por la supremacía del ethos militar masculino. El efecto de esa contención —en un país que se autodenomina plurinacional, que reconoce la presencia de diversos pueblos en su territorio— necesita ser analizado, puesto que impacta directamente con las propuestas de inclusión social. Se argumenta que la militarización de elementos como la equidad de género y la interseccionalidad del Buen Vivir, además de corroer el potencial transformador de inclusión social, permite reproducir nuevas formas de manifestación de las masculinidades militarizadas en los documentos de defensa, actualizando las dinámicas que responden a la dicotomía masculino/femenino en un sentido dialéctico y negativo. Para el análisis se emplea una perspectiva de género feminista aliada al análisis del discurso de vertiente francesa, visando examinar las manifestaciones discursivas de las masculinidades militarizadas en los documentos de defensa. A partir del análisis se crearon tres categorías ilustrativas de la presencia de la mujer en los documentos de defensa: ciudadana parcial, ciudadana autorizada, mujer militar. Las tres representaciones muestran, en un antes y un después de las políticas de género, que las mujeres continúan vivenciando rechazo en los espacios militares, ocupando el lugar de un otro. Se concluye que las masculinidades militarizadas han experimentado una metamorfosis discursiva, mostrando el blindaje resistente y sutil del ethos militar masculino. En términos de estructura, el trabajo posee tres secciones. En la primera, se despliegan los instrumentos conceptuales para comprender la relación entre género y masculinidades. Enseguida, se desarrolla una breve descripción de la metodología utilizada. Finalmente, se aplica el dispositivo de análisis a la localización de las manifestaciones de las masculinidades militarizadas en los documentos.

Política monetaria en el Imperio Romano Tardío (284-711) tiene por objeto de determinar la naturaleza, causas y efectos de las mutaciones monetarias en esas coordenadas históricas. Se analiza cada una de las alteraciones, y se relaciona con su momento histórico, para comprenderlas y explicarlas según la política, administración, legislación y fiscalidad coetáneas. Se plantea en primer lugar, con carácter de introducción, la motivación y el objetivo de la tesis: la necesidad de un estudio riguroso que que permita acceder a una bibliografía tan abundante como compleja y alivie la ausencia de una síntesis interpretativa significativa acerca de este tema, basada en teoría económica y monetaria, que sirva de marco para comprender el proceso histórico. Partiendo del declive terminal del denario y del antoniniano durante la llamada crisis del siglo III, así como de las transformaciones económicas y políticas, fenómenos bien estudiados, proseguimos realizando una breve aproximación al problema historiográfico planteado por la diferencia de criterios a la hora de valorar las reformas monetarias de Diocleciano en relación con las anteriores y posteriores. A continuación, se repasa el marco teórico de la naturaleza de la moneda romana tardoimperial, empezando con los propios conceptos de dinero e inflación, y el grado de monetización de su economía, desarrollando la discusión historiográfica sobre esta cuestión, así como la situación administrativa y fiscal del Imperio Romano hacia el año 300. Se concluye la existencia de una economía que puede ser estudiada mediante la moderna ciencia económica y una disparidad entre los ingresos y los gastos que había de ser cubierta mediante la emisión de moneda inflacionaria. Sentadas estas bases, se prosigue con el repaso de la evolución del sistema monetario y las inyecciones de liquidez durante la Tetrarquía, las sucesivas guerras civiles y la época de Constantino (293-337), así como sus efectos, el más notorio de los cuales fue la subida de los precios. No se descuida la evolución de la administración y fiscalidad coetáneas Después se analizan las nuevas devaluaciones y los intentos fracasados de restablecer una moneda de vellón fuerte, así como la evolución del oro y la plata, bajo la dinastía constantinana (337-367), seguidas por un período de inestabilidad política, guerras civiles y absoluta degradación de la moneda menuda, perdido ya todo contenido de metal precioso, durante el cual se colapsó el poder imperial en Occidente, pero que la pars orientalis logró sobrellevar (367-498). Por último, tras abordar el restablecimiento de una moneda de bronce fuerte y estable bajo Anastasio y Justiniano (498-538), se detallan los años terminales de la moneda y fiscalidad romanas (538-711), con una sucesión de devaluaciones y efímeros intentos deflacionistas durante décadas de guerras contra Irán y contra el Islam, las cuales provocaron el fin del mundo antiguo y la transformación del Estado tardorromano en un epígono ya propiamente medieval, el Imperio Bizantino. En el apartado final de conclusiones generales y particulares recapitulamos cómo hemos logrado un conocimiento exacto de la política monetaria tardorromana y su imbricación con los hechos históricos coetáneos, basado en una adecuada comprensión de los conceptos de dinero e inflación, así como los hitos de cada capítulo. ; Política monetaria no Imperio Romano Tardío (284-711) ten por obxecto de determinar a natureza, causas e efectos das mutacións monetarias nesas coordenadas históricas. Analízase cada unha das alteracións, e relaciónase co seu momento histórico, para comprendelas e explicalas segundo a política, administración, lexislación e fiscalidade coetáneas. Exponse en primeiro lugar, con carácter de introdución, a motivación e o obxectivo da tese: a necesidade dun estudo rigoroso que que permita acceder a unha bibliografía tan abundante como complexa e alivie a ausencia dunha síntese interpretativa significativa acerca