República Federal AlemanaLa República Federal Alemana es una república democrática, representativa, parlamentaria y federal, compuesta por 16 Estados. El parlamento es bicameral. El Bundestag o Asamblea Federal posee 598 miembros y el Bundesrat o Consejo Federal posee 69. El Poder Ejecutivo es ejercido por el Canciller Federal que es el Jefe de Gobierno.El país mantiene altos índices en materia de Estado de Derecho:Estado de derecho en Alemania(1)Observamos como en una perspectiva histórica de 15 años, los valores concernientes al Estado de Derecho se ubican en una posición constante de un percentil 94/100, lo que nos habla de un elevado índice de garantías políticas. Siguiendo a Bobbio, quién se funda en los principios de la ley natural de Locke, podemos afirmar en este caso la existencia de un verdadero imperio de la ley. La sociedad se compone de un 91.1% de alemanes, un 2,3% de turcos y kurdos, 0,7% de personas provenientes de la ex Yugoslavia, 0,7% de italianos, 0,4% de griegos y bosnios y 0,2% de gitanos. (2) En cuanto a religión, predominan la católica con un 33% y la protestante con un 32%, existiendo a su vez minorías judías y musulmanas (6% de la población). (3)Alemania ha sido escenario de abundantes inmigraciones, las cuales dejaron como consecuencia principal una serie de minorías que no pasaron desapercibidas a lo largo de su historia. En este sentido, es el tercer país en materia de recepción de migrantes. Una posible razón a este fenómeno es su posición liberal ante el asilo político que el Estado ha predicado desde siempre –incluso actualmente- ya que en el artículo 16a de su Constitución dispone que "todo perseguido político goza de derecho de asilo en Alemania". (4) Es interesante observar en este punto como el principio de defensa de los derechos inalienables del individuo poseen una implícita primacía por sobre los conceptos de Estado y nación. Es este un elemento que sustenta la intención de defender las garantías políticas de todo individuo que se vea privado de las mismas, aún cuando careciere de la nacionalidad alemana. Observamos entonces como subyace el principio filosófico de la teoría liberal de Locke. Destacamos, por otra parte, que en la actualidad Alemania es uno de los países europeos que más dificulta la inmigración –en circunstancias distintas a las previamente mencionadas- y la expedición de su nacionalidad. Dado la enorme complejidad de la persecución que históricamente han sufrido las minorías en Alemania, nos limitaremos a mencionar las cifras del holocausto llevado a cabo por el régimen Nazi: 11 millones de víctimas, de las que 6 millones eran ciudadanos polacos. Asimismo, además de los 6 millones de judíos, hubo 5 millones que incluían a afro-europeos, Testigos de Jehovah, discapacitados, homosexuales, gitanos, sacerdotes y líderes cristianos y perseguidos políticos opositores al sistema. (5) Destacamos este hecho histórico no sólo por la enorme relevancia que tiene en materia de Derechos Humanos y por constituir una atrocidad que ha calado hondo en la percepción del mundo sobre los alcances de la naturaleza humana, sino –y a los efectos de nuestro análisis- para plantear la evidente consecuencia de este fenómeno en nuestros tiempos. Persiste en la sociedad y gobierno alemán una suerte de cargo de conciencia, profundizado por el saberse moralmente reprobado y vigilado por el mundo entero. Esto obliga a tener una profunda y particular consideración para con el trato de las minorías en su país. Paso seguido, ¿Cuál es el papel de las minorías en términos de participación política? El sistema de representación alemán determina que sólo aquellos partidos "receiving more than 5% of the vote are represented in parliament in proportion to their vote." (6) En este sentido observamos su evidente consecuencia: "El establecimiento de dicho umbral logró reducir la oportunidad de representación de los partidos pequeños." (7) Esto obliga a generar un sistema de gobierno de coalición donde las minorías –que exceptuando a la suma de judíos y musulmanes no superan en ninguno de los casos el 5%- sólo podrían verse representados en función de negociaciones con los grandes partidos, donde su influencia o poder de imposición sería escaso –por no considerarlo nulo en términos relativos. El problema se ve incrementado por el escaso porcentaje de extranjeros nacionalizados y, por ende, poseyentes de derechos políticos. "Only a third of Turks have become German citizens, in part because dual citizenship is not allowed." (8) Esto, de acuerdo a la teoría del gobierno representativo de John Stuart Mill, caería dentro de lo que podría considerarse una deficiencia del sistema de representación. Sin embargo, queremos destacar que aún a pesar de lo que las cifras llevan a inducir, los resultados de las elecciones del 2005 determinan que "there were at least eight members of ethnic minorities in the Bundestag and one on the Federal Constitutional Court, but none in the cabinet." (9) Lo que nos habla de un sistema de representación que en cierta medida pudiere estar funcionando en la práctica. Otro problema radica en la pobre integración –particularmente de los turcos- ya que, como es señalado en un artículo The Economist, la población joven desconoce el alemán e intensifica sus prácticas religiosas –distantes a la tradición cristiana alemana- careciendo muchas veces, como señalábamos previamente, de la nacionalidad. Eso, producto también de las mayores trabas existentes para obtener la ciudadanía, en parte porque, como indica el artículo, "immigrants are welcome, but you also have to get to know our culture, says Wolfgang Schäuble, the interior minister, who rejects the growth of parallel societies." (10) En cierto sentido, buscando distanciarse de las llamadas falsas promesas de la democracia planteada por Bobbio. Esta es una de las causas de la complicada situación que persiste en materia de Derechos Humanos para con las minorías extranjeras (debidamente protegidas por la constitución alemana en su artículo 3 (11)), donde"harassment, including beatings, of foreigners and racial minorities remained a frequent problem throughout the country." (12) En relación a micro grupos operando organizadamente en materia de persecución política, el Departamento de Estado de los Estados Unidos sostiene que "the FCO defines politically motivated crimes as offenses related to the victims' ideology, nationality, ethnicity, race, skin color, religion, worldview, ancestry, sexual orientation, disability status, appearance, or social status. The FOPC report listed 180 right wing extremist organizations and groups." (13) Sin embargo, es necesario remarcar que el país se destaca por sus bajos índices de violencia y su buena estabilidad política (14): Estabilidad política y ausencia de violencia en Alemania (15) En esta línea, The Freedom House (16) posiciona a Alemania en un puntaje de 1 (valor que representa la escala máxima de libertad) en materia de libertades civiles y políticas. En su análisis se destaca particularmente el buen funcionamiento de las instituciones democráticas y el Estado de Derecho, aunque sugiere también un llamado de atención en materia de ataques a minorías étnicas y en lo que respecta a ciertas restricciones a la participación política: "Political pluralism in Germany has been constrained by laws restricting the far left and far right." (17) En lo que al Poder Judicial respecta, observamos que prevalece una estricta independencia amparada en la misma constitución, estableciendo explícitamente en su artículo 97 que "los jueces son independientes y están sometidos únicamente a la ley." (18) Esto, sumado a que "the government is free of pervasive corruption" (19) nos habla un funcionamiento democrático que se aleja en buena medida de las falsas promesas a la democracia planteadas en la teoría de Bobbio. En materia de libertad de expresión, también The Freedom House (20) ubica a Alemania entre los países considerados libres. Esto se fundamenta en su Constitución, donde se establece explícitamente en su artículo 5 que "No se ejercerá censura." (21) El análisis de The Freedom House lo posiciona como poseyente de una prensa diversa e independiente. Asimismo, dicho derecho se ve respaldado en el artículo 10 (22) de la European Convention on Human Right, considerado en Alemania ley federal. Por último, se observa que "Germany's government is accountable through open debates in parliament that are covered widely covered in the media" (23), indicios de una aproximación al debate público que pudiere dar origen a una suerte de democracia deliberativa. Sin embargo, pensamos que a la luz de la eficacia que en definitiva parecieran tener las instituciones democráticas en Alemania, sugerimos que quizá dicho camino democrático no sería –a la fecha- necesario.Estudio comparado Entendemos que en buena medida el estudio de cada uno de los casos ha permitido al lector generar una suerte de deducción en materia comparativa. Sin embargo, consideramos necesario remarcar algunos puntos del análsis comparativo e incorporar algunos detalles que pudieren servir en esta materia. Observamos entonces, en una primera lectura, cómo los indicadores marcan una importante diferencia en los factores que hacen a la gobernabilidad, inclinándose decididamente en favor de Alemania. Como estudiamos en cada caso, la posición de cada país en el Indice de Estado de Derecho elaborado por el Programa de Gobernabilidad del Banco Mundial ha sido debidamente estipulado. Mientras Turquía se posiciona en una escala media, Alemania prevalece en un percentil cercano al 100. Una situación similar se da en el Indice de Rendición de Cuentas, donde Alemania se encuentra por encima de 95/100 y Turquia por debajo de 50/100. Aquí, las respectivas Constituciones nos informan sobre el tratamiento en la materia: por un lado, Turquía mantiene un vocabulario amplio y vago que deviene en un Parlamento fuerte y centralizado, con posibilidad de ejercer presión sobre las instituciones en teoría independientes (por ejemplo, el Poder Jucidial y Consejo Supremo de Radio y Televisión) al tiempo que la arbitrariedad en materia de libertades fundamentales limita toda posibilidad de mecanismos de contralor o rendición de cuentas. Por su parte, en Alemania impera una Constitución clara y contundente, que garantiza tanto la independencia indiscutida de las instituciones como los mecanismos que determinan la efectividad en la rendición de cuentas. Por otro lado, nos remitimos al indicador más contundente en materia comparativa: el Indice de Estabilidad Política (Alemania alcanza 80/100 y Turquia 20/100). No profundizaremos particularmente en este concepto, porque entendemos ha sido debidamente considerado en cada uno de los estudios de caso. Sin embargo, es posible relacionar este indicador con lo que ocurre en materia de libertades y participación política.Por último, nos detenemos en lo que hace al control de la corrupción, elemento que incide notablemente en muchas de las falsas promesas propuestas por Bobbio. Aquí, Alemania obtien 90/100 y Turquia mejora su dsempeno relativo, alcanzando un indicador de 60/100. La enorme distancia que prevalece también en este sentido da fe del difícil camino que tiene Turquía por delante si se plantea seriamente reformar la efectividad de sus instituciones para generar un clima político acorde a su vecino europeo. Sólo de este modo podría garantizar las libertades fundamentales de todos los individuos que conforman su sociedad. Finalmente, en materia de libertad de expresión nos encontramos ante una Turquía que genera especial preocupación, particularmente en el trato con las minorías. Esto permite realizar una lectura entre líneas que determina la situación de persecución en que dicha población se encuentra, tal como ha sido estudiado con antelación.Consideraciones Finales La evidente distancia en materia de instituciones democráticas, Estado de Derecho y tratamiento de las minorías entre la República Federal Alemana y la República de Turquía dan fe de las dificultades que en definitiva enfrenta esta última ante la posibilidad de su eventual incorporación a la Unión Europea. Pareciere que Alemania ha asumido las lecciones del pasado en materia de protección de las libertades liberales, al tiempo que el camino emprendido por Turquía en la materia no parece estar dando los resultados esperados. Nos posicionamos, en este sentido, ante una Alemania libre y de instituciones independientes, con un clima político que posibilita un alto grado de inclusión, al menos desde la conformación de coaliciones políticas. Por otro lado, Turquía permanece en una posición de centralismo que limita enormemente la eficacia a la hora de garantizar la independencia de sus instituciones y las libertades de sus individuos. En un clima de alta corrupción, las falsas promesas de Bobbio afloran en una Turquía con una Constitución más asemejada a los procederes estipulados por Rousseau que a las libertades individuales articuladas por Locke, sin siquiera preservar el rousseauniano idealismo teórico a la hora de la procura de una voluntad generaldesinteresada e independiente. Con un vocabulario amplio y vago, la arbitrariedad es introducida de modo legal, coartando las libertades individuales que son consideradas fundamentales –e incluso previas al Estado- en la concepción liberal. Alemania, aún con algunas señales preocupantes en el trato de la población a las minorías étnicas, carece de estas penetrantes limitaciones que limitan a la democracia y oprimen a las minorías. El estudio comparado refleja una Turquía distante y ajena a los principios democrático-liberales en que está embebida Alemania, distancia que repercute directamente en las condiciones de vida y participación política de sus respectivas minorías. Una eventual Europa que incluyera a ambos gigantes sentiría en sus miembros la palpable distinción que persiste entre un individuo siervo, y un individuo en pleno ejercicio de su libertad. (1) WORLD BANK. (2) Valores aproximados: GUÍA DEL MUNDO: (3) GUÍA DEL MUNDO: (4) LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. (5) HOLOCAUST FORGOTTEN.(6) NEW ZEALAND ELECTION STUDIE. (7) Descripción del sistema de Representación Proporcional Mixto en Alemania. .pag 13(8) The Economist. 2007.(9) U.S. DEPATRTMENT OF STATE. 2008.(10) The Economist. 2007. (11) LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. (12) U.S. DEPATRTMENT OF STATE. 2008. (13) Íbid.(14) Debido a los antecedentes, los casos de violencia son tratados con especial cuidado, lo que no determina necesariamente que la violencia sea sistemática o que mantenga índices extravagantes.(15) WORLD BANK. (16) FREEDOM HOUSE.2005. (17) FREEDOM HOUSE.2005.(18) LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. (21) LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. (22) CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS. 1950. (23) FREEDOM HOUSE.2005. *Estudiantes de la Licenciatura en Estudios Internacionales, FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay.AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL. Informe 2011: El Estado de los Derechos Humanos en el Mundo. Disponible en internet: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL. Turquía: libertad de expresión. Disponible en internet: ANMESTY INTERNATIONAL. 2007. Informe 2007: el estado de los derechos humanos en el mundo. Disponible en internet: BOBBIO, Norberto. 1986. Fondo de Cultura económica. México D.F. CENTRO DE INVESTIGACION Y DOCENCIA PARA AMÉRICA LATINA Y MEDIO ORIENTE. Los Kurdos en Turquía. Disponible en internet: CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS. 1950. Disponible en internet: DAHL, Robert. 1989. Un prefacio a la teoría democrática. Argentina: Grupo Editor Latinoamericano.DERECHO CONSTITUCIONAL TURCO. 1982. Constitución de la República de Turquía. Disponible en internet : Descripción del sistema de Representación Proporcional Mixto en Alemania. Disponible en internet: EL MUNDO EN LÍNEA. Pueblos sin Estado: los kurdos, una nación partida sobre pozos de petróleo.Disponible en internet: EXTRA, Guus; GORTER, Durk (2001). The other languages of Europe: Demographic, Sociolinguistic and Educational Perspectives. Multilingual MattersFEDERACIO D´ASSOCIACIONS GITANES DE CATALUNYA. Proyecto Europeo. Disponible en internet: FIGUEROA, Manuel Ruiz. 2007. El islam y Occidente desde América Latina. México. FREEDOM HOUSE. 2005. Map of freedom in the world: Germany. Disponible en internet: FREEDOM HOUSE.2005. Map of press freedom. Disponible en Internet: FREEDOM HOUSE.2005. Country Report: Turkey. Disponible en internet: GLOBAL SECURITY. Military. Disponible en internet: GUÍA DEL MUNDO. 2007. Disponible en internet: GÜRBEY, Gülistan. 1996, The Kurdish Nationalist Movement in Turkey since the 1980s. Lexington, Ky. : University Press of Kentucky.HABERMAS, Jürgen. 1999. La inclusión del otro: estudios de teoría política. Barcelona: Paidós. HOLOCAUST FORGOTTEN. Holocaust: Non-Jewish Victims. Disponible en internet: La enseñanza del idioma kurdo en Turquía : una reivindicación legítima y justa.2010. Disponible en internet: LA INSIGNIA. 2005. Derechos Humanos. Turquía: AI pide la derogación del artículo 301 del Código Penal. Disponible en internet: LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUE. El Atlas III. Un mundo al revés. De la hegemonía occidental al poli-centrismo. Capital intelectual. 2009. LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. Disponible en internet: LOCKE, John. 1664. La ley de la naturaleza. Madrid: Editorial tecnos.MILL, John Stuart. 1985. Del gobierno representativo. Madrid:Tecnos. Minorities in Germany: The integration dilemma. 2007. En: The Economist. Disponible en internet: NACIONES UNIDAS. Declaración de los Derechos Humanos. Preámbulo. Disponible en internet: NEW ZEALAND ELECTION STUDIE. Minority Representation, Empowerment,NEWSWEEK. The World`s Best Countries. Diponible en internet: NÚÑEZ DE PRADO, Sara. Minorías nacionales y medios de comunicación: una visión de Europa. Disponible en internet: PETTIGREW, Thomas: "Reactions toward the New Minorities of Western Europe". Annual Review of Sociology. Vol. 24, 1998.ROUSSEAU, Jean-Jacques. El contrato social o principios de derecho político. Editorial tecnos. 1988, original en 1762. Madrid. Traducción de María José Villaverde. Pág. 34.THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY. Disponible en internet: TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL. Corruption Perceptions Index 2005. Disponible en internet: U.S. DEPATRTMENT OF STATE. 2008. Humans Right Report: Germany. Disponible en internet: VELASCO, Juan Carlos (2009). Democracia y deliberación pública. Confluencia XXI. Revista de Pensamiento Político. México.WAGMAN, Daniel. Integración e inmigración. Disponible en internet: http://www.fongdcam.org/manuales/educacionintercultural/datos/docs/ActoresyEscenarios/Actores/GrupoSociales/IntegracioneInmigracionT67.pdfWHITE, Jenny B. : "Turks in the New Germany". American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol 99, número 4, Diciembre 1997. WORLD BANCK. Country Data Report for TURKEY, 1996-2009. Disponible en internet: WORLD BANK. Country Data Report for GERMANY, 1996-2009. Disponible en internet: ZERAOUI, Zidane. 2000. El dilema Kurdo. Editorial Limusa S.A
Authors' introductionAlthough Latinas/os have a long history in the United States and represent a growing percentage of the population, they remain largely invisible or stereotyped in popular images and discourses. Ahistoric, fragmented, and individual‐level perspectives often frame Latina/o migration, education, and activism and thus negatively influence public perceptions and policy. Fortunately, over the past 30 years, scholars in disciplines such as sociology, history, Chicana/o–Latina/o Studies, and Latin American Studies have done much to remedy these gaps and misperceptions. However, for a broad and inclusive approach to understanding the structures influencing Latina/o lives and communities, we believe that more work is needed to connect these scholarly developments which are often separated by academic divisions. Thus, we recommend the following materials that together offer a multidisciplinary and multifaceted framework that highlights the significance of global capitalism and white supremacy on Latina/o immigration, education, and activism. Key to this framework is a movement away from individual‐level arguments and assimilationist perspectives to an emphasis on US imperialism, economic exploitation, and schooling within capitalism. By broadening the frameworks for analysis and linking together the factors shaping Latina/o migration, education, and activism, we emphasize the systems of power and inequality that influence the lives of marginalized communities, without losing sight of the legacy of resistance in Latin America and the United States.Suggested textsTomas Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1994).Using primary and secondary sources, this book traces the distinct racialized experiences of Native Americans, Mexican Americans, African Americans, Asian Americans, and European Americans in late‐19th century California. Almaguer focuses on the material and ideological basis of group placement and delivers one of the few theoretical works on the factors shaping the multiracial hierarchy that characterizes the history of California.Antonia Darder, Reinventing Paulo Freire: A Pedagogy of Love (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2002).This engaging book roots contemporary schooling to global capitalism and racism. In it, Darder draws on the legacy of renowned Brazilian educator Paulo Freire to offer powerful reflections and examples from today's teachers who are practicing liberatory education in the struggle for social and economic justice.Gilbert G. Gonzalez, Chicano Education in the Era of Segregation (Philadelphia, PA: Balch Institute Press, 1990).This foundational book is devoted to the history of Chicana/o education and traces the roots of inequality in education from the early 1900s to Mendez v. Westminster, the landmark desegregation case in 1947. Gonzalez uses historical documents and dissertations to detail the historical relationships between capitalism, sociological theories, and school practices in reproducing a classed, raced, and gendered labor market. He placed particular attention on Americanization Programs, segregated schooling, vocational education, and the political economy. The book ends with an analysis of the role of parents, community, and various organizations in the eventual elimination of de jure segregation for Mexican American students in schools.Juan Gonzalez, Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2001).Employing a hemispheric approach, journalist Juan Gonzalez analyzes the close connection between US imperial expansion and Latino/a migration. As part of the harvest of empire, Gonzalez examines migration from various countries, including Mexico, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, and Cuba, focusing on the macro‐structural factors that have led to migration.'History and Critical Pedagogies: Transforming Consciousness, Classrooms, and Communities', Radical History Review, 102 (Fall 2008).This special journal issue explores how scholars and activists have used critical pedagogies to challenge unequal power relations in classrooms and communities. A number of articles provide concrete reflections and strategies such as drama‐based pedagogies, service‐learning, and community‐based projects. Interviews with scholars and activists demonstrate how praxis has the power to transform society and popular education employs an asset‐based approach to education.Pierrette Hondagneu‐Sotelo, Doméstica: Central Americans Cleaning and Caring in the Shadow of Affluence (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).This qualitative study focuses on the lives and experiences of domestic workers and the people who employ them. After beginning with an important overview of the historical, economic, and political context shaping Central American migration and the service industry, Hondagneu‐Sotelo provides an in‐depth and nuanced analysis of domestic work and employee‐employer relationships. She ends the book with crucial strategies for improving the occupation and examples of labor organizing among Los Angeles‐area domestic workers.Enrique C. Ochoa and Gilda L. Ochoa, eds., Latino Los Angeles: Transformations, Communities, and Activism (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2005).This collection of articles examines diverse Latina/o communities in the greater Los Angeles regions and their formations and activism in the context of global capitalism. The first section examines how migration is connected to macro factors including US foreign policy and capitalist restructuring. The second section explores community and identity (re)formation. The final section examines multiple forms of activism, with articles on the struggle for Chicana/o Studies at UCLA, Justice for Janitors, and labor and community alliances with day laborers.Suggested videos El Norte (1983)This now‐classic feature length film by Gregory Nava traces the harrowing experiences of a young brother and sister as they migrate from Guatemala to the United States. Along with capturing their trying experiences crossing multiple borders, the film also details the struggles they encounter as they try to adjust to the hardships of life in the United States, including their distinct gendered experiences. We recommend combining this film with a discussion of the increased border deaths accompanying the growing criminalization of immigrants and the militarization of the Guatemala–Mexico and the Mexico–United States borders. Fear and Learning at Hoover Elementary (1997)In this documentary, Director Laura Angelica Simon details the contemporary impact of anti‐immigration policies and debates on students and teachers at a Los Angeles elementary school. The documentary was made during the 1990s when California was in the midst of an economic recession and citizens were voting on Proposition 187, an initiative that sought to deny social services to undocumented immigrants. It is a powerful teaching tool that includes students' voices and experiences; however, we suggest combining the video with some historical background on US military, economic, and political involvement in Latin America. Viewers might also be encouraged to deconstruct some of the director's images, interview questions, and racially loaded language. Made in L.A. (Hecho in Los Angeles) (2007)This documentary follows the lives of three inspiring Latina garment workers originally from Mexico and El Salvador and their participation in the 3‐year struggle for labor rights. In the process of organizing through the Garment Worker Center for basic labor protections from the trendy clothing retailer Forever 21, the women become increasingly empowered – resulting in one who separates from her husband and another who becomes an organizer. Woven throughout their narratives are the historical struggle of garment workers, the role of nation‐states in dividing families, and the power of coalition building. Salt of the Earth (1954)This feature‐length move is based on an actual labor struggle of the era. It examines the intersections of class, race/ethnicity, and gender as a primarily Mexicana/o community goes on strike and struggles with historic patriarchy to unify against the large mining company that dominates their lives. The movie deals with the legacy of US conquest of the Southwest and capitalist expansion in the region, while showing how communities have struggled to challenge inequalities. Salt of the Earth was made by artists shunned during the McCarthy era and the movie was not played widely in the United States. Much of the cast were not professional actors but were workers and union activists involved in the strike. Taking Back the Schools (1996)This documentary focuses on the 1968 Chicana/o School Blowouts where over 10,000 East Los Angeles students walked out of their high schools demanding bilingual‐bicultural education, more Mexican American teachers, relevant curriculum, accurate textbooks, and the end of curriculum tracking and prejudiced teachers who steered Mexican Americans into vocational classes. It uses original footage from the walkouts and contemporary interviews with the student organizers. It also highlights the precursors to the walkouts such as a history of Spanish language repression and de jure and de facto segregation in schools. Voces inocentes/Innocent Voices (2005)Set in 1980s El Salvador, the movie follows the life of a young boy during the Civil War. It deals with the impacts of war and US intervention on youth.Suggested websites David Bacon, 'Uprooted and Criminalized: The Impact of Free Market on Migrants,'Backgrounder The Oakland Institute (Autumn 2008) http://www.oaklandinstitute.org/pdfs/backgrounder_uprooted.pdf Renowned journalist and activist David Bacon provides a lively analysis of the link between free trade policies and migration. Drawing on his years of activism and journalism, Bacon underscores the human toll of free trade and migration while laying bare the system that undergirds it. Several powerful photographs complement the report. In Motion Magazine‐Education Rights Section http://www.inmotionmagazine.com/er.html In Motion Magazine is a multicultural progressive on‐line magazine dealing with democracy. Harvard education professor Pedro Noguera co‐edits the Education Rights section to provide 'a forum for activists, educators, parents and students who are searching for alternative ideas to the challenges confronting education today.' Mexican Labor News and Analysis (MLNA) http://www.ueinternational.org/Mexico_info/mlna.php MLNA publishes the latest news on labor and social justice issues in Mexico. It emphasizes labor and working class struggles and does an excellent job of tracking strikes, demonstrations, and demands for social justice. MLNA is published in conjunction with the Authentic Labor Front in Mexico and the United Electrical Workers in the United States. ICED (I Can End Deportation) http://www.icedgame.com This an educational game deals with combating deportation. It focuses on several New York City youth and their struggles. Players must answer a series of questions on immigration and avoid ICE agents. Background lesson material is provided and is aligned with the New York State Standards. Rethinking Schools http://www.rethinkingschools.org/ Rethinking Schools is a monthly publication committed to educational equality and the vision of the public school as foundational in a democratic society. Articles are published by teachers, activists, parents, and students on a wide range of issues affecting schools. In addition to the monthly magazine, it publishes a broad range of progressive educational materials dealing with educating working class students of color.Sample syllabusMost general courses should include materials on Latinas/os especially given the historical presence and the contemporary growth of the population. For example, the following sections, topics, and reading could be incorporated into any of the following courses: Introduction to Sociology, Sociology of (Im)Migration, Sociology of Education, Race and Ethnicity, Social Movements, and Chicanas/os‐Latinas/os in the United States.Section 1: Chicana/o‐Latina/o Identities in the U.S.Topics: Latina/o Heterogeneity; Pan‐ethnicity; Identity Formation; Multiple Identities; Racial FormationReadings:Aurora Levins Morales, 'Child of the Americas,' in Race, Class, and Gender in the United States, ed. Paula Rothenberg (New York, NY: St. Martin's Press 2001), 660–661.Pat Mora, 'Legal Alien' in Making Face, Making Soul, Haciendo Caras: Creative and Critical Perspectives by Feminists of Color, ed. Gloria Anzaldúa (San Francisco, CA: Aunt Lute Foundation, 1990), p. 376.Martha E. Gimenez, 'Latino/Hispanic – Who Needs a Name?' in Latinos and Education: A Critical Reader, eds. Antonia Darder, Rodolofo D. Torres, and Henry Gutiérrez (New York, NY: Routledge, 1997), 225–238.Gilda L. Ochoa, ' "This is Who I Am": Negotiating Racial/Ethnic Constructions' in Becoming Neighbors in a Mexican American Community: Power, Conflict, and Solidarity (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2004), 70–97.Anulkah Thomas, 'Black Face, Latin Looks: Racial‐Ethnic Identity among Afro‐Latinos in the Los Angeles Region' in Latino Los Angeles: Transformations, Communities, and Activism (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2005), 197–221.Bernadete Beserra, 'Negotiating Latinidade in Los Angeles: The Case of Brazilian Immigrants' in Latino Los Angeles: Transformations, Communities, and Activism (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2005), 178–196.Cherrie Moraga, 'La Güera' in Loving in the War Years (Boston, MA: South End Press, 1983), 50–59.Nicholas De Genova and Ana Y. Ramos‐Zayas, Latino Crossings: Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and the Politics of Race and Citizenship (New York, NY: Routledge, 2003).Section 2: Theorizing and (De)Constructing Popular Conceptions of Latinas/os and Latin AmericaTopics: White Supremacy; Manifest Destiny; The Social Construction of Race; Dominant Conceptions of Immigration; Linking Migration, Education, and ActivismReadings:Tomás Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1994).Clara E. Rodríguez, Changing Race: Latinos, the Census, and the History of Ethnicity in the United States (New York, NY: New York University Press, 2000).Leo R. Chavez, Covering Immigration: Popular Images and the Politics of the Nation (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).Gilda L. Ochoa and Enrique C. Ochoa, 'Framing Latina/o Immigration, Education, and Activism', Sociology Compass. 1/2 (2007), 701–719.Section 3: US Imperialism and Capitalist Expansion in Latin AmericaReadings:Gilbert G. Gonzalez, Culture of Empire: American Writers, Mexico, Mexican Immigrants (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2003).Laura Briggs, Reproducing Empire: Race, Sex, and Science and U.S. Imperialism in Puerto Rico (Berkeley, CA: UC Press, 2002).Robert G. Williams, Export Agriculture and the Crisis in Central America (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1988).Juan Gonzalez, Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2001).Greg Grandin, Empire's Workshop: Latin America, The United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism (New York, NY: Metropolitan Books, 2006).Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions: The U.S. in Central America (New York, NY: W.W. Norton, 1993).Héctor Tober, Tattooed Soldier (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2000).Judith Adler Hellman, Mexican Lives (New York, NY: The New Press, 1995).David Bacon, Illegal People: How Globalization Creates Migration and Criminalizes Immigrants (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2007).Video: Voces inocentes/Innocent Voices (2005)Section 4: Politics, Economics, and Latin American Migration to the U.S.Topics: The 'Revolving Door Strategy;' Economic Restructuring; Transnational Ties; Gender and Migration; Undocumented MigrationReadings:Saskia Sassen, Globalization and Its Discontents: Essays on the New Mobility of People and Money (New York, NY: New York University Press, 1998).Maria Cristina García, Seeking Refuge: Central American Migration to Mexico, the United States, and Canada (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006).Jonathan Fox and Gaspar Rivera‐Salgado. Indigenous Mexican Migrants in the United States (San Diego, CA: Center for Comparative Immigration Studies, 2004).Joseph Nevins, Dying to Live: A Story of U.S. Immigration in an Age of Global Apartheid (San Francisco, CA: City Lights Publishers, 2008).Robert Courtney Smith, Mexican New York: Transnational Lives of New Immigrants (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006).Cecilia Menjívar, Fragmented Ties: Salvadoran Immigrant Networks in America (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000).Pierrette Hondagneu‐Sotelo, Doméstica: Central Americans Cleaning and Caring in the Shadow of Affluence (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).Leon Fink, The Maya of Morgantown: Work and Community in the New South (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2003).Gloria González‐Lopez, Erotic Journeys: Mexican Immigrants and their Sex Lives (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2005).Video: El Norte (1983)Section 5: Latinas/os and Education: Schools as Reproducers of InequalityTopics: Americanization Programs; De Jure and De Facto Segregation; Curriculum Tracking; Education and Globalization; Raced and Gendered Experiences; Undocumented YouthReadings:Gilbert G. Gonzalez, Chicano Education in the Era of Segregation (Philadelphia, PA: Balch Institute Press, 1990).Antonia Darder, Reinventing Paulo Freire: A Pedagogy of Love (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2002).Michael W. Apple, Educating the 'Right' Way: Markets, Standards, God, and Inequality (New York, NY: Routledge Falmer, 2001).Gilda G. Ochoa, Learning from Latino Teachers (San Francisco, CA: Jossey‐Bass Publishers, 2007).Angela Valenzuela, Subtractive Schooling: U.S.‐Mexican Youth and the Politics of Caring (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999).Nancy Lopez, Hopeful Girls, Troubled Boys: Race and Gender Disparity in Urban Education (New York, NY: Routledge, 2003).Gabriela Madera, Angelo A. Mathay, Armin M. Najafi, et al. Underground Undergrads: UCLA Undocumented Immigrant Students Speak Out (Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Center for Labor Research and Education, 2008).Videos:The Lemon Grove Incident (1986)Mendez v. Westminster (2004)Taking Back the Schools (1996)Fear and Learning at Hoover Elementary (1997)Section 6: Latina/o Resistance and ActivismTopics: Responses to U.S. Imperialism; union and grassroots activism; school integration; cross‐border organizingWillia V. Flores and Rina Benmayor, Latino Cultural Citizenship: Claiming Identity, Space, and Rights (Boston, MA: Beacon, 1997).Mary Pardo, Mexican American Women Activists: Identity and Resistance in Two Los Angeles Communities (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1998).Ruth Milkman, L.A. Story: Immigrant Workers and the Future of the Labor Movement (New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation, 2006).Milagros Peña, Latina Activists Across Borders: Women's Grassroots Organizing in Mexico and Texas (Duke University Press, 2007).Guadalupe San Miguel Jr., Brown, Not White: School Integration and the Chicano Movement in Houston (College Station, TX: Texas A.M. Press, 2001).Kara Zugman, 'Autonomy in a Poetic Voice: Zapatistas and Politics Organizing in Los Angeles', Latino Studies. 3 (2005): 325–46.Videos:Salt of the Earth (1954)Bread and Roses (2000)Made in L.A. (2007)Focus questionsWhat are the dominant images of Latina/o migration, education, and activism? From where do these images emerge? Why do they exist? Who benefits from them? How have they changed over time? What are their impacts? How are these images being challenged?What connections can be made between Latina/o migration, education, and activism? What theoretical frameworks can be used to understand each one individually and the three of them collectively? What are the relationships between Latina/o migration, education, and activism?Discuss the value of adopting a historical, economic, and political framework of Latina/o migration, education, and activism. Assess the value of applying a similar framework to other contemporary topics.Compare and contrast the similarities and differences that exist among Latinas/os in the United States.How does centering the history and experiences of Latinas/os enhance your understanding of race/ethnicity, class, and gender?Looking toward the future, what do you think will be the state of Latina/o migration, education, and activism in the next ten years? What led you to these hypotheses? What do you need to know to address this question? What do you hope will be the state of Latina/o migration, education, and activism in the next 10 years? Why? How does your desire compare with the desires conveyed in the videos or readings? What might account for these shared or different hopes?Note * Correspondence address: Pomona College. Email: glo04747@pomona.edu
20 años las naciones ricas pensando el Desarrollo; 20 años las naciones pobres defendiendo los recursos; 20 años, sin recursos y sin Desarrollo. 4. Movimientos sociales se resisten a la minería a gran escala en América LatinaAsí como se evidencia la relación entre conflictos mineros y violaciones a los derechos de las personas que cohabitan en zonas con recursos, podemos afirmar que existe una capacidad de organización social, que denuncia y defiende derechos con base en la universalidad (para todos), la inviolabilidad, en la no negociabilidad, en la imprescriptibilidad, en la indivisibilidad y en la irreversibilidad. Sin embargo esta protesta y resistencia por parte de los ciudadanos que están directamente involucrados en conflictos mineros en América Latina, presentan problemas de todo tipo que van desde la criminalización de la protesta hasta la expulsión de sus territorios (1) (Gráfico 6). El cuadro 3 demuestra los casos de criminalización, siendo esta la práctica más reiterada en los países con mayores recursos y también en donde sus poblaciones en buen porcentaje son comunidades étnicas (indígenas). Cuadro 3.PaísCasos de criminalizaciónMéxico1Nicaragua1Colombia1Brasil1El Salvador2Guatemala3Perú7Ecuador10Es importante resaltar que no se trata de una serie de protestas sociales de tipo reaccionario al sistema económico, como fueron los discursos anti-imperialistas de los años 70. Se trata de justas reclamaciones por la defensa de la Vida y la exigencia a las multinacionales a la extracción responsable; no solo con la naturaleza sino con las comunidades que conviven en ambientes llenos de recursos. En este sentido la organización social latinoamericana, se ha ido cuantificando y cualificado especialmente en aquellas regiones / países en donde se presentan más conflictos y a su vez mayor inversión externa al sector minero. (Cuadro 4) Cuadro 4. Matriz de organizaciones involucradas asuntos mineros según el Observatorio de conflictos Mineros de América Latina y el I Encuentro Nacional Minero, Colombia, 2012 (2) PaísOrganizacionesColombia (3)Censat Agua Viva / AICO Pueblo de los Pastos, AIDA, Asentamiento indígena wayuú de Tamaquito II, Asociaciones de Zonas de Reserva Campesina, ASOCOMUNAL (Caldono), Asociación Minga, ASAPAZ, ASOCAMPO, BIOSIGNO, FEDERACIÓN DE MINEROS DEL CHOCO (AFROS), Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear Restrepo, CAMAWARI Pueblo (Awá de Ricaurte Nariño), CEAT (UN) UNIVALLE, Cimarrón, CIMA, Cinep, CODHES, Colectivo C.A.M.P.O, Colectivo S.E.A.T., Comisión de Seguimiento a sentencia 072, CSJ, Consejos Comunitarios del Chocó, Corporación Arco iris, Corporación Compromiso – Bucaramanga, CRIHU (Huila), CRIR (Risaralda), Espacio Regional de Paz del Cauca, Fundación Natura, Gidca, Instituto de Estudios para el Desarrollo y la Paz – INDEPAZ, Informe de desarrollo humano PNUD, International Alert, Mesa joven minería, Mesa de Unidad Agraria – MUA, OIA (Antioquia), ONIC, PCN, Pensamiento y Acción Social, PAS, Planeta Paz, Pueblo PASTOS (Nariño), Pueblo Wayuú (GUAJIRA), Pueblo Piaroa de Vichada, Pueblo Nasa de Caquetá, Suippcol, Red de justicia ambiental, Resguardo indígena Wayuú de Provincial.EcuadorAcción Ecológica, Pastoral Shuar, Pueblo Shuar Arutam, FICSH, Coordinadora de mujeres Intag, CDNV, Fundación Vientos de VidaPerúGrufides, Cooperación, Vima, ConacamiBoliviaCEPA, CEDIB, Centro Vicente Cañas, SOPE, EcomujeresArgentinaAsamblea Patagónica por la vida y el territorio contra el saqueo y la contaminaciónChileOlca, Conferre, Justicia paz e integralidad de la creación de St Columbano, Defensa del Valle Chalinga, Pastoral Salvaguarda de la creación, OCAS, Consejo Ciudadano Salamanca, Grupo Atacama LimpiaFuente: Elaboración propia con base en información del Observatorio de Conflictos mineros de América Latina, disponible en http://www.conflictosmineros.net/quienessomos, mayo 2012 El trabajo que adelanta el Observatorio de Conflicto mineros es importante. Sin embargo existe otro cúmulo de organizaciones que realizan un trabajo similar y no hacen parte de él como por ejemplo la Asamblea Popular por el Agua en Argentina y en Colombia, el Consejo Nacional Indígena del Cauca, CRIC.En Argentina, La Asamblea Popular por el Agua es una iniciativa ciudadana que surgió en el año 2006 como una expresión de rechazo a los proyectos de la mega minería y por la defensa del agua. La Asamblea que reúne diferentes sectores sociales de la provincia de Mendoza, logro en junio de 2007 que se sancionara la ley 7722 la cual prohíbe la minería contaminante. Desde entonces, esta asamblea conformada por un cúmulo de organizaciones sociales y comunitarias de la provincia, trabaja por defender el ambiente libre de minería contaminante por medio de la movilización social, la pedagogía ciudadana entre otras (4). En Colombia existen muchos más colectivos y asambleas populares y sociales que de a poco se han ido organizando para debatir y hacer propuestas sobre el impacto y los costos de la mega minería. El ejemplo más reciente, fue el Primer Encuentro Nacional Territorio, productividad, ambiente y minería, La María- Piendamó, Cauca- Colombia, 27 de abril de 2012, convocado principalmente por el Consejo Regional Indígena del Cauca- CRIC. Este primer encuentro denotó la necesidad apremiante de las comunidades que se resisten a salir de sus territorios o permitir el uso indiscriminado de los recursos, dando paso a la contaminación del ambiente, la desigualdad económica, la ausencia de transparencia institucional entre otras.Conclusiones del Primer Encuentro Nacional Territorio, productividad, ambiente y mineríaa) que la política se orienta en beneficio de favorecer la privatización de empresas públicas mineras y el manejo exclusivo de las transnacionales; siendo declarada como actividad de utilidad pública e interés social lo que habilita un proceso de reforma y transformación del Estado por medio de una locomotora legislativa que facilita la expropiación de tierra e irrespeta el derecho fundamental a la consulta previa. Informando que se han protocolizado 156 procesos de consulta previa en el 2012 referidos a proyectos de inversión donde ha sido característico que su realización se hace desconociendo la participación de las organizaciones regionales.b) que hay especulación por parte de las compañías en las fases previas a la explotación, y que los recursos que pagan las compañías por concepto de regalías e impuestos sobre la renta, les son devueltos luego en exenciones fiscales y subsidios; facilitados por la corrupción de las instituciones locales, departamentales y nacionales.c) que se han ejecutado desalojos de comunidades, desplazamientos masivos y pérdida de territorios ancestralesd) que hay contaminación del aire por las explosiones para extraer el carbón, derrame de sustancias tóxicas, muerte de peces, contaminación de fuentes hídricas, deforestación y erosión de suelos, destrucción de las redes de acueductos comunitarios Se presentan fenómenos de transformación de las culturas, ruptura del tejido social, pérdida de usos y costumbres, afectación a las economías locales (trueques), invasión de tecnología que afecta a la población joven de los resguardos, llegada de programas asistenciales gubernamentales que afectan la cohesión de los pueblos indígenas, pérdida de medicina tradicional y de sabios indígenas cuidadores del territorio.f) que la amenaza minera se extiende en la mayoría de los territorios, utilizando nueva tecnología para adelantar las actividades de prospección y exploración en especial sobre territorios ocupados ancestralmente por comunidades indígenas, campesinas y afro descendientes; lo cual produce alteración de usos del suelo y de la productividad de la tierra, y que las empresas transnacionales, por medio de actos de corrupción estatal diseñan planes de ordenamiento territorial de los municipios. También que las zonas entregadas en concesión en territorios indígenas coinciden con sitios sagrados o con sus áreas circundantes. Se denuncia que muchos proyectos de infraestructura vial están al servicio de megaproyectos mineros.g) Que los conflictos mineros acrecientan la presencia de actores armados, fuerza pública, guerrilla, paramilitares, en particular la creación de unidades militares minero-energéticas especializadas en la custodia y protección de los proyectos y batallones de alta montaña en territorios indígenas; se intensifican los enfrentamientos entre grupos armados que afectan a la población civil con situaciones generadas por explosivos abandonados o minas anti persona.Fuente: apartes de las conclusiones Generales del Encuentro Nacional de Territorio, Productividad, Ambiente y Minería La María, Piendamó, Cauca, abril 27 de 20125. Desarrollo y sustentabilidadLa creciente complejidad de los distintos sistemas sociales y políticos contemporáneos, nos hacen reflexionar nuevamente sobre aquello que parecía claro y resuelto hace 20 años. Estuvimos en Rio 1992, debatimos ideas rectoras e imaginamos las recetas para conseguir el desarrollo sostenible. En el papel todo parecía quedar claro y de fácil consecución (4). 20 años después nos encontramos de nuevo en Rio (junio, 2012), con algunos deberes inconclusos y en muchos casos con problemas de desarrollo y sostenibilidad agravados. Entonces, la primera pregunta que se formula, es ¿qué paso en estos 20 años para no haber logrado los objetivos planteados en 1992? En estos 20 años, se ratifica que la especie humana no es una especie que actúa exclusivamente por intereses económicos; comprobamos lo anterior, porque algunas sociedades humanas conservan su componente espiritual y luchan por ello, lo cual las hace trascender para valorar otra realidad, que se desconoce al momento de trazar políticas de alcance social y político para el desarrollo sostenible. Todos los pueblos quieren alcanzar este desarrollo sostenible: el problema que sugiere esta premisa, es qué significa estos dos conceptos para ellos y como se realiza una construcción colectiva para lograrlo. Un ejemplo claro de lo anterior, es la explotación minera en América Latina. Sin entender esta relación, jamás podrá existir un proyecto minero sin conflictos sociales o políticos. O se realizará dicho proyecto sin que impliquen violaciones a derechos, si esa comunidad tiene antecedentes mineros, es decir, si históricamente tiene vínculos de ese tipo con su tierra. Al respecto, es importante trabajar y demostrar que los recursos son necesarios para el crecimiento económico de las naciones, pero que deben existir consensos sociales para el uso de estos y su relación con quienes auténticamente han cuidado de ellos. Presentamos algunas ideas que sirven para abrir un debate, que seguramente se dará y seguirá después de Rio +20. Primer asunto relevante: Confianza en el Estado. Una de las mayores razones por las cuales las comunidades locales se resisten a convivir con proyectos de mega minería, es por ausencia de confianza que existe hacia las instituciones del Estado; este es el caso de países como Bolivia o Argentina. Los indicadores de Percepción de Corrupción (Transparency International, 2011) señalan que la mayoría de países de América Latina registran una percepción media-alta de corrupción en sus instituciones (5). El país en donde los ciudadanos confían y tienen la mejor percepción es Nueva Zelanda que ocupa el primer lugar; el último lugar a nivel mundial lo tiene Somalia. Gráfico 8. Fuente: Corruption Perceptions, Index 2011. Disponible en:http://cpi.transparency.org/cpi2011/results/ Existen vacios jurídicos y políticos para confiar en que las instituciones pueden controlar acciones de la mega minería y obrar con transparencia. Los Estados están en la obligación, dado sus mandatos constitucionales, de generar confianza a las comunidades y bienestar a las naciones. Esta situación se complejiza aún más, cuando en países como Colombia o Perú, sus gobiernos son llamados de manera informal por las empresas trasnacionales y el sector privado como 'gobiernos pro-mineros'. El discurso del presidente Santos en el primer congreso de Minería a Gran escala, que se realizó en Cartagena en febrero de 2012, así lo refleja: " Aquí hay todavía espacio –de sobra– para recibir a las grandes casas mineras –y a las junior, por supuesto– que estén dispuestas a trabajar en armonía con el desarrollo de Colombia". Segundo asunto relevante: la Generación y distribución de la riqueza, no de la pobreza. Los informes de la Consejo Económico para América Latina- CEPAL- 2011, señalan que los índices de pobreza en América Latina han disminuido, como lo presenta el gráfico 9. Sin embargo estos porcentajes no logran estar por debajo del diez por mil (10%), cifra que no es comparable con las obtenidas por economías de los países del báltico, la cual está por debajo del 5%. Con lo anterior, se mantiene premisa, que América Latina es el segundo subcontinente más pobre del planeta, con mayor diversidad y más conflictos sociales. Gráfico 9. Fuente: CEPAL, 2010. Recurso Disponible en:http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/37/60/48157176.pdf La actividad minera requiere de grandes inversiones; a pesar de la generación de empleo informal (mano de obra no calificada en su mayoría) y la actividad económica que esta deja, es cortoplacista: se produce riqueza en forma rápida y fugaz; sin embargo, se plantea como problema, de un lado el retiro o la falta de garantías para la reinversión en países en dónde se han generado los beneficios para las empresas mineras; y de otro, la percepción social que el boom de la minería no va más allá del mediano plazo, acentúa la inestabilidad económica de las comunidades en dónde se desarrolla la industria extractiva a gran escala. Los complejos contenidos sobre la maximización de las rentas y la consolidación de las inversiones, es un asunto de la política macroeconómica de las naciones, que excede a la minería y en algunos casos no se plantea. Sería un error tener la visión que la minería es tan solo un negocio ilimitado en el tiempo, pues se estaría desconociendo la matriz productiva de muchos pueblos tradicionalmente agrícolas, ganaderos o industriales. Si el asunto de la mega minería no se percibe como una política de estado, la confianza y la estabilidad nunca hará parte de las bondades de las naciones. Tercer asunto: Viabilidad Social y Ambiental. En la división de Desarrollo Sustentable, del Departamento de Asuntos Económicos y Sociales de Naciones Unidas, 6 países -Colombia, Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, México y Costa Rica- presentan informe 'especifico' sobre las regulaciones jurídicas y socio ambientales de la minería. Mientras que países con altos índices de inversión minera como Perú, El Salvador, Bolivia y Brasil la actividad minera 'hace parte de los informes anuales' por país que archiva la organización (6). Podría inducir lo anterior, que la necesidad de socializar a nivel regional la legislación y regulación para esta industria es apenas incipiente y que se hace necesario compartir estudios y experiencias para trabajar de manera conjunta sobre este asunto específico. Es posible afirmar que los proyectos mineros en América Latina carecen de viabilidad social y ambiental; viabilidad que no se consigue por diversos intereses de tipo económico, sociales, políticos, pero principalmente porque la minería, altera las relaciones del hombre con la tierra. Recordemos que las poblaciones rurales la valoran mucho más allá de lo meramente económico. Al respeto surge uno de los debates cruciales y controvertidos como el uso de la energía o el uso del Agua. El agua es tal vez es la cuestión más conflictiva cuando se proponen o imponen proyectos mineros de gran envergadura. Creemos que es imposible que cuando se demanda un recurso vital como este y se pone el peligro el derecho adquirido, no surjan (7) conflictos. Entonces se replantean cuestiones como, el valor en el mercado del agua, sus usos, su propiedad, etc. Pero volvemos al punto de partida, la relación del hombre con su tierra, en gran parte depende del agua, de su calidad, cantidad y de su disponibilidad en el tiempo. En este sentido, nadie está dispuesto a poner en juego esta relación sin tener claro y garantizado que sus derechos, no serán vulnerados. Los estados que pretendan tener proyectos mineros en sus territorios, deben sin lugar a duda tener claridad social, política y jurídica sobre este balance: abastecimiento hídrico pertinente y garantía al derecho fundamental a este. ¿Qué esperamos de Rio +20? Una reconocida periodista Colombiana Marta Ruiz- afirmó en una columna de opinión lo siguiente: "Como si fuera poco, la "buena" noticia que trajo Santos de Asia es que los chinos están interesados en nuestro oro. Y uno no sabe si reír, llorar o salir a incendiar las dragas (…) Anuncio y premonición de los conflictos que va a desatar la minería" (8). Y no es insolencia. Como sugerimos en este escrito, es indudable que las sociedades contemporáneas necesitan los recursos naturales para mantener la forma de vida que desde la modernidad se ha encausado; sin embargo se hace urgente, necesario y justificable, en el marco de la exigibilidad de los derechos universales de las comunidades que han sostenido relaciones naturales, espirituales y económicas con la tierra llena de recursos, que el uso sea racional y sostenible. Son muchas las organizaciones sociales que trabajan por la defensa a la vida y el medio ambiente según lo reporta el Observatorio de Conflictos Mineros de América Latina; en ese sentido es posible hacer algunas sugerencias, de cara a la reunión de Rio+20 durante el mes de junio de 2012 y con el ánimo de visibilizar el debate, eliminar las tasas de violaciones a derechos fundamentales por causas relacionadas a la mega minería y de cara a disminuir las tasas de pobreza e inequidad que manifiestan las comunidades afectadas. Una cumbre que reafirme y reconozca los derechos individuales y los derechos de las naciones a hacer uso de sus recursos, buscando un desarrollo sostenible en el marco de las realidades culturales, sociales, políticas y económicas propias. Un espacio en donde se reflexione y se tomen decisiones sobre la promoción de políticas que prioricen la solución de problemas locales o micro regionales, en donde cada comunidad local pueda decidir qué tipo de desarrollo sostenible quiere y le conviene, en el marco del respeto a la soberanía y los derechos fundamentales. Un lugar de apoyo y financiamiento a los acuerdos transversales entre países en vía de desarrollo. Especialmente en lo concerniente a políticas públicas que atiendan problemáticas comunes como debería ser, el impacto de proyectos de mega minería en territorios étnicos y campesinos. Un espacio que abogue por la consulta previa, libre y transparente a los pueblos que tradicionalmente han cultivado y cosechado en estas tierras. Otra cumbre para la tierra y para quienes habitan en ella.Referencias: Conclusiones al Primer Encuentro Nacional Territorio, Producción, Ambiente y Minería, La María, Cauca, Colombia, 27 de abril de 2012. Disponible En: http://www.indepaz.org.co/?p=2028Corruption Perceptions, Index 2011. Disponible En: http://cpi.transparency.org/cpi2011/results/Cumbre para la tierra, programa 21, 14 de junio de 1992, Rio de Janeiro. Disponible En: http://www.unep.org/Documents.Multilingual/Default.asp?DocumentID=52&ArticleID=49&l=en Dayton-Johnson, Jeff (2011). Perspectivas económicas para América Latina, 2011. Banco Central de la Reserva del Perú, Organización para la Cooperación y el Desarrollo Económicos –OCDE-, México D.C. Declaración de Rió sobre el Medio Ambiente y el Desarrollo, del 14 de junio de 1992. Disponible En:http://www.pnuma.org/docamb/dr1992.php Escobar, Arturo (1996). La invención de tercer mundo. Construcción y deconstrucción del desarrollo, Ed. Norma, Bogotá González Posso, Camilo (2011). Renta minera, petróleo y comunidades. Ed. Indepaz, Bogotá Memorias al I Congreso de Minería a Gran escala, Cartagena de Indias, febrero de 2012. Disponible En: http://www.mineriaagranescala.org/smge/ Mingin Intelligence Series (2012). Business News Americas, En: http://www.bnamericas.com/news/mining Observatorio Latinoamericana de Conflictos Ambientales (2012). Observatorio de conflictos mineros de América Latina, En http://www.olca.cl/oca/index.htm Division for Sustainable Development, UN department of economic and social affair, En:http://www.un.org/esa/dsd/dsd_aofw_ni/ni_natiinfo_costarica.shtml (1) Todos los casos que registra el Observatorio sobre desplazamiento forzado están en Colombia.(2) Las organizaciones políticas, sociales, ambientales y comunitarias que hacen parte de este Observatorio, no representan la totalidad de acciones colectivas que existen y que realizan un seguimiento y denuncia a las actividades mineras en América Latina.(3) Censat Agua Viva es la única organización colombiana que hace parte del Observatorio; sin embargo existen otras muchas organizaciones que participan en este proceso, las cuales se hicieron presentes en el Primer Encuentro Nacional Territorio, productividad, ambiente y minería, La María- Piendamó, Cauca- Colombia, 27 de abril de 2012(4) Más información disponible en: http://quienessomosasamblea.blogspot.com/ (5) La Declaración de Rio/92 fue una declaración de principios a los cuales los estados firmantes se comprometían a mejorar las condiciones de vida de todos los habitantes del planeta. Por ejemplo el principio 11 "Los Estados deberán promulgar leyes eficaces sobre el medio ambiente. Las normas, los objetivos de ordenación y las prioridades ambientales deberían reflejar el contexto ambiental y de desarrollo al que se aplican. Las normas aplicadas por algunos países pueden resultar inadecuadas y representar un costo social y económico injustificado para otros países, en particular los países en desarrollo". Según varios estudios, se ha demostrado que los países latinoamericanos con gran cantidad de recuros naturales como Colombia o Perú, la legislación es inoportuna.(6) Percepciones de Corrupción de 182 países de todos los continentes, Index 2011 de Transparencia Internacional(7) Los reportes nacionales que cada país entrega a división de Desarrollo Sustentable, del departamento de asuntos económicos y sociales de Naciones Unidas (búsqueda en Internet, junio 2012) solo los 6 países mencionados presentan un informe. No son informes estandarizados pero tienen características comunes como información sobre las políticas y regulaciones internas, situación actual de la minería en cada país, mecanismos de seguimiento y monitoreo, buenas prácticas en el sector. Fuente: http://www.un.org/esa/dsd/dsd_aofw_ni/ni_natiinfo_costarica.shtml(8) Romeo el Agresivo, En: Revista Arcadia, 25 de mayo de 2012. *Tathiana Montaña es Colombiana, asesora académica del Instituto de Estudios para el Desarrollo y la paz (Colombia); profesora universitaria licenciada en Relaciones Internacionales, con estudios de perfeccionamiento en Desarrollo; Magister en Ciencia Política. Actualmente es candidata a Doctor en Política y Gobierno, mención en Relaciones Internacionales. Ha publicado libros y artículos en medios nacionales y latinoamericanos sobre asuntos de paz y postconflicto. José Carlos Pozzoli es Argentino, politólogo, especialista en Políticas Públicas; ha sido consultor para el BID y trabajó como asesor de la Comisión de Ambiente de la Honorable Cámara de Diputados de Mendoza; Coordinador General Tercera Conferencia ICID +19 Clima, Sostenibilidad y Desarrollo en Regiones Semi Aridas; Asesor de Gabinete, Secretaría de Ambiente y Desarrollo Sustentable de la Provincia de Mendoza.