deste tema, baseada en teoría económica e monetaria, que sirva de marco para comprender o proceso histórico. Partindo do declive terminal do denario e do antoniniano durante a chamada crise do século III, así como das transformacións económicas e políticas, fenómenos ben estudados, proseguimos realizando unha breve aproximación ao problema historiográfico exposto pola diferenza de criterios á hora de valorar as reformas monetarias de Diocleciano en relación coas anteriores e posteriores. A continuación, repásase o marco teórico da natureza da moeda romana tardoimperial, empezando cos propios conceptos de diñeiro e inflación, e o grao de monetización da súa economía, desenvolvendo a discusión historiográfica sobre esta cuestión, así como a situación administrativa e fiscal do Imperio Romano cara ao ano 300. Conclúese a existencia dunha economía que pode ser estudada mediante a moderna ciencia económica e unha disparidade entre os ingresos e os gastos que había de ser cuberta mediante a emisión de moeda inflacionaria. Sentadas estas bases, proséguese co repaso da evolución do sistema monetario e as inxeccións de liquidez durante a Tetrarquía, as sucesivas guerras civís e a época de Constantino (293-337), así como os seus efectos, o máis notorio dos cales foi a subida dos prezos. Non se descoida a evolución da administración e fiscalidade coetáneas Despois analízanse as novas desvalorizacións e os intentos fracasados de restablecer unha moeda de vélaro forte, así como a evolución do ouro e a prata, baixo a dinastía constantinana (337-367), seguidas por un período de inestabilidade política, guerras civís e absoluta degradación da moeda miúda, perdido xa todo contido de metal precioso, durante o cal se colapsou o poder imperial en Occidente, pero que a pars orientalis logrou soportar (367-498). Por último, tras abordar o restablecemento dunha moeda de bronce forte e estable baixo Anastasio e Justiniano (498-538), detállanse os anos terminais da moeda e fiscalidade romanas (538-711), cunha sucesión de desvalorizacións e efémeros intentos deflacionistas durante décadas de guerras contra Irán e contra o Islam, as cales provocaron o fin do mundo antigo e a transformación do Estado tardorromano nun epígono xa propiamente medieval, o Imperio Bizantino. No apartado final de conclusións xerais e particulares recapitulamos como logramos un coñecemento exacto da política monetaria tardorromana e a súa imbricación cos feitos históricos coetáneos, baseado nunha adecuada comprensión dos conceptos de diñeiro e inflación, así como os fitos de cada capítulo. ; Monetary Policy in the Late Roman Empire (284-711) undertakes the study of late Roman monetary policy, approximately between the years 293 and 711, in order to determine the origin, causes and effects of monetary mutations. We analyze each one of those alterations, relating them to their historical moment, in order to understand and explain them within the politics, administration, legislation, and fiscality. The motivation and purpose of the thesis is firstly featured in the introduction: the need for a rigorous study that alleviates the absence of a significant interpretative synthesis on this topic, based on monetary and economic theory, that can be used as a framework for understanding the historical process and allows access to such an abundant and convoluted bibliography. Starting from the terminal decline of the denarius and the antoninianus, and the crisis of the third century, well studied phenomenons, we continue with a brief approach to the historiographic conundrum raised by the difference of criteria when assessing the monetary reforms of Diocletian in relation to the preceding and subsequent ones. Next, we study the theoretical framework of the nature of the Late Roman coinage, beginning with the concepts of money and money inflation themselves, the degree of monetization of its economy, reviewing the historiographic controversy on this matter, and the administrative and fiscal situation of the Roman Empire at the edge of the year 300. We conclude the existence of an economy that can be studied through modern economic science, and a disparity between the income and the expenses that had to be covered by the issue of inflationary currency. Once these bases are in place, we continue surveying the evolution of the monetary system and the injections of liquidity during the Tetrarchy, the following civil wars, and the era of Constantine (293-337), as well as its effects, the most notorious of which was the raising of prices. The evolution of contemporary administration and taxation is not neglected. Then we analyze the new devaluations and failed attempts to restore a strong billon coinage, and the evolution of gold and silver, under the dynasty of Constantine (337-367), followed by a period of political turmoil, and an absolute degradation of the small coins, which lost all its silver content, contemporary of the collapse of imperial power in the West, but that the pars orientalis managed to cope (367-498). Finally, after reviewing the restoration of a strong and stable bronze coin under Anastasius and Justinian (498-538), we detail the terminal years of Roman currency and taxation, with a succession of devaluations and ephemeral attempts of deflation over decades of wars against Iran and against Islam, that brought the end of the ancient world and the transformation of the late Roman State into an properly medieval epigonous, the Byzantine Empire (538-711). In the final section of general and particular conclusions we recapitulate how we have achieved an exact knowledge of the late Roman monetary policy and its overlapping with contemporary historical facts, based on an adequate understanding of the concepts of money and inflation, as well as the breakthroughs of each chapter.