Studies of youth subcultures have been carried out for decades from various theoretical perspectives (including functionalism, social ecology, neo‐Marxism, deviance and labeling, cultural studies, sports and leisure studies) as well as from various methodological standpoints (e.g., deductive and inductive approaches, insider and outsider perspectives, ethnographic, historical comparative, and semiotics). The sociological study of youth subcultures thus offers a wide range of opportunities to bring together an interesting topic for young people and theoretical or methodological pedagogies.Suggested booksThe significance of youth‐subcultural studies is evident in the plethora of current books on the topic. Here, I provide a brief summary of some recent books, as well as a few classics that should not be overlooked.Cohen, Stanley 2002 [1972]. Folk Devils and Moral Panics (3rd edn). London, UK: Routledge.This study of the infamous mods and rockers clashes in Britain in the mid‐1960s focuses attention on the media's role in construction youth subcultures as deviant social phenomena. Its significance lies not only in its analysis of how the British media created a moral panic by stereotyping, exaggerating, and mishandling representations of youth, but also in its more general insight into the social construction of social categories such as 'youth', 'subculture', and 'deviance'. Readers of the third edition will benefit from Cohen's introductions to the second and third editions (both printed in the third edition), which give an updated analysis of the two concepts he originally proposed in his title (i.e., folk devil and moral panic).Gelder, Ken (ed.) 2005. The Subcultures Reader (2nd edn). London, UK: Routledge.This book represents the single most comprehensive collection of original research in youth‐subcultural studies. The edited volume has 48 chapters divided into 8 thematic sections, each with its own introductory chapter (in addition to the 48), and covers a broad range of theoretical and empirical research.Greenberg, Arielle (ed.) 2007. Youth Subcultures: Exploring Underground America. New York, NY: Pearson Longman.Unlike some books on youth cultures or subcultures that develop theory at the expense of readability and engagement, Greenberg's edited volume is very friendly to less experienced social science readers. The contributed chapters are written both by professional scholars and undergraduate students. Greenberg has sought to avoid jargon‐ and reference‐laden research and succeeded in developing a book that undergraduates, especially those who are not taking an entire course on youth subcultures, will find most useful.Haenfler, Ross 2006. Straight Edge: Hardcore Punk, Clean‐Living Youth, and Social Change. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.In recent years, there have been several thorough ethnographic studies of youth subcultures. Along with Paul Hodkinson's study of goths and Lauraine Leblanc's study of female punks, Haenfler's book offers keen sociological insight into the contemporary culture of straight edge. His book frames the subculture in terms of its nonmaterial culture, its status as an agent of social change, and its masculine and feminine dimensions. It is well written and serves as a tool for engaging students on notions of gender and social change, especially.Hall, Stuart and Tony Jefferson (eds) 1998 [1975]. Resistance through Rituals: Youth Subcultures in Post‐War Britain. London, UK: Routledge.This is the classic edited text from the Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) at the University of Birmingham, UK, which established youth‐subcultural studies as a subdiscipline of both cultural studies and sociology. The editors offer a significant theoretical expose on the links between critical theory and youth subcultures. The subsequent empirical and theoretical chapters further express their collective stance, which although it has come under serious criticism over the years, is still a must‐read for students of youth subcultures. Most of work relates directly to British youth subcultures of the 1950s to the 1970s and, therefore, may seem quite foreign to younger American readers. Teachers relying on this book may need to do some homework of their own to get up to speed on the substantive issues covered.Hebdige, Dick 1979. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London, UK: Routledge.This book is considered by many scholars to be the quintessence of British subcultural studies. Hebdige takes a rather nonsociological view of subcultures in the book, emphasizing a humanist semiotic approach instead. Many scholars have criticized the book as unnecessarily dense and devoid of the voices of subcultural participants, yet the author's insights into the cultural significance of style still make it a very significant text.Hodkinson, Paul and Wolfgang Deicke (eds) 2007. Youth Cultures: Scenes, Subcultures, and Tribes. London, UK: Routledge.This edited collection is based on a 2003 conference in which youth culture scholars discussed the relative utility of the subculture concept in the face of pressure from competing concepts such as scenes and neotribes. The book consists of a rather eclectic set of chapters that tackle both theoretical and substantive issues. While its weakness is perhaps its lack of coherence, this is balanced by its wide coverage of contemporary issues, including gender, race/ethnicity, commodification, and new media.Huq, Rupa 2006. Beyond Subculture: Pop, Youth and Identity in a Postcolonial World. London, UK: Routledge.Focusing on music cultures at the turn of the millennium, Hug offers a solid synthetic analysis of subcultural studies in the UK during the latter half of the twentieth century. She then moves through a series of case studies on various music genres – including bhangra, rave/club, hip‐hop/rap, and grunge – as she attempts to articulate how the cultures that consume such music have moved beyond the 'subculture' label.Leblanc, Lauraine 2001. Pretty in Punk: Girls' Gender Resistance in a Boys' Subculture. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.While many books look at core cultural dimensions of particular youth subcultures, Leblanc dedicates her book to young women's participation. Focusing on punk, she investigates the historical structures of the subculture that result in the marginalization of women, how female participants construct the significance of punk in their lives, and how they deal with males both within and outside subcultural contexts.Muggleton, David 2000. Inside Subculture: The Postmodern Meaning of Style. Oxford, UK: Berg.Playing off the name of Dick Hebdige's famous book, this monograph offers a very different reading of youth‐subcultural participation than classic CCCS texts. Muggleton takes an empirical rather than semiotic approach, using interviews and fieldnotes from his study of young people in Britain who dress in alternative fashions. His work offers new insights into the relations between youth culture, fashion, and identity.Muggleton, David and Rupert Weinzierl 2003. The Post‐Subcultures Reader. Oxford, UK: Berg.This edited volume focuses on recent work by scholars working, for the most part, from a postmodern perspective. Rather than seeing subcultures as class‐based, ideologically pinned or static, the authors collectively explore the more fluid and negotiated terrain upon with contemporary Western youths live. The book would be best used for a graduate course, as much of the writing is relatively sophisticated.Thornton, Sarah 1996. Club Cultures: Music, Media and Subcultural Capital. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan.Starting with Pierre Bourdieu's theory of cultural capital, Thornton moves into the world of rave/club culture to study how subcultural participants articulate their own form of status, power, and identity. Another significant dimension of the book is her articulation of the role various media (from mass to micro to niche) play in subcultural worlds.Films and videosAs discussed by Leblanc (1998), films provide opportunities for students to practice casting a sociological eye on the world around them. While Leblanc's focus was on teaching ethnography, her substantive interests in youth and youth subcultures provide a useful discussion for teachers interested in teaching a course on youth subcultures. Over the years, I have used many films and videos, both in whole and part, either to emphasize a particular sociological concept, to provide documentary evidence of particular subcultural styles, practices, and worldviews, or to facilitate relatively safe student engagement with a topic that many of them might shy away from in a face‐to‐face context. In the following list, I will make reference to particular parts of my syllabus (further below) where the film/video might be most useful.Between Resistance and CommunityThis is an independently made documentary film by Joe Caroll and Ben Holtman (2002) about the Long Island, New York DIY (do‐it‐yourself) hardcore scene. The documentary provides an in‐depth look at the scene through the eyes of its members. It is full of raw footage of hardcore music shows and interviews with scene participants and offers a coherent standpoint analysis of the concepts of resistance and community (thus living up to its title). I typically use parts of the film in connection with the concept of resistance, as well as societal responses/reaction and identity/authenticity.Merchants of CoolFrontline's documentary of the relationship between cultural production and consumption emphasizes not only mainstream fashion, but specifically how cultural industries take advantage of young people that live on the cutting edge of style through basic marketing tools. The video is available online (http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/cool/view/) and is broken down into six parts. I sometime show parts 1–3 and 6 during a single class in order to have time for discussion. The video is relevant to discussions of style, consumption/culture industries, authenticity, and media.Paradise Lost: The Child Murders at Robin Hood HillsThis is a lengthy documentary film about the so‐called West Memphis Three: three young men who were convicted of torturing and murdering three boys in West Memphis, Arkansas, in 1993. The case surrounding the murders and trials remains highly contested, and to this day there are serious doubts by many as to the guilt of the accused. As the documentary shows, the West Memphis Three were heavy metal fans, one of whom dabbled in the Wiccan religion. While the film is too long for most classes, I used two sections of the film to highlight (i) the 'dominant' Christian culture of West Memphis and (ii) the attempts by prosecutors to create a strong tie between the defendants' appearance and style on one hand and Satanism on the other. The film offers students insight into the harsh reality of labeling, moral panic, and societal response (there is also a follow‐up documentary entitled Paradise Lost 2: Revelations).QuadropheniaA film produced during the 1970s by the British rock band The Who, Quadrophenia looks back at the mod and rocker subcultures of the mid‐1960s through the eyes of a mod. The film is best viewed in Section 2 of my course syllabus, while students are reading about the Birmingham tradition (in the USA especially, since many students have never heard of mods and rockers). Mods are cited repeatedly in the CCCS literature; thus, the film gives students something more tangible to engage. The film is particularly good and facilitating student engagement with certain subcultural concepts learned in Sections 1 and 2, including frame of reference, strain, homology, bricolage, and 'magical' solutions.The SourceThis documentary looks at the Beat culture. I use sections of the film to highlight the dominant American culture of the 1950s and how individuals who felt marginalized or otherwise nonnormative moved to big cities in search of other people who were similar. The film works well with a discussion of Albert Cohen's theory of subcultural strain.The WarriorsHaving attended a formal gathering of all the gangs in New York, a local gang called the Warriors are wrongly accused of assassinating a would‐be gang lord and are forced to fight their way back home to Coney Island. The film is full of stereotypical images of subcultural style and deviant behavior. This film fits in well with a review of the Chicago School, in particular a deviance or criminological approach to youth subcultures. The film offers insight into class, gender, strain, and the urban environment.Other film titles and the subcultures to which they relate include:
A Clockwork Orange – abstract representation of subcultural deviance Afro Punk – punk subculture and race American Hardcore – punk and hardcore music subculture Another State of Mind – early hardcore punk scene, highlights music Boyz in the Hood –marginalized black culture that produced hip‐hop and rap music Dogtown and Z‐Boys – skateboarding Dreadheads: Portrait of a Subculture – new age travelers, deadheads Heavy: The Story of Metal – heavy metal Metal: A Headbanger's Journey – extreme metal culture, including death metal and black metal Punk: The Early Years – history of punk Red Light Go – Bike messengers Romper Stomper– racist skinheads Sid and Nancy– punk, focusing on The Sex Pistols SLC Punk– punk Surburbia– interesting mix of disaffected youth, mainly punk with skinheads and goths as well This is England– looks at the intersection of racist and non‐racist skinhead culture in the UK
http://www.youtube.com contains a vast collection of subculture‐related material. I troll the site every few months looking for new resources to use in the classroom.Sample syllabus outlineCourse descriptionYouth as a social phenomenon arose largely as a cultural derivative of the industrial revolution in Europe and the USA and is now global. In the twentieth century particularly, youth became an object of sociological, cultural, and psychological analyses. The concept of 'subculture' has been used with various degrees of success to analyze youths' individual and collective behaviors. This course surveys some of the many strands of youth‐subcultural theory during the twentieth century. It begins with early sociological work from the University of Chicago, followed by an overview of the cultural studies approach from the University of Birmingham, UK. It then moves on to examples of contemporary subcultural theory and research, focusing on a number of discrete sociological concepts and youth‐subcultural groups.Purpose and objectivesThe purpose of the course is to try and arrive at some consensus as to the worth of 'subculture' as an analytic concept as well as the various concepts that drive subcultural studies. The objectives of the course are: to familiarize students with various strands of subcultural theory in sociology and cultural studies; to review a variety of historical and contemporary youth subcultures as well as the concepts and methods used to study them; and to improve students' understanding of how and why youth subcultures emerge, exist, and change.1 Section 1: Introduction to youth‐subculture studiesHoward Becker 1986. Culture: A Sociological ViewSarah Thornton 1997. General Introduction to The Subcultures Reader, 1st edn.Ken Gelder 2005. Introduction: The Field of Subculture Studies* Section 2: American subculture studiesKen Gelder 2005. Introduction to Part One: The Chicago School and Urban Ethnography* Subculture as deviance Paul Cressey 1932. The Life‐Cycle of the Taxi‐Dancer* Subculture as strain Robert Merton 1938. Social Structure and AnomieAlbert Cohen 1955. A General Theory of Subcultures* The ethnographic study of subcultures Howard Becker 1963. The Culture of a Deviant Group*Ned Polsky 1967. Research Method, Morality, and Criminology*Paul Hodkinson 2005. 'Insider Research' in the Study of Youth Cultures Section 3: British subculture studiesKen Gelder, 2005. Introduction to Part Two: The Birmingham Tradition and Cultural Studies* Marxism and class Phil Cohen 1972. Subcultural Conflict and Working‐Class Community*John Clarke et al. 1975. Subcultures, Cultures and Class* The semiotic study of resistance Tony Jefferson 1975. Cultural Responses of the TedsDick Hebdige 1979. Subculture: The Meaning of Style* Section 4: Subsequent theoretical strands Criticisms and Revisions Gary Fine and Sherryl Kleinman 1979. Rethinking Subculture: An Interactionist AnalysisStanley Cohen 1980. Symbols of Trouble* New directions Andy Bennett 1999. Subcultures or Neo‐Tribes?Rupert Weinzierl and David Muggleton 2003. What Is Post‐Subculture Studies?David Hesmondhalgh 2005. Subcultures, Scenes or Tribes? None of the Above Section 5: Analytic topics Style Ken Gelder 2005. Introduction on Part Five: Style, Fashion, Signature*Dick Hebdige 1983. Posing ... Threats, Striking ... Poses*Jeffrey Kidder 2004. Style and Action: A Decoding of Bike Messenger Symbols Resistance Paul Willis 1977. Culture, Institution, Differentiation*Kathleen Lowney 1995. Teenage Satanism as Oppositional Youth SubcultureKristin Schilt 2003. I'll Resist You with Every Inch and Every Breath Space and media Ken Gelder 2005. Introduction to Part Four: Territories, Space, Otherness*Peter Marsh et al. 1978. Life on the Terraces*Iain Borden 2001. Performing the City* Societal responses and reaction Jill Rosenbaum and Lorraine Prinsky 1991. The Presumption of InfluenceClaire Wallace and Raimund Alt 2001. Youth Cultures under Authoritarian Regimes Identity and authenticity Kembrew McLeod 1999. Authenticity Within Hip‐Hop and Other Cultures Threatened with AssimilationJ. Patrick Williams 2006. Authentic Identity, Straightedge Subculture, Music and the InternetMurray Healy 1996. Real Men, Phallicism, and Fascism* Consumption and play Jock Young 1971. The Subterranean World of Play*J. Patrick Williams 2006. Consumption and Authenticity in the Collectible Strategy Games SubcultureSharon Kinsella 2000. Amateur Manga Subculture and the Otaku Incident*Assignments and projects1. Portfolio project: The portfolio project facilitates students' interaction with the theories and concepts being learned in the classroom.Over the course of the semester, you will be responsible for collecting and summarizing information about one subculture of your choice. I will expect you to analyze the information you collect in a sociological manner, but we will practice this throughout the semester so that you should continually improve your analytic skills. During the second week of the semester, I will divide the class into several groups and each group will choose a particular youth subculture to study (e.g. punk, riot grrrl, goth, hardcore, hip‐hop, skateboarding, graffiti, gaming). You will negotiate with other students to decide collectively what subculture you will study. Individually, you will be responsible for collecting and analyzing information about your topic as it pertains to theories and concepts being covered in class. To do this, you will first need to identify subcultural objects for analysis. These may include (i) a definition of the subculture you are studying, (ii) a song and/or music lyrics, (iii) a research article (historical, sociological, cultural, etc.), (iv) an Internet discussion forum, (v) an event at a local hangout, bar, or club, (vi) a zine, blog, or other publication, (vii) cartoon, album cover, or other art, (viii) journalistic account of a subcultural event, (viiii) a pop culture item (e.g. clip from television, magazine article), or (x) a video (e.g. YouTube) or documentary. Second, you will need to follow the course outline and use a specific theory or concept (e.g. hegemony, societal response, style, resistance, homology, identity, media, diffusion, class, gender) to analyze each item. By the end of the semester, your portfolio should consist of a minimum of 10 items that deal with your assigned subculture. Plan on collecting one item per week beginning in week 4. During week 3, I will show you some examples to get you started as well as bring in a completed portfolio from a previous student. You should not use the same type of subcultural object more than twice, nor should you use the same theory or concept more than twice. The purpose, as stated above, is to have you collect and analyze the information over time rather than collect everything in a mad rush during the last week. Every other week you will give a 2‐ to 3‐minute summary of your most recent portfolio entry.2. Group portfolio presentations: The group presentation requires that students combine many different portfolio entries together and develop a coherent, analytically informed presentation of a specific youth subculture.At the end of the semester, your group will give a 15‐ to 20‐minute multimedia presentation of whatever subculture you have been studying by combining the information collected in individual portfolios.3. Film assignment: The film assignment facilitates the development of the sociological imagination when consuming popular cultural treatments of youth subcultures. I reserve the university auditorium to give the students a fuller cinematic experience. Use the list of films and videos above and the course outline to decide what to show and when to show it. We will watch one film outside of class during the semester, entitled (name of film). In case you are unable to attend the film viewing, you may rent or buy the film from a number of different sources. Make plans as soon as possible to be available to watch the film. Watching it at home is your prerogative, but watching it with other students will enable you to participate in discussion afterward. After viewing the film, you will write a (x)‐page paper addressing specific questions that I will provide before the film begins (as one example, I often show Quadrophenia and ask that four specific questions be answered in their papers: (i) What aspects of the actors' lives are informed by CCCS theory? What aspects are informed by Chicago School theories? Link your answers to specific readings or citations when appropriate. (ii) How important is 'conspicuous consumption' for mods in the film? Be sure to give multiple examples of consumption as you answer the question. How does consumption relate to our discussion of style? (iii) In what way is the ending of the film 'magical', in the CCCS sense of the term? (iv) How do the concepts of hegemony, bricolage, or homology play out in the film? Pick one of them to discuss and use a detailed example). Note
1 In the sample outline below, I list only the readings I might assign to an upper‐level undergraduate course during one semester. See my main article in Sociology Compass 1(2) for a much more detailed discussion of articles and chapters that might be used in each section. An asterisk (*) marks readings from Ken Gelder's The Subcultures Reader (2nd edn), listed above.ReferenceLeblanc, Lauraine 1998. Teaching Sociology 26: 62–68.
Ashland, Oregon is a smart little community nestled in the foothills of the Siskiyou Mountains about 20 minutes north of the California border. Home to Southern Oregon University and host to the yearly Shakespeare Festival, Ashland is one of those places both progressive and picturesque that often occupies a top spot on waiting-room magazines' "Best Small Towns" or "Best Places to Retire" lists. It's got a walkable business district with cozy fine-dining bistros, new-age book shops and old-school hotels. It's got the requisite breathtaking views—Oregon's famed firs snake up and down steep, mist-laden hills to the east and west. It's got equal parts West-Coast hippie charm and urbane artiness, but it still retains the ruddy feel of the Northwest wilderness. Less well-known is the fact that Ashland is home to the Church of the Holy Light of the Queen, the unofficial base in the United States for a growing alternative religion called Santo Daime. With origins in the Brazilian Amazon, Santo Daime would attract little attention if not for one fact: worshipers drink ayahuasca, an imported jungle brew that contains dimethyltryptamine, or DMT, a highly potent hallucinogen. DMT can cause intense dissociation—the feeling that you've left your body—and everything from excruciating horror to intense euphoria. It's often associated with the near-death experience; some scientists postulate that the human brain contains otherwise dormant amounts of the psychedelic compound, and it releases that cache when your mind thinks it's done for. Ayahuasca contains DMT and is used widely by various shamans and tribes in the Amazon, where it's known as yage, hoasca, or La Purga ("the purge"). Santo Daime's followers, the Daimestas, refer to ayahuasca as Daime Tea, and they drink it as their one and only sacrament. The DMT-packed tea is the cornerstone of their religion and all church functions. DMT is also listed by the U.S. DEA as a Schedule-I substance, the department's strictest classification. Ashland's Church of the Holy Light of the Queen was founded by Padrinho ("Godfather" in Portuguese) Jonathan Goldman, an ebullient yet laid-back former Boston acupuncturist with a working-class, midwestern Jewish upbringing and a lifelong intuition for battling the status quo. Goldman, his family and his church have been under fire from the DEA since the church formed and started hosting underground Santo Daime rituals in Ashland in 1993. Police stormed Goldman's house in a 1999 raid, and they arrested him and effectively shut down the church. He responded by filing a lawsuit against the federal government, seeking a religious freedom exemption from the Controlled Substances Act. Nine years later, Ashland's Daimestas prevailed in an Oregon district court, and they've been drinking Daime Tea with impunity since March 2009. Daime Tea is an entheogen—a substance meant purely for spiritual and psychotherapeutic purposes. The Daimestas say it's something everyone should be allowed to have. They believe it grants direct access to the divine and can lead to life-changing insights and sustained happiness. I wondered, is there any real spiritual healing going on here, or are the Daimestas just futzing around with an acute psychedelic for kicks? Just who are these people anyway, and do they believe there's a real connection between God and drugs? After learning of these strange folks, I had to take a trip to Ashland to find out the answers. *** The way Santo Daime's doctrine works is simple: the religion is open to anyone who shows interest. So one day last fall I wrote to Goldman and asked if I could come to Ashland and observe the church's members doing whatever it is they do. It was weeks before I heard back. Goldman informed me that he would be open to a story, but under one condition: I had to attend a church service, which he called a "work." And not as an observer. As a participant. He instructed me to set up an interview with someone named John Seligman, a fellow Daime expert and the chief screener of new church applicants. Seligman sent me a Goldman-penned introduction to the Daime, a blank medical waiver and a note scheduling my interview for early January. I read the airy introduction, scratched my head and called Goldman for some basic background. He said the work would involve a kind of dancing that puts participants in a trance state of "active meditation." Add in the Daime Tea, which he called a "super-powerful, altering, natural substance," and you've got a shortcut—a very intense, demanding shortcut—to profound spiritual vision. "What the Daime offers is a direct experience that is only reserved for mystics," Goldman said. That sounded alright, but I wanted some objective information on the strange psychedelic brew I was about to swallow. Not surprisingly, dredging up coherent accounts about ayahuasca isn't easy. And, as with most substances of its ilk, user experience varies wildly from person to person. Take The Yage Letters, for instance, a tortuous, fragmented tale about Burroughs' and Ginsberg's frustrating quests for the drink in South and Central America. Ginsberg wrote of a pleasant (if bizarre) first ayahuasca experience, where he peered "at a mystery" through a "big black hole of God-Nose." His next trip, however, was all vomiting and horrifying snake hallucinations. "I was frightened," he complained, "and simply lay there with wave after wave of death-fear rolling over me till I could hardly stand it." And his final summation of ayahuasca doesn't quite read like a ringing endorsement: "I am afraid of some real madness, a Changed Universe permanently changed." By the time January came around, I had decided the short version was twofold: the Daime would be very intense and demanding yet simple and beautiful. And I might puke my guts out. So I headed north through the flatlands and into the mountains on Interstate 5. The sun shone through the thickly misty sky like an incandescent silver dollar, and I wondered if I might soon be tripping with the angels, talking to God and driving back home as a mystic. *** My orientation was set for the morning of the work. It was a damp, snowy Saturday when I arrived at the church's headquarters, a nondescript, street-level office space at the end of a short commercial strip. I knocked on a door marked with a Star of David festooned with birds and circles and a glowing, double-beamed cross in the center. Seligman appeared and beckoned me in, instructing me to take off my shoes. He looked a little disheveled, sporting ragged, paint-splattered pants and a day or two of stubble on his face, with eyebrows like miniature scouring pads and a chunk of gray tufts protruding from either side of his head. Other than the strangeness of his eerie calm and a clear, steady look in his eye—qualities I later noticed were present in all the Daimestas I would meet—he struck me as a pretty benign guy. "Welcome, Alex," he said. We shook hands and sat down on folding chairs at an altar shaped like a six-pointed star. A certain degree of anonymity is important to the Daimestas, so rather than engaging me in a lot of small talk, Seligman merely closed his eyes. We sat for a few minutes in silent meditation. Then, Seligman opened his heavy-lidded eyes and in a half-whispered tone declared the room we were sitting in a "sacred space." In a slow, considered way, Seligman began by explaining the basics. This particular work would be an important one, a celebration of Three Kings Day, which sounded familiar to me from having grown up Catholic (although all I remembered was that it had something to do with Christmas). For this work, we'd be singing the entirety of a 128-song hymnbook in Portuguese and dancing for up to 12 hours. And every two hours, we'd be drinking another swig of Daime Tea. Once the work started, Seligman said, what I could expect and what would be expected of me would include the following: maintaining vibrational cohesiveness and harmony through music and dancing. holding the current. creating a bridge. allowing celestial energies to come down through the altar metaphorically and actually. and holding a sacred communion both private and communal with divine guides. What the hell was this man talking about? Seligman's soothing voice and nebulous syntax only amplified my anxiety. I was starting to feel pretty awkward. As his exposition on something about divine entities ground to a halt, I was thinking about weaseling out. Maybe I could fail the interview. "Having strangers come in—it doesn't distract from the energy, the current, at all?" I asked in a loud, abrupt voice. Seligman smiled calmly and watched me squirm. I wasn't getting away that easily. "There are no visitors," he said. "Everybody's a participant." He explained to me that all are guaranteed a protective and nurturing environment, a container to process the unpredictable and often demanding revelations brought forth by drinking Daime Tea. The container provides the proper setting, as I imagined Timothy Leary might put it, for the revelations, which may send me on a brutal ride through latent emotional traumas and truths. "Throwing up may be part of that," Seligman said. "What we allow—this container that we create—is to process it. There's an invitation. It's not expected of you, but if it comes up, we are holding space for you to move through that. We invite you to cry. We are there to help." Really? I was about to spend twelve hours in the divine container with a bunch of caterwauling strangers, feet sore, sobbing, puking, and high on DMT the whole time? "About the tea," I said, trying to maintain a tone of composure. "What if it's not working out for me and I'm having a bad time of it after the first drink? Could I skip the next go-round?" "The answer is yes," Seligman replied. "But the answer is also no." It would all be up to the divine guides. "If you feel like you're gonna die," he assured me, "sit back down, close your eyes and breathe." To stall the onset of total panic, I focused on picking out and memorizing the practical rules Seligman was laying out. If I wanted to get out of the dancing line and go sit down or vomit, I should do so only between hymns. If I wanted to go outside and "take a leak or commune with a tree," I had to let a guardian at the door know about it. I was not to cross my arms or legs at any time during the work. And I had to dress in all white. That sounded eerily cultish to me. I looked down at my unwashed, cream-colored jeans. "These alright?" I asked. Seligman scoffed and shook his head. "They're dirty. It's important that you be clean." He grabbed a pencil and drew me a map to the local paint store, where I could get a nice, crisp, brilliantly colorless pair of painter's pants—ones pleasing to the divine guides, who might otherwise be bummed if I didn't show up looking as pure as a virgin bride on her wedding day. He handed me the map and a packet with more rules, guidelines and a massive list of drugs, medications and foods to avoid. I sat down at a desk and for the second time filled out the medical waiver, a three-page affair that I had of course forgotten to bring with me. I was not taking any antidepressants. Check. Never been hospitalized for psychological problems. Check. "Is there anything else about your physical or emotional status of which we should be made aware?" I guess not. I signed my name at the bottom of the last page, indemnifying the church from any nausea, diarrhea or "mental changes" I might suffer as a result of the work, and I promised to take full personal responsibility for "whatever may occur, anticipated or unanticipated." And with that, my orientation was complete. "I'm very glad you came," Seligman said. He stuck my papers into a file and sent me out the door. *** Later that day, I met my sponsor, Maleko Dawnchild, at his ex-girlfriend's parents' house, where he was living temporarily. It was a comfortable, normal suburban two-story on an Ashland cul-de-sac. Dawnchild answered the door shirtless and in loose-fitting pajama pants. I had caught him in the middle of a stretching session. "This is gonna be a good work," he said, wide-eyed and smiling. As Dawnchild limbered up on a yoga mat in the middle of the living room, he told me about how he first discovered the Daime in Hawaii—he went there after tiring of his hard-partying life as a model in Los Angeles. Then he got up and ran to the kitchen, where he slammed a kale smoothie. He sprinted upstairs to change and descended in a snappy white suit with a gold star pinned on the lapel. We were ready for the work. Dawnchild and I drove about 10 miles outside of town and navigated a winding, unpaved path through the wilderness until we finally made it to our destination. It was Goldman's hillside property, on which he had built a salão, a round, domed building where the church's works are held. It was nestled in the woods right behind Goldman's house. Men in white suits and black ties emerged from cars with women wearing tiara-like crowns and long, white dresses with green strips of fabric that formed a "y" across their chests. They looked like girl scouts. People of all ages kept arriving, hugging each other and saying hello, until the salão was almost full, with almost 60 white-clad worshipers crammed into the building. Then all of us lined up three rows deep around an altar just like the one in Seligman's office, men on one side and women on the other. Goldman arrived to begin the service with armloads of Daime Tea in big jugs. We said a couple Hail Marys and Our Fathers. Then, just as I had every week for years when I was a Catholic schoolboy, I got in line for the sacrament. Except this time, it wasn't the communion wafer and sip of wine I was waiting for. It was Daime Tea. As I watched Daimestas who were in line in front of me walk past with empty double-shot-sized glasses and scrunched-up faces, I desperately forced thoughts of Jonestown out of my mind. It was my turn. I approached the guardian, who was holding a glass at eye level and gazing at the mahogany broth inside. He offered it to me. I took the glass, closed my eyes and gulped down the tea. It was thick and boasted major overtones of chewing tobacco, licorice, Listerine and dirt. I felt a mild wave of calm—but that was it. Everyone returned to formation around the altar, and thus began the work. We opened our hymnbooks and started to sing the hinarios, hymns written by Afro-Portuguese rubber plantation worker Raimundo Irineu Serra, who founded Santo Daime in the 1930s. The songs were about God, heartbreak and happiness. Men with shakers kept the rhythm. Everyone sang, and I mumbled and stepped on my feet in the back row until I finally picked up on it, shuffling three steps to the left, pivoting, and shuffling three steps to the right. This went on for a good hour and a half, with pauses between songs during which Goldman would incant various thanksgivings ("Viva Santo Daime!"). The whole crowd would respond with a hearty "Viva!" Then it was time to drink tea again. Seligman was distributing the stuff this time, and he looked like a new man—cleaned up, freshly shaven and impressive in his crispy whites. He handed me the glass. "You startin' to feel it yet?" he asked me, winking. I nodded and downed the bitter brew. This seemed to be the effective dose, the one that really put us "in the power," as the Daimestas say—I would just say it got us fucked up. A few people got out of the dancing line to sit down and puke into plastic bowls, while guardians stood watch and cleaned up after them. Dawnchild, my sponsor, made shooing sounds, swayed like a gymnast warming up for floor exercises and snatched invisible flies out of the air. One woman sat on the floor with a sheet over her head and began to cry, and another went outside to wail and run around in the darkness. Goldman, reminiscent of Bill Murray in one of his younger, more charismatic roles, listed from side to side and bellowed out the hymns just a bit louder than anyone else. I looked up at the streamers and tinsel that stretched from the skylight at the top of the salão to the edges of the walls, and half the ceiling began to overlap with the other. I could feel the loud resonance of the acapella hymns, and I marveled at this whole room full of people moving in unison. It was at this point that I understood the appeal of this religion: it is primal rather than modern. It follows no dogma, nor does it promote proselytizing. It's based on simplicity, rhythm and synchronicity—just add drugs and music. The tea is basically fuel to keep people focused on singing and dancing as the primary activity, but they're also allowed to remove themselves for moments of personal therapy and expression while guardians keep an eye on them to ensure their safety. I glanced at the hymnbook in my hand and noticed that we were only about a quarter of the way through it, and I had one more realization: Santo Daime requires the sort of discipline that your average recreational drug enthusiast or thrill-seeker simply wouldn't have the patience to stick with. They don't call it a "work" for nothing. *** Jonathan Goldman is proud of what he's created. "I knew we would be involved in creating a legal sanction for the Daime to operate in the U.S.," he says. "We planned it from the beginning." It's the afternoon after the work, and Goldman is at home in a state of relaxed glory. Surrounded by countless indoor plants and an exhaustive array of icons from most major world religions, he reclines on a leather couch facing a massive picture window that frames a killer view of the Siskiyou Mountains. Padrinho Goldman considers himself a representative of the Daime ("the masters of the astral," he calls it), not to mention a shaman, a healer and a master of ceremonies. He says that when he established the Church of the Holy Light of the Queen in Ashland in 1993, he had a feeling he was going to "liberate the Daime." What Goldman didn't plan was what happened in 1999, when he received a shipment of Daime Tea that had been traced by federal authorities. When the tea arrived, so did Ashland police. They held guns on his family, ransacked his house and took him to jail. Goldman fought back, hiring a team of lawyers to sue the U.S. Department of Justice under President George W. Bush. The ten-year legal battle culminated in a March 2009 ruling by U.S. District Judge Owen Panner, who found that the government had indeed overreacted, substantially burdening the church's sincere exercise of its religion, and that the Department of Justice had failed to prove that the Controlled Substances Act should apply to these harmless, if somewhat out-there, Diamestas. And almost as if to fulfill the Padrinho's prophesy, Panner gave the church a pass under the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. It was an exceptionally rare exemption granted also to Native Americans for their use of peyote and more recently upheld (with some restrictions) by the U.S. Supreme Court for New Mexico's União do Vegetal (UDV), another Brazil-based, ayahuasca-sipping sect. The DEA's people aren't happy about Judge Panner's ruling, and the department is scrutinizing the church yet again. Goldman says the officials he's been dealing with don't think any district court judge has the power to grant exemptions to anyone for schedule-I substances. DEA Associate Chief Council Karen Richardson refused to comment on "ongoing litigation," but she confirmed in a letter that the department has indeed appealed Panner's decision in the Ninth Circuit Court. And a call to DEA spokesman Chris Jakim yielded little more than proof that Jakim knows how to do his job—the only information he'd offer in regards to the church specifically or ayahuasca in general was a reiteration of the DEA's party-line on schedule-I drugs. He said that DMT is not accepted for use by anyone in the medical field and that there's a high risk in the use of ayahuasca as medicine, as it's not done under professional supervision. In a way, Jakim has a point: The Diamestas aren't a bunch of doctors or psychiatrists. And for a lot of people, drinking ayahuasca is a psychotherapeutic procedure done in an attempt to heal some very serious psychic wounds. In fact, that was the context through which Goldman himself first discovered Daime Tea at the end of 1987; never a particularly spiritual man, he had been struggling for years with issues of guilt, self-hatred and repression, he says. Nothing was really working. He was miserable. His heart, he says, was a "stone peach pit." Then Goldman's psychotherapist took him and a group of former clients to Brazil. "He told me that if I went," Goldman says, "I'd have the equivalent of ten years of psychotherapy and ten years of meditation in one month by drinking this weird tea. I was like, 'Good deal. Let's go.'" Did it work? "Without Daime I'd be dead," Goldman says, "and if not dead, I'd be miserable, sick, neurotic, crazy, divorced, alone." He trails off before telling of his first psychoactive-aided healing. "We were dancing and singing all night," he says, "and I felt so sick and nauseous the whole time. Because of all this repression I had, I had so much to clean. And I was really arrogant and I was really controlling and I was slippery and I was smart so I could avoid the really deep stuff in me—and the Daime didn't allow any of that. It was the first force I met that was smarter, quicker, way more knowledgeable and way more wise than I was. So I was impressed." It is that very impressive promise of spiritual deep-cleaning that brings many to the fold. A number of Daimestas claim to have cured—or at least greatly alleviated—their addictions and neuroses by drinking Daime Tea, sometimes after only one session. And while the little medical research that's been done on ayahuasca drinkers seems to support their claims, the Daimestas at the church have no real way of knowing whether or not their inductees will benefit from the stuff or be driven mad by it; they rely largely on the honor system to drum out anyone for whom ayahuasca would be "inappropriate." "Their screenings are relatively superficial," UCLA Professor of Psychiatry Dr. Charles M. Grob says of Santo Daime. "These churches are not that thorough." In 1996, Grob studied Brazilian followers of UDV, whose adherents call ayahuasca "hoasca." In his report, "Human Psychopharmacology of Hoasca," he concludes that for members who had entered the UDV with issues ranging from alcoholism to depression, all disorders had indeed remitted without recurrence. Churchgoers were emphatic that they had undergone radical transformations of behavior and attitudes and that they were able to use ayahuasca to "eliminate their chronic anger, resentment, aggression and alienation," according to the report. But only in the proper context, and only for the right people. "With ayahuasca," Grob says, "you have a powerful means by which to achieve a transpersonal experience. But only if you do adequate screening and control conditions." Driving out to the woods to do something akin to an acid test in an attempt to overcome serious psychological troubles may be a dicey proposition. For instance, Grob says, if an ayahuasca neophyte has a latent, unknown family history of schizophrenia, he or she may have an "untoward reaction" to the DMT. That could mean anything from intense hallucinations to outright psychotic breaks. And if any aspiring Daimestas are less than forthcoming during the interview and don't disclose to Seligman that they're taking antidepressants, after quaffing the tea they may find themselves suffering from serotonin syndrome. That happens when the monoamine oxidase inhibitor (MAOI), the other active ingredient in the ayahuasca, interacts with the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) component of the depression medication. Serotonin syndrome can lead to tremors, high fever and even death. "It's a medical crisis when it occurs," Grob says. These possibilities are ostensibly what's keeping the DEA sniffing around the church. But Goldman remains confident that the church's screening process and its guardian system provide the essential safeguards to ensure that a good time is had by all. He has a feeling the Diamestas will emerge victorious against any appeals. After all, there seems to be a demand for what he's offering. "Things have changed a lot," Goldman says of the time since the ruling. "Operating freely is a big deal, and our mission is starting to grow." Last year's 12-hour Three Kings Day work had drawn only about 30 worshipers. This year, Goldman says, the number had more than doubled. As for my own spiritual experience with DMT—it was alright. I may not have gotten lasting satisfaction or fulfillment from my first time drinking Daime Tea. I didn't throw up, see snakes or have a conversation with Christ. But I certainly enjoyed myself in the moment. I also gained an understanding of how spirituality can coexist in a very simple way with what is for all intents and purposes an intoxicant, and how that sensation can be so meaningful for so many people. Unless the DEA gets its way, more curious seekers like me will continue to make the pilgrimage to Goldman's church for a completely unique spiritual experience—and the Daimestas will be shouting "Viva!" with open arms for years to come.
Part one of an interview with Julia Casey. Topics include: Julia's service as a clerk stenographer in the Civil Service Commission. Family history. Her parents came from Italy; her father was from Crenna and her mother was from Milan. The arranged marriage between her parents and their immigration to the United States. Her grandfather's work at a gas company in Italy. Her relatives worked in an embroidery business in Massachusetts. What it was like for Julia to grow up in Boston. Speaking proper Italian. What their neighborhood in Boston was like. The social club nearby. The foods people cooked and ate. The Christmas traditions of her family. How to prepare and serve polenta. Celebrations for patron saints. ; 1 LINDA: Okay. JULIA: All right. LINDA: So why don't I just start by saying this is Linda Rosenlund with the Center for Italian Culture at Fitchburg State College. It's Wednesday, November 16th, 2002. We're at the home of Julia Casey at 700 Pearl Street in Fitchburg. And Julia is just filling out the biographical information sheet, but I decided to turn the recorder on because she has some interesting anecdotes while she is writing. So she was just about to fill out the work history portion, and she began telling me that she worked for the War Department Chemical Warfare Services in Washington, DC, and you started 10 days after Pearl Harbor. JULIA: Yes. I had -- after high school, I had gone—and it's not noted here—to the stenotype school in Boston. And in the course of learning, they sent us to take a Civil Service Examination since [stenotypee] is a type, is machine shorthand. And in October, I took the [unintelligible - 00:01:13] Civil Service Examination in Boston, and then when the war broke out, I received a telegram to report to Washington by the 17th of December. And so 10 days after Pearl Harbor, I found myself at the War Department for assignment in the Civil Service Commission and the War Department. They sent me there, and then they assigned me to the Chemical Warfare Service as a clerk stenographer. LINDA: Does that mean it wasn't a choice? JULIA: No. No. There was no choice. They assigned you -- thousands of girls were pouring in from all over the country to, to man the increased offices for the War Department. The war was on, and every department in the government needed extra help, and so they took Civil Service Exams all over the country and the girls that were registered were sent telegrams to come in, and then they sent you wherever they needed you. So I worked there until I think October of 1944, and then I was transferred back to the Boston Procurement Office for the Chemical Warfare Service. LINDA: -kinds of things did you learn? 2 JULIA: It was straight stenographic work—filing, clerical, and stenographic work. I worked for a number of different people who dictated letters, and we typed them up and did general office work. LINDA: Were you ever learning anything interesting? JULIA: No. No, except the names of the various gases that they were using at the time, which was still pretty much what they had from World War I—mustard gas and things like that I haven't thought about it in years—but they had arsenals of gases all over the country. And so the correspondence mainly had to do with shipments and [unintelligible - 00:03:30] get into any of the research part at all. Men from major chemical corporations around the country came in to handle the government's program. Beyond that, we have no way of knowing. Things were either stamped secret or confidential. But the correspondence was so voluminous that things that came in, the regulations from the government had to all be filed and none of us did that and read anything like that. It was secret confidential, general -- you just filed it or you did whatever clerical work was assigned. LINDA: Obviously, war is such an uneasy time anyway. It must have been… JULIA: It was very exciting because we were young, and I eventually lived with four roommates in an apartment, and we worked almost six days a week. And because of the wartime, you didn't have as many things open to you. You couldn't visit the White House. For a long time, I never even got to see the Houses of Congress. We lived a very good life. We took care of our apartment. Each of the girls that I lived with, with whom I'm still closed friends, came from the different parts of the country except one who came from my own neighborhood. She lived with us. I lived with the girl from [unintelligible - 00:05:10], Missouri and a girl from Sunnyvale, California, and a girl that had come from Minneapolis, Minnesota, and we kept house, we shopped, we did laundry and we wanted to work in a 3 different agency and went to work with public transportation. We lived in Washington, and then we lived in Arlington, Virginia in an apartment. And we all came back to Boston together. We all arranged for transfers to various agencies in Boston. LINDA: Were you ever questioned about your Italian background? JULIA: No. I never was questioned. The questioning had to do with various organizations that you might have belonged to where they found your name. I mean, I was 18 years old when I left, so… And then I continued my Federal Civil Service until about seven months after I was married. LINDA: And that was in 1951? JULIA: 1950, yes. In April, I think I left my job, and I didn't work just for Chemical Warfare Service because after the war, they had what they call Reduction in Force, RIF. In other words, all the people that had been hired for the war were then let go, but you could go to other agencies that were getting rid of all of the stuff that the government had bought during the war, and one of the agencies I went to was the War Assets Administration in Boston. I forgot the name of the original name of the agency. They are in charge of reselling all of the machine tools that had been bought for the war plants, and New England was a very heavy industrial area for machine tools and machine and all kinds of things. So I went to work for the War Assets Administration, and then I think I put in sometime with one of the Air Force for terminal agencies here at the army base in Boston. And I was pregnant almost immediately after I was married, so I left in April of 1952. My first child was born in June of '52. LINDA: Are you okay? JULIA: Excuse me. I have a dry cough. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: [Unintelligible - 00:08:17] administration. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: I'll put CWS. That's the Chemical Warfare Service. LINDA: Okay.4 JULIA: And then War Assets Administration… and the Air Force. I still have all my papers, so I can check if we have to. And then I left in April. Our church, Catholic. That's all you want, isn't it? Or do you want… LINDA: Well, why don't you tell me where you go now? JULIA: All right. LINDA: -instead of Boston. JULIA: Okay, St. Camillus. LINDA: Okay. You have lived in Fitchburg since '68? JULIA: Yes. I've lived in Fitchburg since -- we moved here because my husband obtained the position of Director of the Library at Fitchburg State College in 1967, and he commuted about a year, and it was too much for him to commute to Boston. So, we had to sell -- we decided to sell our home, and we've lived here since March of 1968. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: Okay. Social clubs, wow. All right, I was a member, and still am, actually, of the League of Women Voters. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: Boston and Fitchburg. [Unintelligible - 00:10:07] Garden Club, where I was president for about four years. It's 1963, 1993, the June of [unintelligible - 00:10:30] Club. LINDA: I'm not familiar with that. JULIA: It's a Catholic layman's organization. I was actually the first woman admitted in the Fitchburg area. Would you mind opening the door? Letting the dog… LINDA: Oh okay. The dog is going to be [unintelligible - 00:10:48] with me now? JULIA: It's cold. She might just -- come on, sweetheart. Come, darling. Come on, Sasha. What a good [unintelligible - 00:10:59]. What a lovely dog! That would be on the tape. LINDA: That's okay. JULIA: All right. Let me…5 LINDA: What's that? JULIA: It's very cold in here because I turned down the heat, and the stove is not on. Let me just turn the heat up. Okay. Hold on. LINDA: Okay. What's the… JULIA: [Unintelligible - 00:11:24]. Ooh, my kids are [unintelligible - 00:11:29]. LINDA: Say what? JULIA: My [unintelligible - 00:11:33]. LINDA: Oh, who cares about things like that? Thanks for showing me all of the photographs. Julia just showed me the photographs that had been in her family since your mother passed away, I guess. What year was that? JULIA: My mother died in 1989 in Windsor, Vermont, because my sister owns a nursing home there and my mother went to live with her. But my mother lived alone on 11 and 13th Pompeii Street in Roxbury until she was 89 years old. My father had bought a six-family house on Pompeii Street, which originally was Lansdowne Street, and she lived in that house until she was 89 years old. Then she came to live with me for a year, and my sister took her up with her right after my son Steven's funeral in August of 1985. I treasure the artifacts, the furniture, and the pictures that I have. I have a whole collection of photographs from Italy which I'm hoping to organize before I die and so that the descendants will have some idea of who they came from. LINDA: Well, tell me a little bit about your parents. Were they born…? JULIA: My father was born in Crenna, Gallarate, C-R-E-N-N-A. It's a small town or village, and it's right above the city of Gallarate, G-A-L-L-A-R-A-T-E, which is a part of the Malpensa Airport in Milan. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: They are Lombards. My mother was born -- Lombardi is the province. My mother was born in Milan on December 5th, 1893. My father was born in Crenna, Gallarate on January 30th, 1891. And the family had lived there for a number of generations, and there are records in the church in Crenna. 6 LINDA: And their last names? Your father's last name is… JULIA: [Tomasine]. LINDA: Tomasine. JULIA: Yeah. LINDA: Mother's? JULIA: Seminario, and it was an arranged marriage. LINDA: So tell me a little bit about that. Did your mother tell you that was an arranged marriage, or…? JULIA: Most Italian women had to have the approval of their families before they married. It's a little complicated. When my father was an infant, a young girl baby was… I do not know the circumstances. She was assigned, she was asked -- no, that's wrong. She was given to my grandmother in Crenna, who was at the time nursing my papa. In other words, she was a nursing mother. And oftentimes when babies were either abandoned or the mother died or was too ill to take care of them, they were given to a nursing mother, who brought that child up along with the child she was nursing. In other words, she became a wet nurse. And if she had sufficient milk—since there were no formulas or bottles at the time—then she nursed both children. And this little girl, whose name was Carolina, she was brought up with my father until she was 18 years old. And then she was given her freedom, her choice to do whatever she wished, and at that time of course, girls, they went to work or they married. And she went to Milan to work, and she met one of my mother's uncles and married him, and as a result of this marriage, the two families were connected, not by blood, but because this girl had been raised with my father. And they have a child of their own, a little girl. And when the little girl was 9 years old, when [unintelligible - 00:17:15] was 9 years old, Carolina, her mother, died. And at the funeral, 7 which was during World War I, my mother went and my father went, because they were from the two families. My father went because she was called his sister of the milk, [foreign language - 00:17:45] de latte. That means that his mother nursed the two of them together, [unintelligible - 00:17:52] de latte. It was quite common, if there was no other way for these little babies to survive. Many women didn't have enough milk to feed their children, and my mother told me that in Milan, there were professionals wet nurses, and they used to come into the city on trams from the surrounding villages, and they wore special headdresses so they were recognized as women who were going to nurse babies in private homes. And this was their profession as long as they could. They would go to the home of somebody who could afford it and nurse a child whose mother is not able to feed a child, and they were honored. They were very respected women, recognized. They used to come in on the trolley cars into the city. And so I thought that was a very interesting thing. I have never heard of it myself. But I know I had another aunt on my father's side who went to South America and who could not nurse her first child and took her to a wet nurse in the country to nurse, to be fed. So it was not an uncommon situation at all. LINDA: So now your parents got connected at the… JULIA: They're only connected -- it's not a blood relationship. LINDA: Right. JULIA: It was marriage. And… LINDA: So you were telling me that it was arranged. JULIA: Yes. When my father came, my father came to America in 1912 with two brothers, two brothers were here, but America was a very tough place to be if you didn't speak English, and he didn't have any high skills. My father was trained as an embroiderer, because that was his father's cottage 8 industry in my [unintelligible - 00:20:23] in Crenna. But he couldn't get that kind of work in America, and so he did heavy laboring, washed dishes and did anything he could. And being the oldest son, when the family in Italy needed him, he went back, but he went back unfortunately in 1914. I think he told me that he went back in April, and in August the war broke out. And his youngest brothers were taught in the Italian army, and his two brothers in America joined the American army. So there were two brothers in the Italian army in the infantry and two boys who had a wonderful time in the American army and never was sent overseas. So when his sister of the milk died, then he met my mother at that funeral, but right after the war's conditions in Italy were very bad, he came back to America in 1919. And he felt that he was then about 26, 27 years old, and he felt that it was time to settle down, and he wrote to his mother. And his mother arranged with my mother's father and asked my mother if she would like to go to America to marry her son. And my mother agreed even though she didn't know him and had only met him at that one time, and so she came to America. LINDA: Did she come by herself? JULIA: No. Italian women did not come by themselves, unlike the Irish, who did. She came with -- by this time, the two boys, Vincent and Peter Tomasine, who were in the United States, decided that they wanted their mother to come. My grandparents were separated at that time, and so they made arrangements. One son Vincent had a girlfriend in Italy that he had more or less grown up with, and he sent for her. And then my uncle Peter and -- let's see, my grandmother came. They sent for their mother and Maria [unintelligible - 00:23:12], who married Vincent, and then my grandmother brought her youngest daughter, Mary, who was not married, and she brought her son-in-law, Angelo [unintelligible - 00:23:25], who 9 was married to my father's sister and had gone back to Italy from South America during the war. And after the war, he wanted to come to America. But the men always came first. So he came with his mother-in-law, who was my grandmother. LINDA: So your father returned in 1919. How long did he take him to save enough money to send for these? JULIA: Well, he worked very hard and the passage was very cheap, and so he sent money for them and sponsored my mother. And when she came here, they were married. There wasn't any big ceremony or anything like that. They lived with his mother and Maria [unintelligible - 00:24:24], who then married my uncle Vincent, and my father's youngest sister, Mary, Maria, and his brother-in-law until they all got settled. They lived in Roxbury in a flat. And then… LINDA: And what year was this that your mother came over JULIA: It was 1920 and '21, 1921. She arrived on October 12th in New York the same day, because she always said she came the same time as Christopher Columbus, on October 12th, 1921. By the way, I have a tape here that I -- of a family history that I wrote up in 1981, and we played it at Christmastime. And the whole story is on this tape. LINDA: Oh, interesting. JULIA: As far as I can remember—and I don't vouch for extreme accuracy in anything, because by that time, my mother was pretty well along in years in the late '70s. And she was 80. My mother and I, I went to Italy for the first time when I was 50 years old in August -- September of 1973. I went back with my mother, and I was in time to meet her brother, Raymundo Clemente, her brother, Umberto. His name was Umberto Seminario, the father of the boy who was lost in the Second World War, and his wife Osana, and my mother's half sister, Anna. And I say half sister because my mother's mother died at the age of 25 from consumption, when my mother was only four years old and her brother was two. And my grandfather, Raymundo Seminario had to remarry. He married within six 10 months so that he could keep his two children. Then there were two girls born of that marriage. LINDA: Did you mention the name Clemente? JULIA: Clemente was my grandfather, Raymundo Clemente Juliano Seminario. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: Yeah, three names. And sometimes they call him Clemente. Sometimes they call him Raymundo. But I was named for him, and my brother was named for him. LINDA: Well, that brings up an interesting point. I see that your name is spelled J-U-L-I-A, and Italian… JULIA: They Americanized it. LINDA: … didn't have J. JULIA: Yes. They don't have a J. LINDA: So when did that happen? JULIA: Probably when the birth certificate was sent into city hall. I was born at home, and the doctors who came in attendance didn't speak any Italian, and so they just put down what they heard phonetically. My brother and sister, all of us were born at home. So the records at city hall were just deplorable. They're awful. Then, of course, when we were baptized, then the names were different even on those baptismal records, which I have, because then we were baptized in the Italian churches in Boston. LINDA: So let me get back to the birth certificate. It's been my experience where the birth certificate actually has the Italian name, but it's later in school. Not yours? JULIA: No. I'd have to look it up, and you know, I'd have to look it up. But I think that the birth certificate -- it might be. LINDA: Well, it's just interesting that you [unintelligible - 00:28:52] change. JULIA: I also have my mother's, her brother's, and their half sister's report cards from their Italian elementary school in Milan, Italy, all signed by their father, my grandfather. I have it right around the corner. They're in the back.11 LINDA: Very interesting. JULIA: I went to visit the schools that they attended when I went to Milan. LINDA: So now your experience seems very different from many of the Italian Americans that I have, and their family is situated [unintelligible - 00:29:33] north. JULIA: Yes. Yes. Most of the Italian immigrants were from the central and southern part of Italy. From the north, the population there was more educated, and there was more industry, so jobs were plentiful unless, like in my grandfather's case, you had an industry where he was an embroiderer at many areas that have cottage industries. He worked out of his own home, and he was not a particularly good business man. So when the wars came along and he lost a lot of money, building an apartment house, so the boys decided that they would all come to America. LINDA: But they actually left the first time before the war. JULIA: Yes. Three of them came before the war, and my father was the only one that went back because he was the oldest son, and he must received word that things were not going well at home. And so he went back to help out for a time, but then after the -- he had to go into combat. Then when he came back after the war, things were not much better, and he joined his brothers in America again. LINDA: What did your mother's people do for…? JULIA: My grandfather started at the age of eight carrying bricks. He came from a large family in [unintelligible - 00:31:20], which is in Lombardi. It's the same town where Mother Cabrini was born. She was a modern Italian saint. And because child labor was very common, he went to school to learn to read and write, but then he got a job carrying bricks to build the gas company, and I just recently found out that the gas company in Milan was built by a French firm. 12 And so after the building was built, he got a job in the company. I don't know what he was doing, but he probably started out by shoveling coal or whatever. They made gas out of burning coal. And eventually, he worked his way up in the company until at the age of 54, he was in charge of sending out the gas to the entire city of Milan. They had huge gasometers in which they stored the prepared gas, and it's very strange because when my mother and father bought their house in Roxbury right across Massachusetts Avenue, which was the main street outside—their street connected to Massachusetts Avenue—there was a huge gasometer meter that was owned by the Boston Gas Company. And so all of my early life, I saw the same huge gasometer that my grandfather was a part of in Milan. LINDA: Interesting. JULIA: Right. It's gone now, as they put in the southeast expressway. They took it away, and they have different -- now they bring the gas in by pipeline, so they don't store it. LINDA: Did you ever have any discussions with your parents about the fact that it was an arranged marriage, or was it just so common then? JULIA: It was very common. You married people that you were introduced to, or there wasn't any of this thing of going out on dates. The expression in Northern Italy for a couple who were interested in each other was [foreign language - 00:34:04], meaning they speak to each other. That was the expression. They stayed in groups. They're amongst the families, and a gentleman, once a young man was interested in a girl, his only access was through her family. LINDA: Now, what brought your father to Boston? JULIA: Because his brothers were here and he figured he could -- he was very, very nervous. After the war, he came back in a very light post -- what do they call it? LINDA: Post-traumatic syndrome? JULIA: Post-traumatic… LINDA: Syndrome, I think.13 JULIA: They didn't call it that at the time, but he couldn't stay at home. And so, he came here and he did mostly have [unintelligible - 00:35:04] for the rest of his life. LINDA: But initially, when he came in 1912 with his brothers, what brought them to Boston? JULIA: Because they -- the Italians had started coming to America around 1890, 1888-1890, and the word got back that you could earn a living, and his brothers happened to be there. They had an aunt, their father's sister, Luisa Milani, came around 1880 or 1890, and she was married to a man who was a stonecutter, and of course, marble and granite. They have quarries in Massachusetts and Vermont, and her husband was a stonecutter. In fact, he died of silicosis. And these men were skilled laborers, and they worked in -- where they made cemetery monuments and they carved, they quarried stone for buildings. So their aunt was here, and they have to have someone to sponsor them. So my first two uncles came under her sponsorship, and so did my father under her sponsorship. Then a younger brother came around 1928. He had remained in Italy after the war. He was the youngest, and he came later than they did. And he became an automobile mechanic, a very skilled one. So that's right. And then my father, he bought these two houses for $1,700 apiece, and his brother Vincent gave him a down payment to put down so he could get settled. They bought homes almost immediately after they arrived. LINDA: Is this on Lansdowne, which later became Pompeii Street? JULIA: Yes. Well, my father did, and then his two brothers bought homes in other places. And his brother Vincent started up the same family embroidery business that he was -- that was his trade the rest of his life. He had a factory in [unintelligible - 00:37:36] where he did a great deal of 14 [wobbler], the embroidered patches that they used to distinguish outfits and military units and all types of things like that. LINDA: What's the name of that company? Do you know? JULIA: It was Vincent Tomasine Embroideries. And in fact later, after the war, long after the war, he sold it to someone else. LINDA: I'm wondering why your father didn't… JULIA: He couldn't stand it. After the way, he couldn't stand indoor work. He just couldn't. He was too nervous, and the business of course was run very differently from what his father had run in Italy, a one-man shop, whereas my uncle, all of my aunts went to work for my uncle, and they would get contracts. Say, women will embroidered slips and embroidered underwear, and the manufacturers in Boston that were making rayon, nylons, shorts would send -- they would stitch up the fronts of the slips, then they would send them by the box-loads to my uncle, who would put them on frames and do the embroideries on the front, then they went back to the factories to be re-stitched, to be stitched and completed. So he did all the embroidery, work whether it was blouses, whether it was slips, whether it was anything else that had to be done. As I said, during the war, it was military patches. LINDA: Now, about your mantle, you have a beautiful piece of embroidery. Who did that? JULIA: My mother. Because her mother had died so young from consumption, my grandfather refused to allow his daughters to work in large factories, in a factory. He didn't want them to do factory work. And so at that time, clothing was made almost custom. They didn't have huge factories that churned them all by the thousands, and fine clothing for girl who was going to be married, her [foreign language - 00:40:00] was made out of fine cloth and linen. And there were many, many -- again, it's a type of cottage industry, but small shops that were girls that were hired for this skill in stitching and 15 attaching tucking, attaching waist, and my mother worked in a place where they made shirts, and all kinds of skilled work was done by hand on single machines. And then every year for the month, they were allowed to vacation. My grandfather took them to the mountains, and that's still customary today. Every summer, most of the Italians go off to the mountains of the seashore for vacation. They believe in that. Most of them can afford to do that. If they can't, then they go away for a week or two. LINDA: So let's talk more about Boston. What was it like living on Lansdowne Street? JULIA: We loved it. It was a good street, and the same people that lived there when I was a child, the girls that grew up with me, other than one or two who have died, are still my friends. I still maintain contact even though they might have been a year or two younger or older, that contact with those families have never really been broken. There were about 60 families on two streets in a very -- they were part of [war day], but they were off of Massachusetts Avenue near the south end of Boston, although it was officially Roxbury. And all of the landlords on those two streets were Italian, and they came from all parts of Italy from the Piedmont to Lombardi down to Abruzzo down to the southern part all the way to Sicily. LINDA: Yeah. JULIA: So I grew up learning many dialects, hearing many dialects, and my mother kept in touch. She wrote letters to her family and friends in Italy and relatives until she couldn't see anymore 65 years later. So I would see my mother sitting there late at night, midnight, writing to Italy, and then the letters would come back and… LINDA: Did she save those?16 JULIA: No. I did it. She didn't. I saved quite a few. I have quite a lot, and as a matter of fact, one of my mother's girlfriends, [unintelligible - 00:43:10], I think, married a man named [unintelligible - 00:43:18], and her descendants lived in a part of Milan, and our children, which would represent the fourth generation, this lady's grandfather worked with my grandfather at the Milan Gasworks. And my mother kept in touch all those years with his daughter, with her friend, because they were neighbors. LINDA: Let me just slide you hand through here. Okay. JULIA: And my daughters and my sister's daughters had gone to Italy after college and met them and stayed with them. So there were four generations whose friendship has stood the test of time. LINDA: That's remarkable. JULIA: They came to visit two years ago, and I've been there to visit twice with my mother. LINDA: So what was it like when you went back? JULIA: It was like déjà vu. I knew everyone that my mother introduced me to. I'm very fluent in the dialect, which is very seldom spoken now anymore, because after Mussolini came in, one of the ways that he tried to unify the country of Italy was to insist that they all speak proper Italian, whereas everyone who came to America during the '20s and before spoke the dialect of their own region, or their own village. In fact, many people on Pompeii Street could not understand my parents. No one could if they spoke in the Lombard dialect, because it was so different. LINDA: How did they communicate? JULIA: Because they did have a common -- they could speak in proper Italian. Many of them had gone to school. And I mean, they could -- if they went to school in Italy, then they could read Italian, but there was a common thread. It was very difficult though, because they usually never spoke in proper Italian. But the southern Italian spoke closer to the proper language.17 LINDA: The southern? JULIA: Yeah. The southern and central ones, they spoke in a manner that was a little bit closer, closer to proper Italian. And my mother wrote in proper Italian, and most of them have had elementary school educations so that they could communicate with their families in Italy. LINDA: Did your parents learn English? JULIA: Yes, they did. My father could read the American paper. They listened to the news on the radio, and of course, we grew up and went to school in America. And my mother was forced. It was very, very difficult adjustment because she frequently misunderstood what I said in English, and it made for a great deal of friction until enough years went by that my youngest sister came along 13 years after I did. By that time, my sister came to understand the Italian because in the family, my mother and father still spoke in dialect and all of my aunts and uncles, the same dialect. So we got it through hearing it. It wasn't until I went back to Italy the first time in 1973 that we went back for three or four weeks, and it was the first time that I had what you call an immersion, where everybody spoke proper Italian and I suddenly understood. Like a person who plays the piano by ear, I understood the Italian. And then, when I went back in '76 with my mother and sister, again I was exposed to about three weeks or so, or a month, of everyone speaking proper Italian, except in mountain villages, where I visited with my mother—they still spoke dialect. And of course, I was fluent, and I still am. LINDA: So let me see though. Do I understand this correctly? Your mother spoke the dialect, but she came to… JULIA: But she could read and write proper Italian. LINDA: Right. So when she returned, and people were speaking more proper…18 JULIA: Right. But we only did family visiting. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: And so everyone she could understand because she could write and she had learned proper Italian. And my mother remembered the lyrics, the words to the songs she had learned from nursery school. She was sent to nursery school. Remember, my grandfather remarried, and his second wife had two babies. And nursery school, [foreign language - 00:49:00], it was called. [Foreign language - 00:49:04] is the proper Italian word. And they had very fine nursery school for children, and so my mother and her brother and sister were sent to nursery school, and -- my mother told me a very interesting thing. Up until she was 15 years old and went to this private Catholic school that was run by the Sisters of the Sacred Heart in Milan, even then, they had a woman who was referred to as [foreign language - 00:49:43]. And I haven't exactly known how to spell it, but a woman accompanied all these children to all their homes. The school was not far from their homes, but the children were accompanied to their homes by a lady. Even when she was 15 years old, someone accompanied all these students to their homes. LINDA: So when they walked home… JULIA: Right. Unless the parents came to get them; and if they couldn't, then somebody took them home. LINDA: Wow. So getting back to Boston, do you have all of these different regions where they are different Italians… from different regions is what I mean… JULIA: And all we young girls, all of us, we would play together, and then we would compare how our mother said things, how we would, you know, be there laughing, and then we [unintelligible - 00:50:48]. My mother said it like this. My mother said it like that. And all of us learned the different dialects, or they understood them even if they didn't try to speak them. 19 We had an awful lot of fun. We played on the street. We played street games. We learned to dance on the street. Our mothers taught us to crochet and embroider. That was another way that we passed the time. And the mothers, because this was small street, when the housework was done or the middle of the day, they came out, and when they weren't arms akimbo leaning out of their windows, they were down in the doorways, and we were watched all our lives, all of those young years. Somebody was always watching and looking out on the street, so nobody got away with anything. LINDA: Now, do the mothers socialize together? JULIA: Yes, they visited each other's little lots. As I said, I think I counted one time; there might have been 60 flats. It's still in existence, that neighborhood. But it's been bought by a developer. In fact, my brother still owns my father's house. He doesn't live there, but he still owns it. LINDA: So you had all different kinds of generations… JULIA: And all different kinds of cooking and all different generations; and when they died, they were waked in the apartments. They were not waked in funeral homes. Many children were born on the street, so we saw it all. We experienced it all. And young people died. I had two friends who were wonderful, lost a sister. Both of them lost sisters at 21 years old, and the whole street was born. It was complete support from everyone, because these girls had been -- one died in childbirth at 21 years old, and the other one died from apparently a blood clot just after some surgery. And everyone went to Boston City Hospital because we were only five minutes away from it. LINDA: Were the mourning traditions different between different regions? JULIA: They wore black. Some of them never took off that black. Even in the north end, most women who lost their husbands would wear black for the rest of their lives unless they remarried. Some of them did the same thing 20 on my street; if they lost their husbands they wore black housedresses. It was just the custom. But several children died, two of them from spinal meningitis, which at that time was fatal. And I think one was nine and one was 14. And of course, women, they mourned. They wept. They cried. That was a terrible thing. It was a part of life, and they didn't try to gloss over it. They lost a child in childbirth. You could hear them sometimes screaming from the pain even though doctor might come, an intern might come from Boston City Hospital. I remember that one of my friends' mother gave birth, and she lived on the third floor across the street. It must have been an extremely painful experience. My mother was marking the floor gray-faced, remembering her own. LINDA: So there was very little privacy. JULIA: The flat was small, and there was very little privacy. We knew who got along, who didn't get along. And some of them, even though they came from the old country, if things got too bad, they will separate. But for the most -- and the women as they got older, our parents, not my mother -- my mother went to work during the Depression when my father had an accident and broke his leg. He couldn't go to work. My mother went to work at the army base stitching uniforms. But it was only for a short time. As soon as my father was well enough to go back to work, then she had to stay home. LINDA: … in that area generally help each other? JULIA: To some extent. I will say this. When the Depression came, even though we lived in an industrial neighborhood, there were many pieces of vacant land. We have no idea who belonged to them, whether they were city owned land or belong to the neighboring factories. We had two very huge laundries which are still in existence. They were linen services. They 21 serviced hotels, restaurants. They did that kind of thing, places that used a lot of uniforms. So the girls who were brought up just ahead of me, many of them went to work in the laundry. I did too for a short time, while I went to night school after high school, and then as I said, when I passed the civil service exam, then I went to Washington. And after that, I did office work. But as the women grew older and their children were out of high school, many of them went to work either in the laundry or in a box factory. But during the Depression, every family sectioned off some small piece of these vacant lots and grew gardens. That was natural for them; even my father had an enormous garden from a piece of land that was vacant near our home. And according to my sister—this was while I was in Washington—and my mother, he just grew marvelous vegetables. Everybody grew, even in their backyards. No piece of land went to waste. So I never knew anyone who went hungry during the Depression. They would find jobs for each other. You just have to let -- they worked for private contractors, and Italian contractors were making their way up succeeding the Irish. So if my father was out of a job, he would notify the Italian men in the neighborhood and somebody would find him a job. LINDA: Now, did you notice that these people from different regions, did they kind of stick together? JULIA: Yes, they did. They [unintelligible - 00:58:30] somebody bought houses close together and lived in -- and people from the Piedmont occupied apartments kind of close together. But it was a tiny street. It was very small. So you were all -- you just grew up together. And as the women, as the families lived there longer 22 and longer, they got closer to each other, so they learned to respect each other. LINDA: What do you think the unifying factor would be, would have been? JULIA: The fact that they were all immigrants, and that they were locked into these -- they were a part of this small neighborhood. So you have to get -- men played bocce at the end of the street. Then they set up a social club. A few of the men from Abruzzo belonged to the Sons of Italy. And in the summertime, they would have a bus come to the street, and all the Italians who wanted to would bring watermelons and macaroni and meatballs and Italian bread and cheese and salami. If you want to tour, you can get on the bus and they would go to public parks where the Sons of Italy would have a big day. There would be a dance pavilion. They would dance to all this Italian music and have picnics, and the young kids would let them go [unintelligible - 01:00:15]. LINDA: Now, did people growing up here, did they begin their own social clubs depending on regions? JULIA: No. There was just one, and most of them were… I think the ones that belong to it mostly were from the Abruzzo. My father belonged to it a little while, but he wasn't really active. But there were quite a few families from the Abruzzo region of Italy and they belong. And they drank wine; they made wine in the house. The grapes would come into Charlestown, Massachusetts on the trains, and every October they would go to Charlestown and they would order a truckload of grapes. Then they would borrow grinders—my father did too—and grind the grapes. They might make a [unintelligible - 01:01:08] with boxes of grapes and make wine. So whenever you went to visit then [unintelligible - 01:01:16] you were an adult, they always offer you a glass of wine. Everybody's cooking was different because they came from different regions. My mother never learned to make what we refer to at the time as pasta [foreign language -23 01:01:33]. But today it's knows as spaghetti and meatballs. My mother had to learn after she came to America. That was not part of our Italian food culture at all. My mother came -- Milan is near a rice-growing area. So in Northern Italy, you eat cornmeal, polenta, and rice were the staples, soups. But in Southern Italy, they were used to for special occasions, they would -- it was always with tomato sauce that was the standard pasta with tomato sauce. Very seldom, they eat rice. None of us ate much meat. Meat was eaten very sparingly. In the Lombard region, the main dish which is now becoming, and again, has become very, very popular is called risotto. That was one of the staples that I grew up with. And the holidays, we had -- at that time, some of the delicacies that are important today were not important. Things like [foreign language - 01:03:10] was not important, but my mother told us about the Christmas customs in her home. She always mentioned this [foreign language - 01:03:19]. Now you can buy it anywhere. They import it, because the fly it in, and we had special things that we ate on holidays. And my mother told us about the Christmas customs of her family. LINDA: So was that a strong tradition on Christmas Eve celebration? JULIA: Christmas Eve was considered even by the Church as a day of fasting and abstinence. Christmas Eve, when I was growing up, was a non-meat day, and amongst the Italians, who were not accustomed to dairy anyway, they use cheese. But on Christmas Eve, you ate neither milk products nor meat. You ate fish. Now, the southern and central Italians would celebrate. They might cook six or seven, in some families, 12 different kinds of fish dishes. In my family, we observe Christmas Eve very quietly with no kind of celebration at all. The next day on Christmas, then we would have -- we might have polenta, which I made this Christmas, by the way. 24 LINDA: Oh, you did. JULIA: Yes. LINDA: Now, how did you serve it? JULIA: I plugged in? LINDA: You are. Just having system -- hang on. Okay. JULIA: Polenta is made—and I can assure you because I still have a package of flour there. You can buy it today under the Goya brand; it's the only place I find it. But in my father's day, you went to the various Italian markets and they would have barrels of it, and you bought course ground corn flour, cornmeal, and then you just put it into -- I still have my parents' cup of polenta pot. Everybody brought their polenta pot from Italy. It was called, in the dialect, the parieu. LINDA: How do you spell it? Do you know? JULIA: Parieu, P-A-R-I-E-U. It's how you pronounced it. That's in Lombard dialect. LINDA: And that's the polenta pot. JULIA: Right. Let's see, how did they say it in Italy? Paiolo is the proper Italian word, I think, if I can find it in here. Paiolo, P-A-I-O-L-O or P-A-I-U-O-L-O; it's a boiler, a copper, a cauldron, a kettle, that they used for polenta. LINDA: So how did your family used to serve the polenta? JULIA: The polenta was made in this copper pot that had a rounded bottom designed to hang from a crane on a fireplace. Because in Italy, they didn't have stoves, not even my mother's family, who lived in an apartment in the city, had a stove; they had small gas light burners. But if you have -- we have kitchen rangers, black iron ranges, and they would remove the round top on one section of it in the front where the fire was farthest, and boil a certain amount of water when you have much water to boil. And then you very, very slowly added the cornmeal. You added salt, maybe a little piece of garlic, and you slowly add in the cornmeal. 