Este artículo aborda los vínculos existentes entre la explotación de la mano de obra migrante y el desarrollo de la agricultura intensiva en la provincia de Huelva, España. El objetivo es describir cómo la apropiación explotación de la naturaleza humana y extrahumana (Moore, 2015) convergen en el cultivo de la fresa. Tomamos como punto de partida la teoría del capitalismo como ecología-mundo de Moore y la articulamos con las aportaciones del feminismo materialista y los análisis de la economía política sobre el continuum de control de la movilidad del trabajo en la historia del capitalismo. A partir de este posicionamiento teórico, analizamos el modo en que este cultivo extrae su rentabilidad de la asignación a circular de temporeras marroquíes empleadas a través del programa de migración temporal conocido como contratación en origen. Este programa permite al sector disponer de una mano de obra poco costosa y flexible que garantice la rentabilidad del cultivo, y que retorna a su país de origen al final de la temporada. Veremos que para ello se ha dirigido exclusivamente a mujeres con hijos pequeños a su cargo. La circulación entre país de origen y de trabajo de las jornaleras marroquíes y su adecuación a las exigencias del sector se fundan en las asimetrías de género, clase y etnia existentes. Concretamente, el programa implementa una doble dependencia de los hogares de trabajadoras hacia los ingresos de la temporada, por un lado, y hacia su participación en la economía doméstica, cuando regresan, por otro. Leemos esta subordinación de la reproducción por la producción como una apropiación de la naturaleza tal y como la define, de manera amplia, Moore. El artículo está basado en el material etnográfico recogido entre 2009 y 2012, y actualizado en 2019, en los lugares de vida y trabajo de las temporeras. Su estructura es la siguiente. En una primera parte se exponen las principales características de la producción de frutos rojos en Huelva. En un segundo momento, se describe cómo la contratación de temporeras marroquíes ha sido una estrategia del modelo productivo que había agotado los recursos presentes en el territorio. En la tercera parte, se abordan las consecuencias que el modelo de contratación en origen tiene sobre las condiciones de vida y trabajo de las temporeras y se describen los límites del programa que se está viendo cuestionado por la emergencia de movilizaciones y resistencias. ; The province of Huelva, in Andalusia (Spain), is the first strawberry exporting area in Europe. Based on an intensive use of inputs applied on sterilized land, this sector is an archetype of agricultural industrialization, marking the decisive influence of capitalist activity on the biosphere right down to the landscape. Considered red gold for decades, this monoculture entered into crisis in the mid-1990s. Despite the continuous increase in input costs, the price per kilogram of strawberries remains stable, with supermarkets and input suppliers controlling the agrifood chain. To maintain profitability, farmers have followed three strategies: increasing production per hectare through technical intensification of production, introducing new berries cultures, and making wages an adjustment variable. This last one, has been possible through the employment of a diversified migrant workforce. Since the 90's, various labor substitutions processes have resulted in a segmented labor market by origin, gender, migration status and work relationship. From the year 2000, an important part of the labor force have been women employed through a temporary migration program named contratacion en origen. Morocco has been the main country of recruitment since 2008. Besides Moroccan workers, the sector employs North and West African workers, with or without work permits, an important number of Eastern European workers coming seasonally through work agencies, and Spanish women workers, mainly in the packing stations. The rise of unemployment caused by the economic crisis limited the contratacion en origen between 2012 and 2017. However, this program is very appreciated by employers who have been demanding its reinstatement, as it guarantees a flexible and non-demanding labor force, available throughout the campaign, even if at certain times the work is scarce. In 2017, it was reactivated with more workers than ever. Based on qualitative material gathered between 2009 and 2012, and updated in 2019, we will address several dimensions of an agro-migration regime constitutive of this land designed by capitalist world-ecology. The paper will focus on the contratacion en origen held with Morocco since 2006. Financed by European Union money, this program aims to facilitate the movement of women workers who must return to Morocco after the season ends. To this end, a series of criteria are established based on racist and sexist stereotypes that define rural Moroccan women mainly as mothers and wives to justify their return to the country when strawberry season is over. To participate in the program, it is necessary to be a woman of rural and poor origin and to have dependent children under 14 years old. It means that capital accumulation in this agriculture is based on control over female farmworkers reproduction. Taking up the contributions of materialist feminism and cross-referencing them with political economy and world-ecology theory, we analyze this subordination of reproduction by production as an appropriation of nature as defined by Moore. Capitalist accumulation expands through commodity fronts (2015). Competition leads to a perpetual search for new territories - spatial or social - that have not yet been commodified and whose conquest opens new cycles of profitability. Capitalism appropriates these borderlands, reclaiming the free labor of women, nature and colonies (Mies, 1986) and justifying it by the fact that these cheap natures are objects that can be appropriated. Naturalization is the ideology that allows the material exploitation and appropriation of the "free gifts of nature". In this paper, we argue that, in intensive agriculture, accumulation is based on the exploitation of the web of life, embedded in control over the reproduction of female foreign farmworkers. We show how the imbrication between racism and sexism transforms Moroccan women into inputs for intensive agriculture and address the two dimensions of these power relations: their material appropriation and the ideology that identifies women and racialized people as nature that sustains the former. We analyze how borders implemented by the contratacion en origen mobilize gender and race to allow workforce exploitation. This temporary migration program is based on an economic articulation and a physical separation of the time-spaces of production and