25 Now, one person has to hold the pot so it wouldn't tip over. And my father, that was my father's job, to stir that cornmeal until it was very thick and firm, and used an old piece of broomstick to do this, a [canalla], a piece of stick, like a piece of broomstick. Then when it was very firm, they would put down a cutting board, a piece of board on the table, cover it with a flour sack that had been -- a clean dishcloth. They used to make dishcloths out of flour sacks, the women, unbleached muslin. And my father would take that big kettle of polenta and dump it over on top of this cloth and then cover it. Then they use the string to cut it. You cut it because it would slice down with the string. And I've met many people in Fitchburg who remembered that same system of cooking polenta and cutting it with the string and dumping it over onto something. And we served it with various kinds of stew. Now, the southern and central Italians would most likely serve it with a meat ragout or Italian tomato sauce that they might use for any pasta dish. We served it with a stew that was called cassoeula, very difficult to spell, C-A-S-S-O-E-U-L-A. It was made from savoy cabbage, Italian sausages, spare ribs, and cooked with carrots and onions and garlic into light -- but no tomatoes, celery, into this wonderful stew, and I made it this Christmas. So from now on, as long as I'm alive, that's what we'll have for Christmas, and that's what we ate. Or they would make a rabbit… make a stew out of rabbit or chicken. But that's how we ate it. Then my father would eat it with gorgonzola cheese. And the next day, you sliced it and cut it and fried it with eggs for lunch or supper. I had an uncle, an old uncle, who lived with me after he was widowed, and he used to slice it the next day and layer it with milk and onions and bake it. And you can use polenta like you can use potatoes or rice with anything. It's delicious. My Irish husband loves it. Right, the kids love it. And you can make it out of a Quaker oats cornmeal too, but I don't like it as well as I 26 do the coarse meal. It has become quite popular again in upscale restaurants. LINDA: Now, when your mother would serve it on the board at the table, did… JULIA: Yeah. Put your dish there, and my father would take the string and the slice would fall on to the dish, then she'd serve the stew from the bowl or the pan. LINDA: I've also heard of people in Fitchburg, their mother would lay it out on the board, and then everyone would kind of eat it… JULIA: I have all that. Now, the first one I met since I've been here that tells me that, but I have a very close friend whose parents have 13 children, and the father made a big, long table to accommodate them. They lived in my father's, one of my father's flats, and when they made the polenta and the tomato sauce, he would lay it out on this table, and every child would have, every person would have a section and would eat with his fork or spoon, then they would put the tomato sauce over it. Right. LINDA: That's interesting. JULIA: Right. LINDA: So now, living with all these different regions or people from regions, were there different patron saints or celebrations? JULIA: A lot of them had relatives in the north end, and the north end was really the center of the Italian religious community, and so some of them would visit their relatives on feast days. Some of the Sicilian women who had relatives in the north end, they would go to the north on feast days. But we didn't do that. They would celebrate the feast days now that I think of it by cooking special foods, and a lot of them have like little [plaster] saints, and they would always keep votive candles, which was strange. They were little wicks that floated, little wicks, and you lit the wick, and they'd have like some kind of maybe a little asbestos washer, some little washer. I haven't seen those for 50-60 years. I haven't seen them. But I remembered the women used to keep -- a lot of the Southern Italian 27 women would keep votive lights. They would pray for their families and pray for good health, and they were attached to devotions to these different saints, or St. Joseph or the Virgin Mary, and they would keep little votive lights. I'm trying to think what -- they didn't have racks in them, but I don't know what the liquid was in these -- I mean, they still have the same candleholders. I got them on my dining room table right there, but they didn't have -- I don't remember the candles. I remember these little wicks./AT/jf/lk/es
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Alleman Hardware Co., Manufacturer's Agent and Jobber of HARDWARE, OILS, PAINTS AND QUEENSWARE, GETTYSBURG, PA. The only Jobbing House in Adams County. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Vft Seligiiiqi] Am Gettysburg's Most Reliable THILOfjS «»»«* « « 0« « CO., MANUFACTURERS, YORK, PA . U S er Government for this murderous act, but he denied it and put all blame upon the natives, and furthermore, he declared that there was no great loss, because these two families were in the way of prosperity. The British flag was then raised on the place, and he called it British ter-ritory. The Boer Government complained bitterly on account of this act. England answered that it was done without her consent, but as the flag was flying, it could not be taken down, and that England was willing to pay damages to the sum of two million pounds. In 1878, gold was discovered in Zululand, and when Eng-land hoard'of this, she decided that she must have a part of it or all of it. I believe that England would claim the moon, if there were a way to rcn-n that celestial body, and if diamonds and gold were discovered on it And if she had no other rea-sons for her claims, she would say, "we have looked on it for so Jong." But Shoedanviia. the king of Zulaland, was not willing that the British should have their own way for he knew that this would end his rule and bring ruin to his people, and so he ■went to war with Engi-.nd. ' England was worsted in this war. Their army, after having received several defeat , was finally surrounded by the Zulus and would have been annihilated, had not the Boers interfered. Gen-eral Lewis Mover wa; sent from Pretoria with 5,000 Boers to aid the English. He siu.eeded in breaking through the lines, of IO THE MERCURY the Zulu- and relieved the English army. As soon as the Eng-lish gem al realized that he was no longer m danger, lie took matters into his own. hards and invited the Zulu king to visit the British camp under a flag of truce and make tei as soon as lie arrived lie was arrested and e> :>f peace; but on a small island off the western ooast of Africa. England thought that this would end the triibe with the Zulus, but the son of the exiled ruler proclaimed himself king and made preparations to continue the war, but England had enough, and secretly with-drew her arm}' into. Natal. The English Government was chagrined by this defeat at the hands of a savage nation, and the loss of men and money, with-out any corresponding gain of territory, consequently she de-cided to steal the Orange Free State and part of Transvaal. But the Boer Government watched them closely and made pre-parations to meet the invasion. In 18S1 the English army marched into Boer territory, but they were entrapped by an army of Boers numbering 600 men, who defeated the British army of 7,000 men. They killed about half of them and cap-tured the others. When Gladstone, the premier of England, received news of the battle, he said: "I can,not send soldiers to South Africa as fast as the Boers kill them. We ought to make peace with those people who know how to fight for their rights and liberty." A term of trust was agreed upon during which time hostilities should cease, and President Krueger was invit-ed to come to London to make definite terms of peace. Accord-ingly, in 1883, President Krueger, .Taubert, Dr. Reitz and mv-self, went to London where we were treated witli the greatest re-spect by the English. Oom Paul was regarded as a hero With the help of Mr Gladstone, a man of honor, who was friendly toward the Boers, a treaty was signed which favored the Boers. The Tinted States had already recognized the South African Republics as independent governments. In this treaty, Eng-land did likewise, and soon many other powers followed. We went on our way'rejoicing. First to Holland and from there to Germany, where Bismarck gave a dinner in honor of Krueger and hi;-, party. It was on this occasion that Bismarck said: "Krueger is the greatest statesman living, for he got the best of that political fox, Gladstone, and England will dig the grave of her wprld's power in South Africa."- THE MERCURY II The treatj' made in London in 1884 would probably never bave been broken, had not gold been discovered in Jobannsburg, Transvaal during the same year; and if Gladstone., Bismarck and James Blam had lived in 1899, the war would not have broken out. When it became known in England that plenty of gold could be found at Johannsburg. the English people at once began to flock thcTe. Cecil Rhodes, a heartless man without conscience, was one of the first arrivals, who at once made prep-arations to mine the gold. He realized that it would not do to bluff Krueger as he had done before, therefore, he began to treat with Krueger and .he Government in Pretoria. He offered to organize a company to dig the gold and give a certain percent-age to the Boer Government. This company was organized, and it was agreed that the Boer Government should receive 25 per cent, of all the gold mined. All went well for a time; but in the year 1891 the English capitalists began to complain about this percentage, claiming that it was too high. Cecil Rhodes, Barno Banato and Alfred Beit, as the heads of the company, forced the working people to strik.v This strike broke out in 1894 and was at once put down by the Government. In order to lower the wages of the working-men, the company brought in prisoners to work in the mines, but the Government would not allow them to remain. After this failure, the. company imported coolies from Japan, China and India, but these the Government also sent away. Then the company bought control of many Eng-lish newspapers and the newspapers of other countries and these papers slandered the Boers as being opposed to prosperity and progress. Joe Chamberlain, Secretary of the Colonies in Lon-don, now took up the matter and commanded the Boers to per-mit the importation of foreign laborers, and, furthermore, to give all British subjects the right to vote and to hold office. The Government was willing to grant this privilege providing these subjects should swear allegiance to the Transvaal Republic. This the British refused to do. Cecil Rhodes and his friends hired Dr. Jamison and a civil engineer from the United States to organize a mob, invade Jo-hannsburg and take the mines from the Boers; and if possible, to overthrow the Government in Pretoria. The two men organ-ized a mob of 3,000 men who marched up from Capetown and openly boasted that they would soon have the Boers under con- 12 THE MERCURY trol. But the Boers made preparations to meet the mob and were ready to interfere when the time came. Jamison and his men came on toward Johannsburg and expected to arrive there in the evening; hut 'he Boers intercepted them and made an at-tack about nine miles from Johannsburi;. Jamison and his men after a short fight, were captured and taken to Johannsburg. Dr. Jamison and nineteen other leaders were taken to Pretoria and there imprisoned, -while the remainder were condemned to be shot for high treason. The British Government claimed to have no knowledge of the matter, but declared that they would punish these men, if the Boers would turn them over to them. President Krueger obeyed their request and handed over the captives. They were taken to London, given a mock trial, sen-tenced to six months imprisonment, but were soon afterwards pardoned by the Queen. Chamberlain and Rhodes determined to bring on a war be-tween the two nations and, therefore, troops were constantly being brought into cur country. When we inquired as to the meaning of this, we were put off or received no answer at all. It was a kind of "cat and mouse" philosophy wdiich England wished to practice on the Boers; England being the cat and the Boers the mouse. England said, "I am a cat and am satisfied, while you ought to be willing to become a part of a cat." "Come," she said, "let me devour you that you may become a part of a cat as so many other mice have done before." But the Boers failed to see the wisdom of this kind of philosophy and refused the invitation to be eaten. m THE MERCURY , 13 WHAT THE TURKEY DID. ■ A Christmas Story. H. A. CHAMBERLIU, '08. KTHUK CLARKS01SF ceased his labors and, buried in thought, rested for a moment leaning upon his axe. Truly his life was a hard one. .Why should he be compelled to remain here on this farm to cut wood while his companions were enjoying themselves with their friends and relatives at their respective homes? When his chums had all left college he had turned sorrow-fully away and had gone slowly out to the nearby farm where he was to work during the Christmas vacation to pay his college expenses for the ensuing term. It is true he had found a pleas-ant place. Mr. Northwood, the farmer, and his wife had been very kind to him. He had also found Gladys, their only daugh-ter, a girl of seventeen, very interesting and friendly during the long evenings when he had rested before the open fire-place in the comfortable sitting room. But with all this—it was not his home. Often he had felt lonesome. But with that determination which had characterized his col-lege course and had won for him the latin prize in his Freshman year, he went to work again with renewed vigor. Higher and higher grew his pile of kindling wood—fewer and fewer became the number of pine blocks. Suddenly his attention was at-tracted to a figure coming slowly clown the walk which lead to the woodshed. It was Gladys. "I thought I'd come to watch you work a little," she said. "We have been so busy in the kitchen getting ready for Christmas." He would much rather have stopped his work and talked to her but he kept on plying the axe. She continued to chatter and he endeavored to listen as best he could, but it was hard to work and talk at the same time. All at once without the slightest warning the axe slipped, cut-ting a long gash in Irs hand. He felt a sharp pain but did-not cry out. He looked at the girl who had become deathly white. With a little cry she Ihrew up her hands and fell senseless upon the carpet of chips which covered the ground. He carried her tenderly to the house almost forgetting the ac- H THE MERCURY ciclent, which had caused her insensibility, in his efforts to bring her back to consciousness. Mrs. Northwood, at first, in her excitement did not know what to do. After a little work, however, Gladys opened her eyes, and the flow of biood from his hand had been stopped. That evening as they sat before the fire discussing the events of the day, Mrs. Northwood said: "Gladys, why don't you ever wear-that ring which your uncle sent you from Mexico ? The stone alone must be worth fifty dol-lars. I am afraid yon do not appreciate the gift." A bewildered look came over the girl's fa-^e and she exclaimed : "1 was wearing that ring this afternoon when I fainted." Mrs. ISTorthwood shot a sudden glance at Arthur which he did not fail to notice, but said nothing. They then separated for the night. The next morning as Arthur was about to begin his usual work in the shed, the old farmer came out to him with a stern expression on his face. "You need not woi-k any more for me," ho said slowly. "Gladys could hardly have lost the ring for we have all searched every-where for it, and you were the only one with her at the time she was unconscious. I will keep the affair quiet but you must go today. Go back to your college and try to learn that a college education consists of more than that which we get from the books." "Why"— Clarkson began but was checked by the farmer:— "No explanations are necessary, sir—go." Clarkson climbed the stairs to the little room they had given him and gathered together the few articles of clothing which he had brought with him. If he had ever been sad before he was doubly so now. A shadow fell across the floor. He looked up and saw Gladys standing in the doorway— her eyes red with crying. •'•'Oh, Mr. Clarkson,"' she began, "I am so sorry. I know that you would not take the ring but my mother—" With this she threw her apron over her head, and, in a flood of tears, left the room. As he went back to college where he must now spend a miser-able Christmas alone, h? bemoaned his fate. His good name bad been ruined. His tuition could not be paid. He was a vie- THE MERCURY 15 tim of circumstances. And yet she had said that he was inno-cent— that was one consolation. The next day he sauntered up to the postoffiee to see if he would receive a letter from home. Sure enough, the postmas-ter handed it through the bars, hut as he looked at it he noticed that the address was m a strange hand. He opened it and read: "My dear Mr. Clarkson:— Come out to the farm at once. I was too hasty You are innocent. Yours • very sincerely, Jacob Northwood." The note was very brief, but how it thrilled the heart of the youth. He lost no lime in getting to the farm where Gladys met him at the gate and said: "Oh. Mr. Clarkson, we have found the ring. When we killed the Christmas turkey we found it in its craw. The selfish old gobbler- had picked it up from the place where I must have lost it. Come into the house." It is not necessary to' relate all the pleasant things which fol-lowed. There was no more wood cutting and—such a Christ-inas! The Xorthwoods tried in every way to make amends for the wrong they had done him. AVhen he returned to college a week later he was the happiest boy to arrive, for he had not only had a delightful time, and found new friends, but best of all in his coat pocket was a cheque on Mr. aSTorthwood's account which would more than pay the expenses of the term. 16 THE MERCURY THREE GREAT PHILOSOPHERS. Plato—Part I. CHARLES W. HEATHCOTE, '05. LATO was born in Athens about 42' B C. He was the son of Aristo and Perictione, a noble family. His mother traced kinship to Solon, the great legislate-of Athens, and Solon was a desce. dant of Noleus the i?on of Poseidon. Aristo, his father, was a descendant of Codrns the last great Athenian king, and he traced kinship to the god Poseidon Tradition claims that the god Apollo especially foless-id fti.p marriage of Aristo and Perictione and endowed Plato with special divine qualities. At an early age he received instruction • rom alle teacher Dionysius taught him literature; Ariston, the Argiane,.,gym-nastics and Megillus of Arigentamj music. With the other youths he took part in the Pythian and Is hmian games. He also, probably, took part in the military expeditions to Tanagra, Corinth and Del him. ♦ In his youth he was actively engaged in writing poems. He look part in many literary contests and reveaied much power and ability. He was about to enter a contest with a poem upon which he had worked faithfully and careful'y, when he became acquainted with Socrates. He destroyed hi' poem and most of his other poetical writings. However, some fragments have come down to us and they reveal beauty, thought and simplicity in style. From the time he met Socrates, he began to devote ail of his time to philosophy Plato was a student. He was acquainted with the past history of Greece and the sy terns of the earlier philosophers. His poetic nature and temperament revolted against the course and flippant reasonings of many of the phi-losophers of his day. They sounded as it were the minor chord entirely in their reasonings and to this the nature of Plato re-fused to respond. Thu.-:, when he understood the teachings of Socrates and the truths he taught, it seemed as if he had touch-ed the inajoi chord, tha: beautiful melodious bell-like tone, in his heart, for at once his whole nature became attuned to the THK MERCURY 17 1 ruths of Socrates and Plato bee;■1 me his enthusiastic and power-ful disciple. Plato was.about twenty years of age w'jen ne came under 1 he influence of Socrates. He was yet in hie creative process of life. His master's power over him was absolute. Since Socrates' work was noble, inspiring and uplifting, he was able to make Plato a mighty power for good in the world. Plato remained faithful and true to his old teacher and mas-ter, lie was a true disciple. He followed his teacher through his varied caieer and after his death which had been inflicted by '.he Athenian people he became the leader oC the Socratic school •md taught and promulgated anew the immcital Socratic truth. His truth was ideal. Sometime after Socrates' death Plato went to Egypt and made himself acquainted with the religious thought of that land.Trad-i tion says that he also went to Persia, and the^e he was taught the Zorathushtrian doctrines. But this cannot oe definitely deter-mined. He also visited Italy and studied the organization of the Pythagorean schools. Plato very likely visited Euclid at Megara, as Megara was not very far from Athens. How much influence Euclid had over P'ato in the formation and the deeper '.evelopment of his philosophic system can not be definitely 1 nown On his return to Athens he was threatened with punishment and even death. He stood firm in his determination to carry nit his master's work and would not be swerved from his course. Plato look 1-0 active part in governmental affairs. He was not ?n orator. ' He had returned to Athens to open a philosophic school. He opened his academy in the grove of Aeschemus. Over the great philosophic sehoo! he presided until his death. There with his pupils he analyzed and developed the germs of ethics, psychology and logic as found in the Socratij teachings. It is said that Plato made several voyages to Sicily in the in-terests of his academy. ■ At the invitation of Dionysius, the Svracusan ruler, Plato discussed with him on the subjects of happiness, virtue, government and justice. Plutarch (610) rays, "Justice was the next topic; and when Plato asserted the happiness of the just, and the wretched condition of the unjust, 'he tyrant was stung: and being unable to answer his arguments, i8 THE MERCURY he expressed his resentment against those>uo seemed to listen -o him with pleasure. At last he was extremely exasperated, r.nd asked the philosopher what business he hsd rrr Sicily. Plato answered, 'that he came to seek an honest man.' 'And so, then/ replied the tyrant, 'it seems that you have lost your labor/' Dionysius had resolved to slay Plato but through the plead-ing of Piato's friends his life was spared and he was sold into flavery to the Aeginetans. He was finally ransomed and re-turned to his academy. When D-'onysius the younger ascended the throne Plato again visited Sicily, but he was unable to accomplish anything. Of Plato's family less is known then of Socrates' Ye: y likely ne was married although it is not known to whom. Neither ran he be called an ascetic as some writers of recent times have been accustomed to call him. A man of hi, social, intellectual and moral position could not live an ascetic life and do the work he did. Thus it has been mentioned that his power as a writer was revealed in his early youth. It was evidently in the prime of ' ife that he established his academy at Athms. It was there ".hat he was busily engaged in teaching philosophy and writing •:nd rewriting his lectures and "there at the ripe age of eighty-pne he died." Marshall rays, "Prom the scene of his labors bis philosophy las ever since been known as the Academic philosophy. Unlike .'Socrates, he was not content to leave only -i memory of himself and his conversations. Re was unwearied in bis reduction and correction of his written dialogues, altering them here and there both iu c;.; ression and in structure. It is impossible, there-fore, to be absolutely certain as to the historical order of compo-sition 01 publication among his numerous dialogues, but a cer-tain np proximate order may be fixed." A very large number of works have been attributed to Plato. Some ha -c ' een proved spurious Most historians of philosophy accept thi ivy-six compositions as written by Plato'. Most au-thors aeocy the works of P.'ato as follows: Charmides; Lvsis• Laches; Ion; Meno; Euthyphro; Apology; Crito; Phaedo; Pro-tagoras, ihithydemus; Cral.lus; Gorgias; Hippias Alcibiades: TIUC MKKCUKY 19 Meneseus; Symposinus; Phaedrus; The Republic; Timaeus; Philebus; Parinenides; Theoetetus and The Laws. Acccrdirg to TJeberueg (104), "Schleiermacher divides the-works into three groups. Elementary, mediatory or prepara-tory and constructive dialogues. As Plato's first composition he names the Phaderus; as his latest writings, the Republic. Li-malus, and the Laws." In all bis waitings the poetic nature and style predominates. Although he is a waiter of urose, he is a poet at heart. Some-one ha-5 called him, "the Shakespeare of Gre k philosophy on ac-count of hif fertility, variety, humor, imagination and poetic grace. The philosophy of Plato is the philosophy of Socrates. This philosophical reasoning is prevalent throughout Plato's works. His thoughts and principles are built upon a Socratic basis. As Plato analyzes the deep thoughts of Socrates, he, here and there, adds a finishing touch and makes it more complete. It must not bo thought that Plato was a mere imitator, he was to) great a genius for that. Plato had been trained in the true Soc aric school of hard reasoning ana logical thinking. His kn Avlcdge of philosophy in the largest sense was marvelous. His knocedge of the various systems of the wo-ld gave him power to produce a careful and logical system, of reasoning with the Socratic truths as basic philosophical principles. Zeller says, "In Plato's scientific method also, we recognize the deepeinng, the purification and the progress of the Socratic philosophy. Prom the principles of conceptual knowledge arises, as its inunediate consequence, that dialectic of which Socrates must bi considered the author. While Socrates in forming con-cepts, stiV.es from the contingencies of the given case, and never ■ goes b3.T!id the particular, Plato requires by continued analysis from the phenomenon to the idea, from particular ideas to the highest and most universal.' The Socratic form of discussion 111 the character and manner of the dialogue is prominent in Plato's writings. If there is an idea that Plato desires to have understood and- made clear, it is brought out in his writings by the manner if speech. Though in some places his logic may be distributed, yet taken on the whole it is not the case. He sets forth his philosophy with 20 THE MERCURY (.learner and in a scientific way. The dialogue enabled his readers to grasp his ideas more readily. There is another striking characteristic in his dialogues; that is, Sociites is the central figure. He not on;y xeads in the con-versation, , 'le best listener, but he is also the most acute reasoner and thinker. Though Plato in some instanc s may represent an idealized Socrates, nevertheless be remembers how great a debt of gratitude he owes his master. From Socrates he received his spiritual and tbeistic beliefs. In th'i Banquet by Plato (M. Ed. T. 81) we quote the follow-ing pan; of a dialogue in which Socrates is discussing with Agathon Jhe philosophical conception of Love. "Come," said SocratT-., 'let us review your concessions. Is Love anything else th:n die love first of something; and secondly, of those things of which it has need?"—"Nothing."—"Now, remember x-f these things jrou said in your discourse, thai Love was the love —if you wish I will remind \ou. I think you said something of this kin.i, 'hat all the affairs of the gods were admirably disposed through the love of the things which are beautiful for there was no love of ^hings deformed, did you not say so?"—"I confess that I did."—'You said th.pt what was most likely to be true, my frLnd: and if the matter be so, the lovs of beauty must be one thing, and the love of deformity another. '■—"Certainly." So eo'n],rehensive is Plalo's philosophical system that much is emh-ived in it. To divide it into distinct divisions is diffi-cult. KIP philosophical system may be divided into three parts: logic, physics and ethics. Whe., the dialogues are examined carefully it is found though the though! may seem to relaps too much in the following state-ments, nevertheless, every thought looks up to the idea that Plato wishes to unfold. There is no confusion. One idea explains another idea, one thought leads up to another thought and so on in true progressive and logical order. THE MERCURY THE BELLS. JOSEPH ARNOLD, '09. 