reproduction of labor power. Moroccan farmworkers are recruited as appropriated women (Guillaumin, 1992). It is because they carry out the bulk of domestic work, because they are materially involved in the rearing of children, and because this activity is considered their legitimate and main activity, that they are seen as ideal seasonal workers. That is to say, the women will work hard for their children that remain on the other side of the border and they will return home at the end of the season. The constraints implied by the process of recruitment are reinforced by a legal captivity induced by the fact that residence permits are linked to a specific employer. In addition to this juridical captivity, the confinement in the dwellings weakens these workers' capacity to negotiate their working conditions. The farms are often far from the villages. Isolation is increased by the fact that farmworkers generally do not speak Spanish and do not have any other means of transportation than the one normally provided once a week by the employer for shopping. The mechanisms of control over women's bodies and sexuality are furthermore mobilized to impose discipline and control over workers, as well as to avoid them leaving the Program. The stigma of the woman of bad life and the prostitute, attributed to those who go out at night or to those who leave the Program to stay irregularly in Spain, patrols the borders of temporary work. This system constructs a vulnerable labor force ready to accept the poor working and living conditions offered. However, as Burawoy (1975) pointed out, the interdependence between home and host countries and the separation of production and reproduction tend to erode over time, usually leading to resistance and eventual labor replacement. In 2018 the pact of silence regarding the living and working conditions of foreign seasonal workers was finally broken. The collective mobilizations of Moroccan seasonal workers were organized to denounce poor living and working conditions and the existence of sexual abuse. This questioned the core of a recruitment program that had been designed as an example of ethical and orderly migration for 20 years. At the end of the season, various actors also reported that a significant number of female workers had not returned to Morocco at the end of their contracts. We read these forms of collective and individual resistance as signs of the erosion of this program. We will have to wait to see the impact of these emerging acts of resistance.

Public interest litigation is a mechanism of intervention in a matter that concerns the public. It could be about human rights, government policy, or some other issue that could present a challenge to public life. Public interest litigation is important because it presents hope to the powerless and offers justice where there might not previously have been the opportunity. The aim of public interest litigation is to recognise injustice and give a voice to the concerns of members of society who might not have the means to articulate them. In Nigeria there is a high tendency for people of low socioeconomic status to experience police brutality, or even become victims of extra-judicial killing. In this article, it was argued that although public interest litigation is a good strategy to engage the injustice of extra-judicial killings, the recurrence shows that the solution lies more in addressing a systemic problem. ; Dorcas A. 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La presente publicación del Doctorado en Educación sobre "Políticas Educativas en contexto de una experiencia de investigación" es el fruto del Seminario de "Sociedad y Políticas Educativas" impartidas por el doctor Horacio Ademar Ferreyra y del Departamento de Publicaciones de la Universidad Católica de Argentina. La Revista Hallazgos de la USTA presentará ante la comunidad científica veinte artículos elaborados por la primera cohorte de doctorandos en Educación; esta divulgación llena de orgullo al Programa, pues se convertirá en el primero de muchos escritos que estos exitosos alumnos han realizado. Los ensayos se pueden abordar desde una mirada sistémica que permite identificar la interdisciplinariedad del saber científico de las diferentes disciplinas manejadas en cada uno de los escritos, para aportar al conocimiento investigativo del proceso de formación doctoral. Los estudios se categorizan en tres grandes temáticas: políticas, enfoque humanista; educación-retos, y calidad de la educación. En la primera temática se presenta el análisis de las políticas educativas desde marcos globales y humanistas, centrándose en un discurso económico que muestra la influencia de las diferentes corrientes socio-económicas, generando fisuras en los procesos educativos y sociales de un país como Colombia. A partir de la reflexión anterior se siembra el terreno para establecer posiciones críticas frente a un tema que controvierte la educación, como es el caso de los derechos humanos: ¿por qué las sociedades industrializadas encargadas de ir perfeccionando las instituciones obstaculizan el cumplimiento de los derechos humanos en las sociedades, haciéndolas menos equitativas y productivas a nivel intelectual? Este planteamiento lleva a sopesar las medidas y proyectos de calidad que se realizan para identificar las falencias y el impacto de una educación que va camino a la calidad, pero sin llegar eventualmente a ella. Bajo el aspecto de la calidad en la educación, los aportes se hacen desde a· las experiencias vividas por instituciones académicas en Colombia, utilizando modelos como el cooperativismo y políticas educativas integrales, entre otras, generando calidad de vida para los involucrados y redundando en una población latinoamericana que está en busca de mayores y mejores condiciones, pero cada vez están más centralizadas en las sedes industrializadas. Para alcanzar la calidad educativa se parte de los retos sociales que generan interacción con jóvenes, al formar sujetos nuevos en el orden social, buscando construcción de comportamientos que rompan con la indiferencia al cambio. Por ello la intervención debe darse desde el currículo que llega a los centros escolares. Posteriormente, y siguiendo con el trazado de la calidad educativa, se advierte el papel del educador y el de su formación, no sólo intelectual sino afectiva, de tal forma que restablezca la importancia social que el maestro posee dentro de una comunidad, ya que es él quien trasciende en varias generaciones. A partir de aquí la proyección de los ensayos presentados en este número se dirigen hacia la educación superior y los cuestionamientos deliberantes del contexto colombiano: sus avances, su participación en organizaciones y gremios de educación universitaria, sus revoluciones, sus aciertos y encrucijadas; la historia recorrida con una apreciación del presente vivido y un contraste entre lo que planteó y lo que obtendrá según la fortaleza política vivida en las últimas décadas. Por último, se plantean revisiones y formulaciones desde puntos de vista empresariales, de gerencia, gremiales y con tintes de revoluciones transformadoras en las que sus resultados administrativos son observables en las organizaciones contemporáneas, las cuales señalan la competencia como un mínimo de eficiencia, logrando estructuras organizativas que puedan someterse a evaluaciones internacionales, para ser perdurables y de calidad. Finalmente, el Doctorado en Educación de la Universidad Santo Tomás agradece al editor de la revista Hallazgos, de la Unidad de Investigaciones perteneciente a la misma Universidad, la oportunidad de plasmar, de forma amplia, los criterios que se establecen desde la educación colombiana en varios de los aspectos y dimensiones que cada maestro en algún momento de su quehacer se ha cuestionado en suelo colombiano. ; The present publication of the Doctorate in Education on "Educational Policies in the Context of a Research Experience" is the result of the Seminar on "Society and Educational Policies" given by Dr. Horacio Ademar Ferreyra and the Publications Department of the Catholic University of Argentina. USTA's journal Hallazgos will present to the scientific community twenty articles written by the first cohort of doctoral students in Education; this dissemination fills the Program with pride, since it will become the first publication of its kind in the world. Program, since it will become the first of many writings that these successful students have produced. The essays can be approached from a systemic view that allows identifying the interdisciplinary nature of the scientific knowledge of the different disciplines handled in each of the writings, in order to contribute to the investigative knowledge of the doctoral training process. The studies are categorized into three major themes: policies, humanistic approach; education-challenges, and quality of education. The first theme presents the analysis of educational policies from global and humanistic frameworks, focusing on an economic discourse that shows the influence of the different socio-economic currents, generating fissures in the educational and social processes of a country like Colombia. Based on the previous reflection, the ground is sown to establish critical positions in front of a topic that controverts education, as is the case of human rights: why do industrialized societies in charge of perfecting institutions hinder the fulfillment of human rights in societies, making them less equitable and productive at an intellectual level? This approach leads to weigh the quality measures and projects that are carried out to identify the shortcomings and the impact of an education that is on the way to quality, but without eventually reaching it. Under the aspect of quality in education, contributions are made from a- the experiences lived by academic institutions in Colombia, using models such as cooperativism and integral educational policies, among others, generating quality of life for those involved and resulting in a Latin American population that is in search of better and better conditions, but are increasingly centralized in industrialized headquarters. In order to achieve educational quality, we start from the social challenges that generate interaction with young people, when forming new subjects in the social order, seeking to behavioral construction that breaks with indifference to change. For this reason, the intervention must start from the curriculum that reaches the schools. Subsequently, and following the outline of educational quality, the role of the educator and his training, not only intellectual but also affective, in such a way as to reestablish the social importance that the teacher has within a community, since it is he who transcends in several generations. From here, the projection of the essays presented in this issue are directed towards higher education and the deliberate questioning of the Colombian context: its advances, its participation in organizations and university education guilds, its revolutions, its successes and crossroads; the history of the university with an appreciation of the present and a contrast between what it has proposed and what it will obtain according to the political strength experienced in the last decades. Finally, revisions and formulations are proposed from business, management, trade union points of view and with dyes of transforming revolutions in which their administrative results are observable in contemporary organizations, which point out competition as a minimum of efficiency, achieving organizational structures that can be submitted to international evaluations, to be lasting and of quality. Finally, the Doctorate in Education of the Universidad Santo Tomás thanks the editor of the journal Hallazgos, of the Research Unit belonging to the same University, for the opportunity to express, in a broad manner, the criteria established by Colombian education in several aspects and dimensions that every teacher at some point in his or her work has questioned on Colombian soil. ; CRAI-USTA Bogotá ; orcid:0000-0001-6295-3673 ; orcid:0000-0002-4513-1835 ; orcid:0000-0001-9284-4611 ; orcid:0000-0002-3799-8025 ; orcid:0000-0003-2243-9551 ; orcid:0000-0002-4456-3548 ; orcid:0000-0002-6066-0903 ; orcid:0000-0003-3037-4655 ; orcid:0000-0002-3467-8093 ; orcid:0000-0001-5629-8019 ; orcid:0000-0001-9394-6679 ; orcid:0000-0003-4645-7180 ; https://scholar.google.es/citations?user=TaSG4HIAAAAJ&hl=es ; https://scholar.google.com.co/citations?user=duSWfxYAAAAJ&hl=en ; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=Bo2EKF8AAAAJ&hl=es ; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=d0JjtjgAAAAJ&hl=es ; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=m9DQBYIAAAAJ&hl=en ; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=8GcSeVUAAAAJ&hl=en ; https://scholar.google.es/citations?user=VYRDuWAAAAAJ&hl=es ; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=MW274HIAAAAJ&hl=en ; https://scholar.google.be/citations?user=zw1wy5cAAAAJ&hl=en ; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001005219 ; http://scienti.colciencias.gov.co:8081/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000821985 ; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000168289 ; http://scienti.colciencias.gov.co:8081/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001396723 ; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000238872 ; http://scienti.colciencias.gov.co:8081/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001395881 ; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001400992 ; http://scienti.colciencias.gov.co:8081/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001396730 ; http://scienti.colciencias.gov.co:8081/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000853011 ; http://scienti.colciencias.gov.co:8081/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001365564 ; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001428201 ; http://scienti.colciencias.gov.co:8081/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001395786 ; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000471160 ; http://scienti.colciencias.gov.co:8081/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000771740 ; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001012681 ; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000741167 ; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001451579 ; http://scienti.colciencias.gov.co:8081/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001230174 ; http://scienti.colciencias.gov.co:8081/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000372048 ; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000753572 ; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/gruplac/jsp/visualiza/visualizagr.jsp?nro=00000000018733 ; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/gruplac/jsp/visualiza/visualizagr.jsp?nro=00000000013074

The province of Huelva, in Andalusia (Spain), is the first strawberry exporting area in Europe. Based on an intensive use of inputs applied on sterilized land, this sector is an archetype of agricultural industrialization, marking the decisive influence of capitalist activity on the biosphere right down to the landscape.Considered red gold for decades, this monoculture entered into crisis in the mid-1990s. Despite the continuous increase in input costs, the price per kilogram of strawberries remains stable, with supermarkets and input suppliers controlling the agrifood chain. To maintain profitability, farmers have followed three strategies: increasing production per hectare through technical intensification of production, introducing new berries cultures, and making wages an adjustment variable. This last one, has been possible through the employment of a diversified migrant workforce. Since the 90's, various labor substitutions processes have resulted in a segmented labor market by origin, gender, migration status and work relationship. From the year 2000, an important part of the labor force have been women employed through a temporary migration program named contratación en origen. Morocco has been the main country of recruitment since 2008. Besides Moroccan workers, the sector employs North and West African workers, with or without work permits, an important number of Eastern European workers coming seasonally through work agencies, and Spanish women workers, mainly in the packing stations. The rise of unemployment caused by the economic crisis limited the contratación en origen between 2012 and 2017. However, this program is very appreciated by employers who have been demanding its reinstatement, as it guarantees a flexible and non-demanding labor force, available throughout the campaign, even if at certain times the work is scarce. In 2017, it was reactivated with more workers than ever.Based on qualitative material gathered between 2009 and 2012, and updated in 2019, we will address several dimensions of an agro-migration regime constitutive of this land designed by capitalist world-ecology. The paper will focus on the contratación en origen held with Morocco since 2006. Financed by European Union money, this program aims to facilitate the movement of women workers who must return to Morocco after the season ends. To this end, a series of criteria are established based on racist and sexist stereotypes that define rural Moroccan women mainly as mothers and wives to justify their return to the country when strawberry season is over. To participate in the program, it is necessary to be a woman of rural and poor origin and to have dependent children under 14 years old. It means that capital accumulation in this agriculture is based on control over female farmworkers reproduction. Taking up the contributions of materialist feminism and cross-referencing them with political economy and world-ecology theory, we analyze this subordination of reproduction by production as an appropriation of nature as defined by Moore. Capitalist accumulation expands through commodity fronts (2015). Competition leads to a perpetual search for new territories – spatial or social – that have not yet been commodified and whose conquest opens new cycles of profitability. Capitalism appropriates these borderlands, reclaiming the free labor of women, nature and colonies (Mies, 1986) and justifying it by the fact that these cheap natures are objects that can be appropriated. Naturalization is the ideology that allows the material exploitation and appropriation of the "free gifts of nature".In this paper, we argue that, in intensive agriculture, accumulation is based on the exploitation of the web of life, embedded in control over the reproduction of female foreign farmworkers. We show how the imbrication between racism and sexism transforms Moroccan women into inputs for intensive agriculture and address the two dimensions of these power relations: their material appropriation and the ideology that identifies women and racialized people as nature that sustains the former.We analyze how borders implemented by the contratación en origen mobilize gender and race to allow workforce exploitation. This temporary migration program is based on an economic articulation and a physical separation of the time-spaces of production and reproduction of labor power. Moroccan farmworkers are recruited as appropriated women (Guillaumin, 1992). It is because they carry out the bulk of domestic work, because they are materially involved in the rearing of children, and because this activity is considered their legitimate and main activity, that they are seen as ideal seasonal workers. That is to say, the women will work hard for their children that remain on the other side of the border and they will return home at the end of the season.The constraints implied by the process of recruitment are reinforced by a legal captivity induced by the fact that residence permits are linked to a specific employer. In addition to this juridical captivity, the confinement in the dwellings weakens these workers' capacity to negotiate their working conditions. The farms are often far from the villages. Isolation is increased by the fact that farmworkers generally do not speak Spanish and do not have any other means of transportation than the one normally provided once a week by the employer for shopping. The