21 "How soft the music of those village b'-Jie Falling at intervals upon the ear., In cadence tweet, now dying all away. Now pealing loud again and louder Btill Clear and sonorous as the gale comes on." —C'owper. Soft and SAveet, indeed, are the'tones as they set the calm quiet air on a Sunday morning vibrating. What a charm the strains of a familiar hymn have, as they reach the ear from some distant church! ' And yet the chimes and bells with all their pleasant memories of childhood days lingeringly attached to them, with all their melodious sweetness, have an interesting history. Almost at the very beginning of things, a certain Tubal Cain, sixth descendant from Adam, an artificer in all kinds of metals, probably discovered the sonorous qualities of metals. He may have manufactured some crude instrument, which, when struck gave forth a ringing sound These crude beginnings gradually were improved upon; for, in Exodus, we learn that bells of gold were attached to the robe of Aaron in order that his going in and coming out of the place of worship might "be made known to the people. Zechariah introduces us to another improvement; namely, the inscription, "HOLINESS UNTO THE LORD," upon the bells of the horses. Not only did, in those early times, the Children of Israel make use of the bells, hut also the Egyp-tians, Assyrians and Chaldeans. Those used by the Egyptians were as a means of announcing the feast of Osiris. In offering sacrifices the priests of Cyble of Assyria made use of the bells. So on down through the ages we come across the development of bells, some of gold and others of bronze. About bells were associated many superstitions, as records show us. Pliny and Juvenal, it is said, tell us of bells being rung during eclipses, which were, as it was believed, attended by evil spirits. The ringing of the bells would, according to their beliefs, drive these away. The belief can easily be evidenced 21 THE MERCURY by inscriptions upon the bells as follows: "Pesiem fugo" and "Dissipo veutos." During the early Christian era a number of such brief inscriptions were put into poetical form and became the common inscription upon bells. Laudo Deum verum, plebum voco, conjugu clerum Defunclus ploro, pesiem fugo, festa decoro. Funero pilango, fulgura frango, Sabaia pango Excito lentoSj dissipo ventos, paco crucntos." Bells, even at a very early period, were put to a practical pur-, pose, as may be gathered from the following records left by Aes-chylus and Euripedes: Greek warriors were accustomed to wear small bells-upon their shields so that they might when on guard duty inform the passing captain that they were awake. Even Plutarch is said to have mentioned in his record of the seige of Xanthus the fact that bells were attached to nets stretched acre-the river so that natives could not escape by way of the river without coming into contact with the bells thus attached. Thus far small bells only were referred to, since the large ones were not. in use for worship or alarm or to strike the hour, till some 400 A. D. The use of bells for churches doubtless gave rise to that feature of architecture, the bell tower. In the Middle Ages, bells played a prominent part. During that period whenever a bell was cast, before it was used in a church, it went through a form of consecration; for it was wash-ed with water, annoiuted with oil, and marked with the sign of the cross in the name of the Trinity, and, from what we can gather, archbishops officiated and persons of high rank, with great pomp, attended the ceremony of christening. As time went on nearly every form of worship had its bell. There was the Sanctus bell, tho Angelus or Ave Marie bell, the Vesper bell, the Complin bell, and the Passing bell. The Sanctus bell of today is a small bell and it is rung before the elevating of the Host by the priest. During the Middle Ages, this was a large bell and rung just when the "Sancte, sancte, sanete Deum Sab-baoth" was sung or chanted. All who heard bowed their heads in reverence and adoration. The Angelus was rung at fixed hours and called the mind from worldly duties toward a mo-ment's meditation and the blessed Virgin. It further marked THE MEKCURY 23 the time of beginning and cessation of labor. There still lingers with ns a sweet echo, as it were, of that beautiful 'custom in the famous painting, "The Angelus." The artist seems to have caught the charm and in the moment of God-given inspiration placed upon canvas the halo of bygone days. The Yesper bell was the call to evening prayer and the Complin bell closed the clay. Finally the most impressive was the solemn tolling of the Passing bell; it called for the prayers of the faithful in behalf of the passing of a soul from life. A little of the spirit of the Middle Ages still clings to us; for we still adhere to some of the customs of those times. The toll-ing of the bell during the passing of a funeral in a "God's acre" comes directly from the custom of the Passing bell. One rite or ceremony peculiar to the Dark Ages was t. pe tolling of a bell to summon an audience in order that a priest might read in their hearing an anathema; to blow out in their presence the candle and in that manner excommunicate a poor unfortunate from "bell, book and candle." The use of the curfew is familiar to all. It was probably in-troduced into. England from France by William the Conqueror. Alarm bells were a,so used at an early date. Is it not Shakes-peare who makes Macbeth say when Birnam wood was moving on the castle in which he had shut himself, "Eing the alarm bell!" ? Of course, in modern times, since the discovery of electricity, the use of bells for alarm has become more or less systematized. The composition of material which enters into bell making can readily be gathered from various sources. There are in the world some very large bells, marvelous and unique, arousing much wonder and creating great interest. It may be that the longing for display was accountable for sucli huge sizes. May we not likewise infer that their immensity in the eyes of the ignorant and semi-civilized made them more meritorious? Thus Russia, mostly in a state of semi-civiliza-tion, is noted for the largest bells. The large bell which espe-cially attracts universal attention is the "King of Bells," the hell of Moscow. Hs history may be read at a glance from one of the inscr (ions upon it. namelv ip- 24 THE MERCURY . This Bell :, was cast in 1733 by order of the Imperial Empress Anne, Daughter of John It was in the earth 103 years and by the will of the ■ r .: Imperial Emperor ^ Nicholas "' "'-■: :. was raised upon this pedestal in 1835, August 4th. It is not necessary here to enter into details concerning its history; the number of times it was recast, its enormous weight or colossal size or the stir it created among the nobility of Eu-rope. Sufficient to say, that it excells and stands alone. There is another very large bell of which mention should be made namely, the Assumption bell of Moscow, next in weight to the "King of Bells." Although it weighs one hundred and ten tons and its diameter is eighteen feet, it is hung and tolled once a year. A writer says, "When it sounds, a deep hollow murmur vibrates all over Moscow, like the fullest tones of a vast organ or the rolling of distant thunder/' One bell, though not a large one, is nevertheless dear to the heart of every loyal American. That bell announced to the peo-ple that the Declaration of Independence was signed; that free-dom was theirs. It bears the name of "Liberty Bell;" a name •deserved and a name *hat will last as long as time itself. Though iits life as a bell is but a brief one, there arfc gathered about it miemories saored to us. It still, as its inscription reads, "Pro-claims liberty throughout the land." Thus ends the stoiy of the bell imperfectly and briefly told ,ind yet let us not forget to mention the important part it plays in poetry. First upon the bells as we find them may be found couplets which run ns follows:— ■ »k and, also. "Jesus fulfil with thy good grace All that we beckon to this place." "I to the church the living call And to the grave do summon all." THE MERCURY "Be mec and loly To heare the word of God." 25 There are possibly as many quaint inscriptions on bells, as upon tombstones but space does not permit mentioning them. Most of the poets make mention of bells in connection with services. Longfellow says the Angelus called the Arcadian fanner from his work. Shiller in his remarkable "Lay of the Bell," portrays the life of a mortal. How clearly he associates the storms and calms of life in the tale of a belFs making. And who can, in such melodious rythmical splendor compare with Edgar Allen Poe, as he depicts the functions of the bells in that masterpiece of his? How it thrills one to hear that poem re-cited! One can almost hear the merry jingling of the sleigh bells o'er the icy fields, or the mellow wedding bell foretelling a world of happiness, or the banging and clanging of the loud alarm bells, or e'en the solemn tolling from the lips of the sombre iron bells of luckless destiny. What a world of thought is cre-ated in the reading of a poem such as that! How it carries us back, yea back to the days gone by! How we hear faintly the bells, sweetly echoing in our hearts some happy occurrence, or like a voice from heaven bringing us in close touch with a dear one gone before. Thus bells have played an important part in life from times immemorable to the present day. 26 THE MERCURY DO WE NEED POSTAL SAVINGS BANKS IN THIS COUNTRY? BY 1908. AST summer wtu'le spending some time in a rural dis-trict of a neighboring state, an instance of particular interest came to my notice. One day a resident of the small I village came into the postoffice and had a money order for a certain amount made out in his own name. The postmaster, being of an inquisitive nature, asked the man why it should be in his own name. The man said he didn't want to have the money in the house; that lie didn't have time to take it to the bank (for the nearest one was fifteen miles away); that it would cost him just as much to send it to the bank as to get a money order for it, besides the trouble of sending it: and that it would he safer in the hands of the Government than if it were in the bank. An instance of this nature to a person of ordinary intelligence would he very striking. Thoughts of the advantages of some people and the disadvantages of others naturally arise. This man evidently was'not in a position to enjoy the great privilege of. men in other districts of having a hank in which to deposit his money. Xext we would likely wonder how many men were in a similar circumstance hut who did not invest their money in money orders, having it hoarded up somewhere as cold cash. There are, no doubt, so great a number of them, even though their amounts of possession being small, that a vast sum of money is being held, hound up and kept from circulation. The man's last remark as to thfe safety of his money in the form of a money order, brings the fact to our notice that banks do not have the confidence of the people in general that the Government evidently has, for this man was willing to pay the Government to keep his money instead of receiving interest for the use of if from a bank. few people will deny that our present system of banks is a success considered in all its phases. But is it the best system that can be had? Does it efficiently meet all that is demanded of it? We think not. The present financial condition of our country leads us to this conclusion. The fact that banks in their present condition are subject to failure thereby causing the THE MERCURY .27 loss of the wealth of their depositors oftentimes inspires, more especially the small depositor, with fear and shatters all confi-dence in them. As a consequence great amounts are hoarded up in strong chests and other places and are practically a drag to the progress of our country where free circulation of money is such a necessary function in prosperity. The money strin-gency which necessitated the recent issue of Government bonds was largely due to the inadequacy of our banking institutions to supply the need. Ours is a country of gre"at natural wealth, so vast, indeed, in extent, that we can hardly get a definite conception of it. Though we are making rapid strides in developing these re-sources, we have not reached the greatest degree of efficiency. There are vast tracts of land that could be more efficiently cul-tivated; mines to be developed; products to be transported; and many other directions for progress, but no means of bettering this state of affairs. Why have we not reached the highest, de-gree of efficiency? This question is easily• answered by saying that the circulation of money is too small. Thus we see the great need of getting all money possible into circulation. Since there is such a great need for the circulation of all the money in the United States, we need to consider reasons why this circulation is hindered. Probably the most striking of these reasons is the lack of confidence that some people have in our banks. Circulation is not hindered by the lack of confi-dence of our people alone. There are vast numbers of foreigners in our country who. doubting the stability of our banks, and having explicit confidence in their own government banks, send their earnings home and deposit them there. In this way great sums of money are kept from circulating in our land and for this reason some industries must suffer because of being unable to secure sufficient funds for their-further development. The issue of bonds recently made shows the great need of money for circulation and, above all things, shows that the money will most likely he obtained from the-people who are afraid of investing money in other enterprises, but, because of their confidence in the Government, are willing to take her bonds at a lower rate of interest than could be gotten otherwise. We have been considering the fact that there are conditions in our country which are not as they should be for its better de- 28 THE ME.RCURY velopment and prosperity. To set forth these deficiencies with-out suggesting a means of correction would be foolish exertion. Anything that will right these conditions we may regard as the very thing needed by our country. Our suggestion for the cure of these conditions is a system of postal savings banks. Such a system would reach all conditions of people as the banking places would be the postoffices and postoffices are found scattered everywhere in the states. Then the great amount of money that is hoarded up, because there is no bank near enough, would be put.into circulation. Then tun, very many of our citi-zens who now hide their earnings and the foreign element who send their money abroad for deposit in their own government banks, because of their confidence in an institution with govern-ment backing, and not in our banks as they now are, would de-posit in the postal banks and thus by increasing the circulation of currency, help to remedy existing conditions. One with a different idea might wonder what would become oi our present banking institutions which are run by individuals who necessarily reap the benefits not only of their own money, hut also that of the Government which they get at a low rate of interest. He might ask, Shall we harm a fairly well working system for one that we only imagine Avould work? That a sys-tem of postal savings banks would harm our other banks is not likely, for it would obtain greater amounts of money for distri-bution to these banks at a lower rate of interest. With this view of the matter, the private banks would themselves be benefitted as Avell as the country at large. Then as to the working of the proposed banks we have no serious doubts. They are working-well in other countries and could easily be successful here. But someone may object; think of the great expense ami trouble the Government would have to undergo. It is true there would be some expense and labor connected with the en-terprise but the benefits derived would be so much'greater in proportion to the money formerly expended as most clearly to justify such a course. If our manufacturers today would re-fuse to increase their business because of more cost to them, we would have a pitiable state of affairs existing. Industries would be at a standstill. But they do not conduct business on this principle. They make a great sacrifice of monev and labor to THE MERCURY 29 a certain degree and in return make a greater proportional amount of gain. It is therefore an easy matter to see that the system would pay for itself and that is all we demand of it, since it is a gen-eral public undertaking and is not supposed to be run in order to make money. It would be for the welfare of the individual citizens of our nation. The idea of labor is no argument against it. We may rather consider it as a point in its favor. The extra labor would furnish excellent, well salaried positions for a great number of people. That there is need of some way of keeping the currency of our Government in circulation is very evident. The present pros-perity and welfare of our country demand it. If the present demands it, the same will be true of the future, only then the demand will be more intense. To meet this increasing demand necessitates, some system that will reach the portions of the country in which money is hoarded; that will have the confi-dence of the public in its favor. Our present system of banks has been, and is doing a great deal towards a free circulation of money yet they are proving insufficient. A system of postal savings banks, as we have shown, would meet the above named requirements; would furnish greater circulation of money; and would therefore add very materially to our progress as a nation. T H E ERCQRV Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class Matter. VOL. XV GETTYSBURG, PA., DECEMBER 1907 No. 7 Editor-in-Chief EDMUND L. MANGES, .'08 Exchange. Editor ROBERT W. MICHAEL, '08 Business Manager HENRY M. BOWER, '08 Ass't Bus. Managers LESLIE L. TAYLOR, '09 CHARLES L. KOPP, '09 Assistant Editor MARKLEY C. ALBRIGHT, '08 Associate Editors PAUL F. BLOOMHARDT, '09 E. E. SNYDER, '09 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D PROP. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROP. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance : single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending THE MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contri-bute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. GEN. DE WALI_'S It is with a great ARTICLE deal of pleasure that we present this number of the MHUCURY to its readers par-ticularly because of its article on the Boers. Some few years ago, when war broke out between these people and the English, we all read of the movements and ac-tions that took place in the Tran-svaal and Orange Free State with great interest. The war from beginning to end is doubt- THE MERCURY 31 less familiar to 11s, but we know very little of the Boer history prim- to this time. This article' gives us a very distinct and clear cut epitome of that earlier period. A thing that lends a peculiar interest'to this article is the fact that it was written by one of the most prominent men of the people with whom it deals, so that we get the facts first hand, it is needless to waste time or space in telling those of our read-ers who met General Dc Wall about his personal experience or service, but it may be of some interest to those who did not have the extreme pleasure of seeing or hearing him. Fifteen years in German schools and universities, a period before the war as pres-ident of the Volksraat or Congress of the Transvaal Eepublic, and during the war as a general in the Boer army, are three major items of his life. We have been rather fortunate this fall in having the privilege of coming in contact with a number of distinguished men, but most striking, most unique among them all stands Gen. l)e Wall. .He is a very extraordinary type of man. a type that is very sel-dom 'found. In this man we see one who has had the great privilege of a liberal education; one who has been successful in life, having at one time been a wealthy man and holding a posi-tion in South Africa second only to that of the distinguished and well known Oom Paul Krueger; one who experienced war in all its phases; one who has suffered as few men have and sur-vived, having lost wealth, position and family, and is now even an exile because he lefused to swear allegiance to the country that deprived him of wealth and family, all that was dear to him. He did not come to us'in state, but as a very common, man, yet the impression that he made upon us is one that will last longer for that very reason. Is it any wonder that a man of such a' varied experience both in quantity and quality is interesting? Although he has been a child of fortune and has known the extremes of joy and sorrow, he has come through them safely, with principles and faith in his God unshaken. We again say that we consider ourselves fortunate in having this interesting and instructive article to give to our readers, not because of the worth of the article alone, but because of its distinguished author. 32 THE MERCURY LITERARY It is with a feeling of pleasure that we write CONTEST. concerning the coming Inter-society Contest. We are pleased to announce that, after a lapse of two years, the two Literary Societies have settled their petty disagreements and have agreed to meet in a general literary contest and de-bate. The contest and debate were formerly leading features of the winter term; but in -recent years, as before stated, have not been held for various reasons. And now, inasmuch as all preliminary arrangements have been made and the contest is practically as-sured, it is our earnest wish that the.members of the societies realize the importance of the coming conflict. The individual members of both societies must know that without their interest the contest can not be a complete success. And, besides, honor, glory and renown, in no small measure, will be meted out to the participants, both th-5 victors and the vanquished. The contest and debate are bound to be interesting, and may the fickle Goddess of Victory smile upon the side best deserving her favors. j* I am a little country boy, I flunk ten times a week. But I guess few students know it, Cause for Muffing I'm a freak. It tickle? me to go to shows, But only when they're cheap. And when the Seniors turn me down, Then, Oh, how I do weep. I love to ride brown ]3onics, And wobble when I walk. I say I take the girls to shows, And I slobber when I talk. -Exchange. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. THE BEST PEN FOR COLLEGE MEN There's no pen that gives such all-round satisfaction as Conklin's Self-Filling Fountain Pen. It's the best pen for College Men. 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AbstractThis thesis describes about the domination of Western knowledge toward Chinese tradition by illustrating the superiority or prominence of Western knowledge in the novel East Wind: West Wind written by Pearl S. Buck. The analysis focuses on two goals, there are (1) to portray how are the Eastern and the Western represented in the novel, and (2) to analyze how the influence of western knowledge dominated Chinese tradition. To analyze this novel, the the writer applied post-colonial criticism the writer focused on Orientalism as an approach by Edward Said. In analyze aspech the way Western discourse dominates the main character, Kwei-lan, as represented of Chinese people by issuing the discourse of superiority. In addition, the writer applied content analysis method to analyze documents in order to give a deep understanding toward the novel by using close reading technique, which requires to read the whole of the novel for several times. From the analysis, the writer found that Western discourse did construct the domination over the Orient (Chinese culture) by representing the differences in term family relationships (simple vs complex), mind (open minded vs narow minded) and beliave (superstitious vs rational), the discourse succeed to dominate and create the truth or reality as the assumption about the West as supperior and the East as inferior.Key word: orientalismBackgroundThe term discourse is the range of social practices, customs, and institutions that cover any given subject matter. According to Michel Foucault, ―.discourse is strongly bounded area of social knowledge; a system of statements within the world can be known‖ (1967:70). Through language, discourse gives the role of us in our society. It constructs our knowledge and understanding about who we are and what the world we live are. Because of discourse covers every social matters, it can be used in any perspective.Therefore, the influence of Western discourse to the world made people tend to consider West is more superior than East. The Western discourse of domination is one of the effects of Industrial revolution that born the idea of imperialism that implement in the form of colonialism.In journal of universty of pretoria by Lazere S. Rukundwa and Andries G. Van Ardel The Formation of Postcolonial Theory2Research Associate (2007:421), through Orientalism, Said presented the discourse that have been constructed to society about the perception of Eurocentric or Western where naturally they represented as the rational, mature, progressive, honest, normal, masculine, good, upright, democratic, and superior instead of Eastern which represent irrational, abnormal, backward, passive, undisciplined, primitiveness, and inferior. The simplest example regarded to this is people are assumed as smart or intelligent whenever we use English to non-native. It widely influenced people, society, lifestyles, and human life. Such discourse was able to construct the human standard as seem as they are. This system, discourse, has taught people, certainly us, the world of what they want us to be.Thus, literary works is one of the ways western domination affect our mind. However, it is also a good implementation in understanding aspects of post-colonialism issues which concern the life; cultural, and interactions of cultural aspects. The interactions of difference cultures have much inspire author to make various literary works to explore those issues. Pearl S. Buck's novel East Wind: West Wind (1930) is one of popular works considered has postcolonial implication.The novel East Wind: West Wind tells about Kwei-Lan, a girl who was born as traditional noble Chinese family. She has no experience with modern western style before. As a Chinese royal woman, she has taught everything to become a good daughter of the family and to be good wife for her husband. Her husband is a noble Chinese royal man that had twelve years abroad, America, studying medicine. Kwei-lan has been betrothed to her husband since she was born. Her husband has adapted and adopted western lifestyle. He feels western life is better and rational than his Chinese culture that strange and irrelevant. Different perspective about being woman makes Kwei-Lan cannot win her husband's heart as she thinks and has taught before. Kwei-Lan as a Chinese traditional woman and her husband's lifestyle emerge distinguishes understanding about family between the West and the Chinese tradition.The novel describes how Kwei-Lan's cultural traditional background opposed with her husband's Western lifestyle. In the part II of the novel, Kwei-Lan has to accept that her brother goes to study in America. Later the conflict comes up when her brother has already married with a foreign woman. Even though he has betrothed to one of daughters of Li family since he was child. Their mother is shocked to know such news. The family has to accept that son has been betrayed the family. Her brother chooses to disobey the Chinese tradition of married and his duty as a3son of Royal Family to keep the heir. It is seen as the impact of western culture influence toward her brother.Based on explanation above, the writer is interested and challenged to discuss this novel. Pearl S Buck is able to tell the story with her elegant way. East Wind: West Wind shows the elegant internal conflict of traditional Chinese woman who tries to oppose her ideology of being good woman and wife toward the western discourse that influences her life.In this novel, Pearl S Buck portrays how the Western culture meets the Eastern old tradition and tended to degrade the East. It seems she shows West lifestyle is better and rational than East. Through the main character Kwei-Lan, Buck explains in detail Chinese woman's role in life and compares to the knowledge of Western within her husband. The author also shows the reader how Kwai-Lan's brother finally betrays his old tradition, the Chinese Family tradition, by secretly marriage a foreign woman. Until the end of this novel, Buck confirms the superiority and rationality of Western discourse toward Chinese tradition as East.By using post-colonialism, especially Orientalism of Edward Said, the writer will analyze how these texts construct the Orient through imaginative representations of the main character, Kwei-Lan, in the novel. The writer wants to analyze the differences of two cultures and perceptions based on the the orientalism that found in the novel. It is able to create the assumption about the West as superior and the East is inferior. Orientalism argues those discourses made by Western as a political tool to conquer the reader's minds showing inferiority of the East.Further, Post-colonial criticisms also appropriate as a ―knife‖ to discuss, analyze, and examine a work with its relations and effect of colonialism and the interaction of two different cultures. Therefore, this research is entitled ―Western Domination Implied over Chinese Tradition in Pearl S Buck's East Wind: West Wind (An Orientalism Reading)‖.MetodologyIn this chapter, the writer focuses on the steps that must take to finish this research, that proposed by Sudaryanto (1993). Some steps make this research success. This step relates each other and cannot release form the other steps. There are three steps, first, collecting the data, second, analyzing the data, and third presenting the data.1. Collecting the dataIn collecting data, the writer conducts a library research. Through the library research, the writer collects the data needed,4which can be categorized as primary and secondary data. The primary data itself is; "East Wind; West Wind" by Pearl S Buck, the more specific is sentences and quotations that have relationship with the topic and that have relations with the theory. The secondary data function as tools in analyzing the primary data. It consists of books and other sources from journals and internet sites.The writer conducts the library research about post-colonial criticism. In this step writer finds the definitions and concept of post colonialism, especially the theory of Orientalism by Edward Said. It is helpful to broaden the perspective of writer about the term.2. Analyzing the DataIn analyzing the data writer examines the primary data by the way of close reading and in analyzing specific sentences and quotations that have relationship with the topic and the theory. Based on Edgar Robert, ―to analyze the problems in the literary work, it can be found by digging up through characters in the ways of speech, dialogue and action between one character and other characters‖ (56).Besides, the writer explores some data related about the Post-Colonial criticism, especially Orientalism approach by Edward Said. Writer will identify the sentence related to the topic and the theory supporting to completing the research.3. Presenting the ResultThe last step is presenting the analysis. The writer thus uses descriptive method to present the data. Based on Bogdan and Biklen, qualitative research is descriptive, the data are collected in the form of words, rather than number, and result of analysis is written descriptively (1982:27) as the rule to conducts this research. The data is presented descriptively in this analysis by quoting the sentences of dialogue from the novel that relevant to the analysis.Result and DiscussionIn this chapter, the writer wants to analyze about the data. In analyzing data the writer uses the theory orientalism by Edwar said. The writer analyzes about the The analysis focuses on two goals, there are (1) to portray the different perspective between Western knowledge and Chinese tradition, and (2) to analyze the implication of Western knowledge as domination over Chinese tradition.Orientalism is a branch of Postcolonial theory that developed by Edward Said According to said this theory is about how The West see the world by binary oposition where It seems to explore the overplus of Western and expose the lacking5of Eastern and make it as if those are natural by using discourse. And the discorse is formed and it will effect to human mind who read it. Besides based on discourse the reader consciusness or uncansciousness will judge what that they read it is god or it is bad. Said does not question about the truth or the wrong. He tries to give us deeply understanding of how colonizer or Western discourse constructs the domination of the world toward colonized or Eastern in every way and how it continues until now.The Different Perspective of the Eastern and the Western in the NovelIn this chapter, the writer would discuss the portrait of contradictive perspective between western Knowledge or Occident and Chinese old tradition or orient. Pearl S Back does not frankly describe what the western culture in the novel East Wind: West Wind is. She implicitly explains how Western culture by contrasted it with Chinese culture experienced by the character Kwei-lanThis chapter, the writer cuncludes that there are saveral contradictions of differernt perspective of the western knowledge and the chinese tradition. The writer divided two subchapter, the Eastern and the Western. It consist the complex family relationships and simple family relationships, narrow minded and open minded, superstitious and rational.Family in the eastern in this case family in Chinese is narrated differently with family in western. It is described that Chinese family is a big extended family, complex and has not much freedom because bound of tradition. Different with western family, that consists of nuclear family, father, mother and children and has more freedom because not bound with the old tradition, it is because they explained are more logic and more simple besides they has right and free will to choose and do whatever they want to do.In the novel describe although the Chinese man has been married, they are allowed or naturally believed to take some concubines as they like. It can be seen by following quotation in the novel:―The desire for sons in a household like ours, where my father had three concubines whose sole interest was in the conceiving and bearing of children was too ordinary to contain any mystery.‖ [11-12]Kwei-Lan's father, as stated above, has three concubines in order to pour his desire in woman and to conduct a birth son for his clan. In the Chinese family, it is normal for the husband to marry other woman. Man in Chinese tradition has a duty to give great male offspring to maintain their clan. Further, Buck states:―They had caught my father fancy at first though a6prettiness which faded like flowers plucking in spring, and my father's favor ceased when their brief beauty was gone.‖[19]The husband can marry any woman if his wife cannot give birth and give him a son. Chinese man can whenever he wants to marry woman and leave them when their beauties are gone.In contrast, the portrayal of Western woman is described as dichotomy to Chinese tradition where the family relationship is simpler. Besides the family in the western is nuclear family and the decision is make by own self \. They do not need many procedure to do something. In the novel, it is narrated by Kwei-lan brother to marry his girlfriend, the kwei-lan brother and hiss wife do not need many procedure to get merit. In this case Buck tries ti show that thee western people are better than Eastern peoplebecause western people has more freedom.In addition, the wife or woman in the western culture tends to not accepting become subordinate position in family. It clarifies in the novel:―The trouble in all this may be that the foreigner is not willing to accept a subordinate position. It is not customary in their country to have secondary wives.