mechanisms of control over women's bodies and sexuality are furthermore mobilized to impose discipline and control over workers, as well as to avoid them leaving the Program. The stigma of the woman of bad life and the prostitute, attributed to those who go out at night or to those who leave the Program to stay irregularly in Spain, patrols the borders of temporary work. This system constructs a vulnerable labor force ready to accept the poor working and living conditions offered. However, as Burawoy (1975) pointed out, the interdependence between home and host countries and the separation of production and reproduction tend to erode over time, usually leading to resistance and eventual labor replacement. In 2018 the pact of silence regarding the living and working conditions of foreign seasonal workers was finally broken. The collective mobilizations of Moroccan seasonal workers were organized to denounce poor living and working conditions and the existence of sexual abuse. This questioned the core of a recruitment program that had been designed as an example of ethical and orderly migration for 20 years. At the end of the season, various actors also reported that a significant number of female workers had not returned to Morocco at the end of their contracts. We read these forms of collective and individual resistance as signs of the erosion of this program. We will have to wait to see the impact of these emerging acts of resistance. ; Este artículo aborda los vínculos existentes entre la explotación de la mano de obra migrante y el desarrollo de la agricultura intensiva en la provincia de Huelva, España. El objetivo es describir cómo la apropiación-explotación de la naturaleza humana y extrahumana (Moore, 2015) convergen en el cultivo de la fresa. Tomamos como punto de partida la teoría del capitalismo como ecología-mundo de Moore y la articulamos con las aportaciones del feminismo materialista y los análisis de la economía política sobre el continuum de control de la movilidad del trabajo en la historia del capitalismo. A partir de este posicionamiento teórico, analizamos el modo en que este cultivo extrae su rentabilidad de la asignación a circular de temporeras marroquíes empleadas a través del programa de migración temporal conocido como contratación en origen. Este programa permite al sector disponer de una mano de obra poco costosa y flexible que garantice la rentabilidad del cultivo, y que retorna a su país de origen al final de la temporada. Veremos que para ello se ha dirigido exclusivamente a mujeres con hijos pequeños a su cargo. La circulación entre país de origen y de trabajo de las jornaleras marroquíes y su adecuación a las exigencias del sector se fundan en las asimetrías de género, clase y etnia existentes. Concretamente, el programa implementa una doble dependencia de los hogares de trabajadoras hacia los ingresos de la temporada, por un lado, y hacia su participación en la economía doméstica, cuando regresan, por otro. Leemos esta subordinación de la reproducción por la producción como una apropiación de la naturaleza tal y como la define, de manera amplia, Moore. El artículo está basado en el material etnográfico recogido entre 2009 y 2012, y actualizado en 2019, en los lugares de vida y trabajo de las temporeras. Su estructura es la siguiente. En una primera parte se exponen las principales características de la producción de frutos rojos en Huelva. En un segundo momento, se describe cómo la contratación de temporeras marroquíes ha sido una estrategia del modelo productivo que había agotado los recursos presentes en el territorio. En la tercera parte, se abordan las consecuencias que el modelo de contratación en origen tiene sobre las condiciones de vida y trabajo de las temporeras y se describen los límites del programa que se está viendo cuestionado por la emergencia de movilizaciones y resistencias.

Climate change, air pollution, water stress, and biodiversity loss are the most important global environmental impacts that need to be addressed in the coming decades. This thesis shows that most of these impacts are caused by the extraction and processing of materials, food, and fuels, summarized as "materials" here. With the demand for materials expected to double by 2050, improved sustainability policies are critical. As many materials are produced in another country than ultimately consumed, such policies require detailed information on global value chains and their environmental impacts. Multi-regional input-output (MRIO) analysis plays a key role in providing this information, but several research gaps exist. One gap is the lack of an accurate method for assessing scope 3 impacts of materials, industries, and nations, including cumulative upstream and direct impacts (for any impact category). Also, no method exists for analyzing downstream impacts, which is a particular issue for greenhouse gas (GHG) and particulate matter (PM) emissions of fuels, such as coal. Another gap is the limited spatial and sectoral resolution and the incomplete coverage of sustainability indicators in current MRIO databases. This includes the lack of regionalized assessment of water and land use impacts. Due to these gaps, an accurate and extensive environmental assessment of materials is missing both globally and nationally. The objective of this thesis was to provide an improved MRIO method and database for creating transparency in global value chains and their impacts, to support sustainable policy-making. For this purpose, a method was developed that allows assessing the scope 3 impacts of any sector and region of an MRIO database (Chapter 2), tracking them along the global value chain (for GHG emissions and any other impact category), and analyzing downstream impacts (for GHG and PM emissions of fuels, Chapter 4 and 5). Furthermore, an automated, transparent, and time-efficient approach was developed to improve the resolution and quality of an existing MRIO database (Chapter 3). It was applied to merge the global MRIO databases EXIOBASE3 and Eora26 and add data from FAOSTAT and previous studies to create an MRIO database with high spatial (189 countries), sectoral (163 sectors), and temporal resolution (year 1995–2015). Finally, a set of sustainability indicators was implemented into the database: Climate change from GHG emissions, health impacts from PM emissions (primary and secondary particles), water stress and land-use-related biodiversity loss (both regionalized), value added, and number of workers (Chapter 2–5). The importance, versatility, and broad applicability of the improved method and database was illustrated by several application examples. These include a case study on material production globally (Chapter 2) and for the G20 (Chapter 4). An in-depth analysis of the role of coal combustion is provided in Chapter 4 for the production of metals and construction materials, and in Chapter 5 for global plastics production. A detailed analysis of the food supply chain and the related water and land footprint is shown in Chapter 3 for the European Union (EU). The case study on global material production (Chapter 2) showed that previous MRIO methods either underestimated or overestimated the environmental impacts of material production by 20–60%. The improved method found that material production causes half of global GHG emissions, one-third of global PM health impacts, and, because of biomass production, more than 90% of global water stress and land-use related biodiversity loss. Since 1995, global material-related impacts have increased by 52% (GHG emissions), 56% (PM health impacts), and 22% (water stress). While high-income regions mainly use materials for private consumption, emerging economies use a large share of materials for infrastructure build-up. Although the latter was the main driver of the rising material-related GHG emissions, material-related carbon footprints of high-income regions are still several times higher than those of emerging economies on a per-capita level (year 2015). This underscores the need to decouple environmental impacts from economic growth and to promote sufficiency measures. Material production for building infrastructure in emerging economies, mainly China, has also driven the increase in the G20's overall carbon footprint (Chapter 4). Since 1995, China's carbon footprint of metals and construction materials has quadrupled, causing more than 10% of global GHG emissions in 2015. Similarly, the case study on plastics (Chapter 5) showed that plastics-related carbon footprints of China's transportation, Indonesia's electronics industry, and India's construction sector have increased more than 50-fold. Thus, measures to reduce, reuse, recycle, and substitute high-impact materials are critical to mitigate the environmental impacts of the expected economic growth in developing countries. Reliance on coal to produce materials has been another key driver of the G20's rising carbon footprint (Chapter 4). In 2015, half of global coal was used for the G20's production of metals and construction materials, the majority in China and India. Thus, 85% of India's total domestic coal was used for the production of these materials in 2015. This points to the need for a rapid phase-out of coal and a shift to renewables in the G20's material production chain. Similarly, it was found that due to the growth in plastics production in coal-based economies, the carbon and PM health footprint of plastics has doubled since 1995 (Chapter 5). In 2015, 6% of global coal electricity was used for plastics production. Moreover, plastics accounted for 4.5% of global GHG emissions. This is higher than expected, as previous studies did not account for the increased reliance on coal energy in the plastics sector. It was also assumed that equal amounts of oil were used as fuel and feedstock in plastics production, while this thesis shows that twice as much fossil carbon is combusted as fuel than contained as feedstock. Even in a worst-case scenario where all plastics were incinerated, the production stage would still contribute most to plastics-related GHG and PM emissions. This means that previous studies have underestimated the relative significance of the production versus the disposal phase, and thus the enormous potential to reduce the carbon and PM health footprint of plastics by renewable energy investments. High-income regions have significantly contributed to the rising environmental impacts by outsourcing the extraction of resources and processing into materials to lower-income regions with less stringent environmental policies, more water stress, and high biodiversity (Chapter 2–5). Due to increasing imports of plastics from coal-based economies, the share of the plastic-related carbon footprint generated abroad increased to 67% in the EU, 79% in the USA, 90% in Canada, and 95% in Australia in 2015 (Chapter 5). Similarly, the case study on the EU's water-stress and land-use related biodiversity loss footprint found that most of the associated impacts are caused abroad (Chapter 3). This is mainly attributed to food imports from emerging and developing countries where water is scarce (e.g. Egypt) and biodiversity is high (e.g. Madagascar). The improved spatial resolution (189 countries instead of 49 regions) and regionalized impact assessment led to a significant increase in the EU's water and land impact footprint induced abroad. These results highlight the need for expanding environmental policy initiatives (e.g., the Paris Agreement and the EU's Green Deal) from production-based to consumption-based accounting to foster improved supply chain management. This includes the investment in clean energy production throughout the supply chain and the use of regional comparative advantage for reducing water stress and biodiversity loss. In addition to environmental impacts, the value added and workforce associated with material production are also unequally distributed around the world. Trade in materials reinforces this imbalance (Chapter 2–5). It was shown that although high-income regions strongly rely on low-paid work abroad due to material imports (mainly food), they generate most of the associated value added inland (e.g., due to food processing). The extent of this imbalance was highlighted, e.g., in the G20 case study: Since 2011, the number of workers employed globally to meet Australia's material demand is greater than the number of workers employed in the entire Australian economy (Chapter 4). Similarly, the plastics case study found that although 70% of the workforce required for plastics consumption in the EU was employed abroad, 80% of the associated value added was generated domestically (year 2015), as only the low-paid steps in the plastics value chain have been outsourced (Chapter 5). The method and database of this thesis are open access and can be applied by researchers, industries, and policy makers for a more accurate impact assessment of various materials, commodities, industries, and nations. The method is available as a software tool that can be used to track the scope 3 impacts of industries and nations for a range of sustainability indicators along the global value chain (Chapter 2). Future work can apply the approach of Chapter 3 to improve the spatial, sectoral, and temporal resolution and quality of the database by integrating further MRIO databases and data sources. Also, future work is needed to incorporate detailed bottom-up inventories and use remote sensing data to improve the resolution and coverage of life-cycle inventories.