‖ [160]Western women believe that they have right and capable to follow their own will. There are no such certain rules either as woman or as wife of their family that have to be obeyed.Kwei-Lan's brother who has been taught the wisdom of the Great Master, has to fulfill the first duty as a man to pay careful heed to every desire of his parents. In spite of obeying the custom, he married a foreign woman when he studied in America. Kwei-lan who shocked to hear is alarmed by her husband. It can be seen in the novel that, he said:―You must be prepared…it is better to face the truth. He will probably not obey you mother… Old foundations are breaking – have broken… there must be stronger reasons than in this days‖ [150]As the one who adapts the Western culture, Kwei-Lan's husband precisely knows that her brother will consistently disobey the old and primitive tradition. Kwei-lan's brother breaks the old custom and chooses to live in progressive and democratic ways as his will. Related to this, Hans Bertens states that―The inferiority that Orientalism attributes to the East simultaneously serves to construct the West's superiority. The sensuality, irrationality, primitiveness, and despotism of the East construct the West as rational, democratic, progressive, and so on‖ [Bertens, 2006: 205]The writer examines that the novel describes the primitiveness and despotism of Chinese7old tradition. Western discourse seems to take place and dominates the character Kwei-Lan's brother, even our perspective, to disobey such custom.Secondly, it is also happened to different perspective can also be seen in the mindset or lifestyle contradiction in the novel. in the family, that is to produces son to maintain the clan and descendent. In Chinese custom, Kwei-lan and her husband should remain stay within the ancestral home. For his father, a noble Chinese man should not waste their dignified leisure time and stay still in home. The family has plenty of food and space. It can be seen when Kwei-lan's father in law spoke to her husband;"here is plenty of food and space. You need never waste your body in physical labor. Spend your days in dignified leisure and in study that suits your pleasure. Allow your daughter in law of your honored mother to produce son. Three generations of sons less than one roof is sight pleasing to heaven‖ [43]In Chinese custom, a noble family should only worry to give born the great son in order to maintain the clan and the descendant of family. It is reflected in the important of a son existence. A husband should not be worried about food and money. This is what has been taught by the ancestor for hundred years. In the other side, Kwei-lan's husband, who has been studied in West, has his own perception. It can be seen in the quotation below:I wish to work father, I am trained in scientific professions – the noblest in the western world. As for sons, they are not my desire. I wish to produce the fruit of my brain for my country's good. A mare dog may fill the earth with the fruit of his body‖ [43]The father of Kwei-Lan's husband wants to keep them in the house without worrying about food and money. He wants them to pay attention to deliver his grandson. Rather than focus on producing son, Kwei-lan's husband wants to work and earn money by himself to his family. His custom cannot change the decision he has taken.Thirdly difference is seen based on the story is superstition and custom and Chinese culture which is described so irrational to be believed. In the novel, Kwei-lan's husband is a doctor. One day someone called him to come to the house where a lady tried to kill herself by hanging her neck. She is still alive but unconscious. In order to heal the woman's soul, the priest came and made a ceremony by plugging a piece of cloth to her nose and mouth.―He sent for the priests to beat the gongs to call the woman's soul back, and her8relatives gathered about and placed the poor unconscious girl…into a kneeling position on the floor; then they deliberately filled her nose and mouth with cotton and cloth and bound clothing around her face‖ [76]Kwei-lan firstly agreed to the old tradition, taking back the soul, which has been done for hundred years. In the contrary, Kwei-lan's husband totally disagreed with such custom that has lost so much spirit of human life.―Would you die if I did this long enough? And he seized my hands in one of his and placed his handkerchief roughly over my mouth and nose. I twisted free and tore it away‖ [76-77]The quotation convinces the irrationality of Chinese old custom, and on the contrary also convinces the rationality of Western discourse. The way of Kwei-lan's husband tries to show to Kwei-Lan seems like confirm the opposite of perspective between Kwei-lan, reprented Chinese tradition, over Western discourse of her husband.The writer concluded that those contradictions are the portrayal of different perspective of the Eastern in this case traditional Chinese and the western knowledge.The Western Knowledge as Domination Implied over Chinese Tradition in The NovelThe writer found the orientalism issues which Western is assumed to has much more realistic to be true. This is a discourse, western discourse, which dominates the assumption about Chinese tradition in the novel. The changing perception of the character, even the readers, seem t confirms this discourse.Kwei-Lan's husband seems to confirm Western discourse based on the way he treat Kwei-lan Kwei-Lan also surprises to hear ‗the new ways' her husband meant to her. Her husband has been certainly influenced by Western culture. For twelve years he studied in foreign country. Then, he now tries to convince Kwei-lan as it is best way for their life. Kwei-lan then responds to think that, it can be seen in the following quotation:―I equal to him? But why? Was I not his wife? .was he not my master by law? …what else could I do if I did not marry? And how could I marry except as my parents arranged it? … it was all according to my custom‖ [36-37].In order to construct the superiority of Western culture, the text shall describe the inferiority of others. In this novel, Pearl S Buck draws the domination or superiority of9Western culture by contrasting to Chinese custom. Therefore, Pearl S Buck's novel has been influenced by Western discourse in the perspective of Orientalism. The writer found that the novel conducts unintentionally domination of Western over Chinese tradition.―… I wish to follow the new ways. I wish to regard you in all things as my equal. I shall never force you anything. You are not my possession—my chattel‖ [36]Changing perception about Western people also described in which the character Kwei-lan asked to her husband about what they think about Chinese tradition. In the novel, Kwei-lan's husband told that;―They think our clothes are funny and our faces and our food and all what we do. It does not occur to them that people can look as we do and behave as we do, and be wholly as human as they are… In fact, I believe they come over here thinking to teach us civilization‖ [88-89]Assuming the clothes, faces, food and all what Chinese people do are funny imply the issue of imperialism of Western domination to Chinese people. The text seems to approve and convince that Western culture is more rational and represented universal civilization. Again, our perception about Eastern culture is conducted to change by contrasting the superiority of Western culture.Further, the writers also found the changing perception of characters in the way Kwei-lan become happy to adopt the modern way of life.―But now, selfish woman that I am, I do not care that the tradition is broken, I think only of my son… I thank the gods that I am married to a modern man… he gives me my son for my own…all my life is not enough to repay my gratitude‖ [114]The climax of disobedient of Chinese tradition as the impact of Western discourse is when Kwei-lan's brother in the end chooses to live freely like what he has been experienced in Western country. It can be seen in the end of novel:―…from this day I have no father. I have no clan – I repudiate the name of Yang! Remove my name from the books! I and my wife, we will go forth. In this day we shall be free as the young if other countries are free‖ [264]In Orientalism perspective, the character Kwei-lan's brother clearly emphasize the domination over Eastern Culture, or Chinese tradition. The final disobedient of character against the old custom confirms the primitiveness and10irrational way of life. Kwei-Lan's brother asserts that that Western culture represented the universal civilization. Accepting the domination of Western culture could benefit him from the ‗backward' or ‗superstitious' conditions in which he lived.In the end, the writer concluded that the the main character Kwei-lan is influenced by Western discourse.―We must let all that go, my love, my love! We do not want our son fettered by old, useless things!‖And thinking of these two, my son and his cousin brother I know that my husband is right – always right! [277]The effect of such discourse is a change of Kwei-lan's perspective about the modernism of Western culture and the backward of her Chinese tradition. Through the hand of her husband, Kwei-lan admitted that Western discourse dominate her whole life assuming as the best way of civilization rather than Chinese ancestors. Influence and changing perception also gives impact to disobey the law of old Chinese tradition that for hundred years believed by the ancestors.ConclusionIn the conclusion, the novel East Wind: West Wind written by Pearl S. Buck tells about Kwei-Lan, a noble Chinese woman who had no experience with modern western style before. She has been taught to become a good daughter of the family and to be good wife for her husband. Kwei-lan has been betrothed since she was born to a noble Chinese royal man whom had twelve years abroad studying medical science. Her husband has adapted and adopted western lifestyle. Kwei-Lan as represented Chinese woman and her husband's lifestyle emerge distinguishes understanding about family between the West and the Chinese tradition. Kwei-Lan's cultural traditional background opposed her husband's Western lifestyle. The conflicts come up from the different perception of life between Western Knowledge and Eastern culture (Chinese Tradition). It is seen in binary opposition such as complex family relationshps and simple family relationships, open minded and narow minded, and superstition and rationality.By using Orientalism approach presented by Edward Said, the writer found that the novel East Wind: West Wind constructs the imaginative representations of the Orient (Chinese culture) through the main character Kwei-Lan. The writer found the indication of Western discourse which dominates the Orient, in this case Chinese culture, through negative perception by describing cultural conflicts of the main character. Kwei-lan is influenced by her11husband who taught her about the Western knowledge. She gradually changed her perception about the West. Kwei-lan who applied her ancestors' custom, started to doubt and questioning the truth about Chinese tradition. Orientalism examined the West constructs such discourse through contrasting the right and rational way of life and the backward and irrational custom of Chinese.In the end, through the analysis the writer emphasize that the novel East Wind: West Wind written by Pearl S. Buck implied the Western Domination over Chinese Tradition. Western discourse succeeds to dominate the assumption and about the West as superior and the East is inferior. Orientalism argues those are constructed by Western as a political tool to conquer the reader's minds showing inferiority of the East. This novel construct discourse of Western domination as well as judgment of China's tradition, which are funny, strange, and backward and need help. The discourse of West to dominate the Chinese tradition by degrading them and shows their better and rational way of life finally create the ‗truth' or ‗reality' about West as standard civilization.Acknowledgement Alhamdulillahirobbil'alamin, First of all let me give my highest praise to Allah SWT, The Almighty God, for help, blessing, mercy, loves and guidance to me. Without the help, guidance and mercy this thesis could not have finished, and for opportunities and everything in my life. Then the writer would like to say thank to great human leader Muhammad SAW who guide people from the bad style of life to the good style of life.I wish to express my gratitudes to both my supervisors: Ms. Suci Humairah, S.Pd.,M.A., and Mrs. Dra. Mariati, M.Hum., for their support and guidance in finishing this thesis. The contribution and guidance in my thesis are valuable things which will not be forgotten to me. I also want to say Thanks to Mrs. Femmy Dahlan, S.S.,M.Hum., and Mr. Dr. Elfiondri, S.S.,M.Hum., as my examiners. Thank you so much for the suggestion, correction, advices and time, so that I can finish my thesis. I would like to thank too, to all of the lectures in English Department. Many tanks to guide and teach the writer during studied in English department.Thank you for my mom Syahlidarmiwati and my dad Bukhari. I would like to say thank you to suggestion, sacrifice, sincere love, patience, and always remaind me to pray and work hardly. And thank you to my brother Renza Putra, Rolanda Putra, and Fauzan Azim. Then I want to dedicate this thesis to science and human live.12I also would like to say Thanks to all of my friends, Sing 08, who have helped me in process of writing this thesis, my friend in faculty, My friend in boarding house, For all of my friends who I cannot mention one by one, thank you very much to have been contributing the most beautiful part in my life. Do the best in our life and get the greatest future.BibliographyBartens, Hans. Literary Theory: The Basic. London: Rouledge, 2001Buck, S. Pearl. East Wind: West Wind. New York. Mayor Bell. 2010Childs, Peter. Roger Fowler. The Rouledge Dictionary of Literary Terms. New York: Rouledge, 2006Hithcock, Loise. A Theory for Classics: a Strident Guide. New York: Rouledge, 2008.Lane, Richard J. Fifty Key Literary Theorists. New York: Rouledge, 2006M. A. R. Habib. Modern Literary Criticism and Theory: A History. Cornwell: Blackwell, 2005Malpas, Simon. Paul Wake. The Rouledge Companion to Critical Theory. New York: Rouledge, 2006Tyson, Lois. Critical Theory Today: A User Friendly Guide. New York: Rouledge, 2006Sudaryanto. Metode dan Aneka Teknik Analisis Bahasa: Pengantar Penelitian Wahana Kebudayaan secara Linguistis. Yogyakarta: Duta Wacana University Press, 1993Journal:Lazare S. Rukundwa & Andries G. van Aarde1. The Formation of Postcolonial Theory Research Associate: Department of New Testament Studies. Cornwell. 2007
This project is focused on increasing productivity of cultivated trees in Haiti in response to the over-exploitation of native forests and conversion of forested lands to agriculture demands. ; This document summarizes the 5-year results of mahogany (Swietenia) trials in Haiti. These trials are part of a larger tree improvement program that was implemented under the USAID-funded Agroforestry II (1988-1991) project and continued during the PLUS (1992-present) project. The progeny of S. mahagoni and S. macrophylla, selected for their excellent tree form, were established in 2 orchards and 4 arboreta in 1990-1991. Three seed lots of the S. macrophylla x S. mahagoni hybrid were imported from Puerto Rico and St. Croix to compare their survival and growth with selected progeny of the parent species. S. macrophylla and S. humilis provenances were imported from Costa Rica and compared for survival and growth at 2 sites in the southwestern part of the country. Survival: Site survival after 5 years, including both S. macrophylla and S. humilis, was higher at Bérault (59%) than at Labordette (38%). Statistical differences were detected between species at the 1- and 3-year stage at Labordette and at the 1-year stage at Bérault. At both sites, S. humilis showed a higher survival rate than S. macrophylla. This superiority was still evident after 5 years, though not statistically significant at the 0.05 probability level. The S. macrophylla x S. mahagoni hybrid exhibited higher survival than either parent species at the Roche Blanche and Marmont seed orchards, but ranked the lowest of the 3 at the Marmont arboretum. Comparing the two parent species, S. mahagoni survived better than S. macrophylla at four of five trials (Fauché, Marmont arboretum, Paillant, and Roche Blanche). At the 3-year stage, survival of the hybrid averaged 57%, ranging from 51%-67%. Corresponding means for S. mahagoni was 62%, ranging from 38%-82%. S. macrophylla averaged 42%, ranging from 24%-58%. The sites tested were located within the natural range of S. mahagoni in Haiti. Differences in survival among families or seed lot varied greatly depending on site. Survival of the S. mahagoni families ranged from 0%-91% after 3 years; survival of the S. macrophylla families ranged from 0%-100%; survival of the hybrid sed lots ranged from 27%-100%. Differences in survival could not be analyzed at the family or seed lot level because the orchards and arboreta were not designed to test such differences. Height Growth: No differences were shown in height growth between S. humilis and S. macrophylla after 5 years at Bérault and Labordette. The only difference occurred at Labordette after the first year of growth with S. macrophylla 2469 showing a slight superiority over S. humilis 2470. The lowland moist site (Bérault) exhibited a mean height growth of 7.1 m after 5 years compared to 4.4 m at the mountainous site (Labordette). Differences in soil depth and moisture balances largely account for the faster growth rates observed at Bérault. The hybrid achieved mean annual growth rates of 1.0 m/yr and 1.2 m/yr at Roche Blanche and Marmont, respectively, during the first 3 years. The hybrid showed no statistical difference from the families of either parent species at the Roche Blanche orchard. The hybrid was inferior in height growth to selected families of both S. macrophylla (486) and S. mahagoni (465) at the Marmont arboretum after 1 year, but not at 3 and 5 years. At the Marmont seed orchard, the only family that showed superior height growth to the hybrid was S. macrophylla 487 at 1 year. Subsequent years showed no statistical differences among the families of the parent species and the hybrid. Significant differences in height growth between S. macrophylla and S. mahagoni was exhibited at Fauché, the wettest site, throughout the trial period of 5 years. S. macrophylla averaged 10.6 m compared to a mean height of 5.7 m of S. mahagoni. No difference in mean height growth between the two S. mahagoni families was detected. The other trials, established on much drier sites, showed no difference between the 2 species. However, differences were detected between certain families of each species at Marmont and Paillant. S. macrophylla 486 exhibited the best height growth of any single-tree family at Marmont, significantly better than 5 other S. macrophylla families (482, 483, 487, 489, and 497) and one S. mahagoni family (466) after 3 years of growth. Mean height growth of the S. macrophylla progeny ranged between 2.1 m and 6.0 m - a difference of 186% - compared to a smaller range of 3.7 m to 4.2 m - a difference of 14% - for S. mahagoni at the Marmont arboretum after 5 years. S. macrophylla 497 showed better growth than S. macrophylla 494 at Paillant after 3 years - significant at the 0.05 probability level. Diameter Growth: Differences were shown among S. humilis and S. macrophylla provenances at Bérault, but not between the 2 species. S. humilis 2470 exhibited the highest mean dbh (11.6 cm) after 5 years, which was statistically different from S. macrophylla 2469 (9.0 cm), but not the other 2 provenances. This difference was also shown for basal diameter (15.5 cm versus 13.0 cm). The exact opposite trend occurred at Labordette. S. macrophylla 2469 exhibited significantly greater stem growth than S. humilis 2470 after 5 years for both dbh and basal diameter. After 5 years, the Bérault trial averaged nearly twice the dbh growth as the trees at Labordette (10.5 cm versus 5.6 cm). The mean annual dbh rate of the hybrid after 3 years was 1.0 cm, 1.1 cm and 1.3 cm at Roche Blanche, Marmont orchard and Marmont arburetum, respectively. Stem diameter growth was stagnant during the 4th and 5th years because of severe droughts and grass competition of the trial that occurred during 1994-95. Differences in dbh and basal diamter were not shown to be significant among the hybrid, S. mahagoni and S. macrophylla species. The trials that exhibited the best growth (Fauché and the Marmont arboretum) were also the only trials that showed statistical differences among the S. mahagoni and S. macrophylla families. The mean dbh of S. macrophylla at Fauché was 11.4 cm after 5 years, equivalent to a mean annual growth rate of 2.3 cm. This was significantly better than the mean dbh of S. mahagoni (7.0 cm). At the Marmont arboretum, S. macrophylla 486 was the top-ranked mahogany family after 5 years with a mean dbh of 7.1 cm. Significant differences were exhibited between this family and the rest of the Swietenia genotypes at the 0.05 probability level. S. macrophylla 489 was the top-ranked mahogany family in the orchard during the same time period with a mean dbh of 6.8 cm. No differences were shown among the families in the orchard after 5 years at the 0.05 probability level. Merchantable Volume: The Bérault site produced 3 times the volume of lumber quality wood as Labordette. The site average per tree, including both S. humilis and S. macrophylla species, was approximately 5.77 x 10[superscript]-2 m[superscript]3 at Bérault and 1.73 x 10[superscript]-2 m[superscript]3 at Labordette. At Bérault, there was an insignificant difference between S. humilis (5.7 x 10[superscript]-2 m[superscript]3 per tree) and S. macrophylla (5.6 x 10[superscript]-2 m[superscript]3 per tree). The highest yielding provenance was S. macrophylla 1982 (6.8 x 10[superscript]-2 m[superscript]3 per tree) and the poorest production was exhibited by S. macrophylla 2469 (4.3 x 10[superscript]-2 m[superscript]3 per tree). Differences among provenances were not shown to be significant at either site. The provenances that achieved the best height and diameter growth were also the ones that exhibited the highest merchantable volume. S. macrophylla produced 3 times the volume of lumber quality wood as S. mahagoni at Fauché, on a per tree basis. However this difference decreased to double the volume, on a per hectare basis, because of the lower survival of S. macrophylla. Differences in volume yield between the 2 families of S. mahagoni were not significant at the 0.05 probability level. Recommendations: Although USAID support for this tree improvement phase of the PLUS project has ended, much needs to be done to protect Haiti's rich heritage of mahogany, and to restore the population of this valuable lumber source by making seed of selected genotypes available to farmers and land owners. The following activities are recommended to avoid jeopardizing the progress that has been accomplished to date. (1) Selectively thin the two seed orchards at Roche Blanche and Marmont by eliminating the inferior individuals and maintaining a balanced number of well-formed individuals of each genotype. The outcrossing of progeny from plus trees and the production of vigorous offspring is the first step in the production of improved seed. Seed production is not forecasted until 12-13 years of age (Lamb, 1966) or 2002. (2) Distribute seed lots from the orchards according to life zone considerations and through centralized nurseries that can track source-identified germplasm. Seed should be collected from the S. mahagoni and S. macrophylla x S. mahagoni hybrids for dry and moist forest regions of Haiti; that of S. macrophylla and the hybrids for moist to wet forest zones. Efforts should be made to study the flowering patterns of the orchard trees and observe the variability of their progeny in the nursery. Mahagony is largely pollinated by insects and normally outbreeds, but can set a high quantities of seed by self-pollination (Yang, 1965, Styles and Khosla, 1976). The orchards should be rogued based on the field performance of their progeny. (3) Selectively thin the arboreta and the S. humilis/S. macrophylla provenance trials to encourage development of the best-formed individuals. These trees should be selected based on desirable characteristics such as (1) stem form and volume, (2) pest and disease resistance, (3) symmetrical crowns and ideal crown:dbh ratio, and (4) overall survival and vigor. The S. humilis provenances are the only representatives of the species in Haiti and should be observed carefully vis-à-vis the S. macrophylla. The S. macrophylla provenances may be an important addition to the genetic diversity of the species in Haiti since most of what has spread in Haiti originates from the narrow genetic base of the stands at Franklin and Bayeux. (4) If additional orchards are established, select a wide base of plus trees, including second generation individuals located in the arboreta and orchards, and vegetatively propogate them via procedures outlined in Howard et al. (1988) and Leakey et al. (1990). Vegetative propagation of a selected genotype reduces the risk of introducing less desirable gene complexes that result from outbreeding of the mother trees. (5) Progeny trials, designed to optimally test for genetic differences among families, should be installed and monitored for a rotation age (at least 20 years) with a wide selection of genotypes from the orchards to prove their superiority over unselected genotypes. This step is critical to fulfill the requirements of certified seed. Characteristics qualifying genetic stock for the level certified must be carefully spelled out, as are the environmental conditions under which a particular genotype is expected to give above-average performance. These trials can later be rogued and converted to seed orchards for improved lines of mahogany in Haiti. They should be established with the support of the Service des Ressources Forestières, satisfying long term security and supervision requirements. (6) Monitor any natural regeneration or seedlings originating from the orchards to confirm the pattern and degree of heterosis (i.e., hybridization) and its effects on survival, growth rates and form. Most mahogany currently cultivated by Haitian farmers are pure S. mahagoni. However, demand for the hybrid may increase because of its superior form and faster growth rates on selected sites. Gene banks of pure S. mahagoni, selected throughout Haiti and the island of Hispaniola, should be established to continue efforts to conserve the remaining gene pool of a species that has economic importance, but that has been seriously high-graded throughout the history of Haiti. (7) Inform the Service des Ressources Forestière (MARNDR) of the importance and urgency to develop a long-term strategy, integrating genetic conservation and improvement of S. mahagoni as a native species of economic value. Coordinate the transfer of information from the wide range of international organizations involved with genetic conservation and improvement of mahagony in Central America and the Caribbean, particularly efforts undertaken by CATIE and IITF in collaboration with universities and international organizations (Glogiewicz, 1986; Newton et al., 1993). The government should encourage private sector investment in the certified production of mahogany wood products and seed with a view of developing management guidelines that combine conservation with production. ; Ce document résume les résultats de 5 ans de recherches sur l'acajou (Swietenia) en Haiti. Ces essais font partie d'un programme plus large d'amélioration génétique forestière qui a été implanté sous l'égide du Projet d'Agroforesterie II (1988-1991) financé par l'USAID et qui s'est poursuivi sous le Projet PLUS (de 1992 à nos jours). Les progénitures de S. mahogani et S. macrophylla, sélectionnées pour l'excellente forme de l'arbre, ont été établies dans 2 vergers et 4 arboreta en 1990-1991. Trois lots de semence de l'hybride S. macrophylla x S. mahogani ont été importés de Porto-Rico et de Ste Crois pour comparer leur survie et leur croissance à celles des progénitures sélectionnées des espèces parentales. Les provenances de S. macrophylla et S. humilis ont été importées de Costa Rica et comparées pour la survie et la croissance sur 2 sites dans le sud-ouest du pays. Survie: Après 5 ans d'établissement des essais, le taux de survie pour le site, tant pour le S. macrophylla que pour le S. humilis, a été plus élevé à Bérault (59%) qu'à Labordette (38%). Des différences statistiques ont été détectées entre les espèces à 1 et 3 ans à Labordette et à 1 an à Bérault. Aux deux sites, le S. humilis a montré un taux de survie plus élevé que le S. macrophylla. Cette supériorité a toujours persisté après 5 ans, bien qu'aucune différence statistique à 0,05 de probabilité n'ait été observée. L'hybride du S. macrophylla x S. mahogani a accusé un taux de survie plus élevé, comparé aux espèces parentales tant à Roche Blanche que dans les vergers producteur de graines de Marmont, mais s'est classé le dernier des 3 à l'arboretum de Marmont. En comparant les deux espèces parentales, le S. mahogani a mieux survécu que le S. macrophylla dans quatre des cinq essais (Fauché, arboretum de Marmont, Paillant et Roche Blanche). Au stade de 3 ans, l'hybride a accusé une survie moyenne de 57%, variant de 51% à 67%. La moyenne correspondante pour S. mahogani a été de 62%, passant de 38% à 82%. S. macrophylla a donné une moyenne de 42%, allant de 24% à 58%. Les site testés sont situés dans l'aire de distribution naturelle de S. mahogani en Haiti. Les différences de survie entre les familles ou lots de semences ont beaucoup varié dépendant du site. La survie des familles de S. mahogani a varié de 0% à 91% pendant 3 ans; celle de S. macrophylla de 0% à 100%; celle de l'hybride de 27% à 100%. Des différences de survie n'ont pas pu être analysées au niveau de la famille ou de lot de semences parce que les vergers et arboreta n'ont pas été conçus pour tester de telles différences. Croissance en Hauteur: Il n'y a eu aucune différence significative dans la croissance en hauteur entre le S. humilis et le S. macrophylla après 5 ans à Bérault et à Labordette. La seule différence s'est manifestée à Labordette après la première année de croissance avec le S. macrophylla 2469 qui a montré une légère supériorité sur le S. humilis 2470. Le site humide de basse altitude (Bérault) a accusé une croissance moyenne en hauteur de 7,1 m après 5 ans, comparé à 4,4 m au site montagneux (Labordette). Les différences de profondeur de sol et d'humidité expliquent largement les taux de croissance plus rapides observés à Bérault. L'hybride a accusé des taux de croissance annuelle de 1,0 m/an et 1,2 m/an à Roche Blanche et Marmont, respectivement, pendant les trois premières années. Il n'a pas montré de différence statistique avec les familles des espèce parentales au verger de Roche Blanche. Il s'est montré inférieur pour la croissance en hauteur comparé aux familles tant du S. macrophylla (486) que du S. mahogani (465) à l'arboretum de Marmont après 1 an, mais pas à 3 et 5 ans. Au verger à graines de Marmont, la seule famille qui ait montré une croissance en hauteur supérieure à celle de l'hybride, a été le S. macrophylla (487) à 1 an. Pour les années suivantes, il n'y a pas eu de différence significative entre les familles des espèces parentales et l'hybride. Des différences significatives de croissance en hauteur entre le S. macrophylla et le S. mahogani, ont été observées à Fauché, le site le plus humide, pour toute la période de 5 ans des essais. S. macrophylla a accusé une hauteur moyenne de 10,6 m, contre 5,7 m du S. mahogani. Aucune différence dans la croissance en hauteur entre les deux familles de S. mahogani n'a été détectée. Les autres essais, établis sur les sites plus secs, n'ont révélé aucune différence entre les 2 espèces. Cependant, des différences ont été détectées entre certaines familles de chaque espèce à Marmont et à Paillant. S. macrophylla 486 a manifesté la meilleure croissance en hauteur de famille issue d'un seul arbre à Marmont, significativement meilleure que 5 autres familles de S. macrophylla (482, 483, 487, 489, et 497) et une famille de S. mahogani (466) après 3 ans de croissance. La croissance moyenne en hauteur de la progéniture de S. macrophylla a varié entre 2,1 m et 6,0 m - une différence de 186% - comparée à une variation moins grande de 3,7 m à 4,2 m - une différence de 14% - pour le S. mahogani à l'arboretum de Marmont après 5 ans. Le S. macrophylla 497 a montré une meilleure croissance que le S. macrophylla 494 à Paillant après 3 ans - difference significative à 0,05 de probabilité. Croissance en Diamètre: Des différences ont été décelées entre les provenances de S. hummilis et de S. macrophylla à Bérault, mais pas entre les 2 espèces. S. humilis 2470 a accusé le dhp moyen le plus élevé (11,6 cm) après 5 ans, ce qui est statistiquement différent du S. macrophylla 2469 (9,0 cm), mais pas des 2 autres provenances. Cette différence à été aussi observée pour le diamètre basal (15,5 cm versus 13,0 cm). Exactement la tendance contraire a été observée à Labordette. S. macrophylla 2469 a accusé une croissance de tige significativement supérieure à celle de S. humilis 2470 après 5 ans, tant pour le dhp que pour le diamètre basal. Après 5 ans, l'essai de Bérault a donné une moyenne de croissance en dhp environ deux fois supérieure à celle des arbres à Labordette (10,5 cm versus 5,6 cm). Le taux de croissance moyenne en dhp de l'hybride après 3 ans a été de 1,0 cm, 1,1 cm et 1,3 cm au verger de Roche Blanche, à celui de Marmont et à l'arboretum de Marmont, respectivement. La croissance en diamètre de tige a été stagnante pendant les 4ème et 5ème années à cause de sécheresses sévères et de la compétition des mauvaises herbes dans l'essai pendant la période 1994-95. Les différences en dhp et diamètre basal n'ont pas été significatives entre l'hybride et les espèces de S. mahogani et S. macrophylla. Les essais qui ont montré la meilleure croissance (à Fauché et à l'arboretum de Marmont) ont été les seuls essais qui ont accusé des différences statistiques entre les familles de S. mahogani et de S. macrophylla. Le dhp moyen de S. macrophylla à Fauché a été de 11,4 cm après 5 ans, équivalent à un taux de croissance moyenne annuelle de 2,3 cm. Ce résultat a été significativement meilleur que le dhp moyen de S. mahogani (7,0 cm). A l'arboretum de Marmont, le S. macrophylla 486 a été classé le premier parmi les familles d'acajou après 5 ans, avec un dhp moyen de 7,1 cm. Des différences significatives ont été décelées entre cette famille et le reste des génotypes de Swietenia à 0,05 de probabilité. Le S. macrophylla 489 a été classé comme la meilleure famille d'acajou du verger pendant la même période avec un dhp moyen de 6,8 cm. Il n'y a pas eu de différences significatives entre les familles du verger après 5 ans à 0,05 de probabilité. Volume marchand: Le site de Bérault produisit 3 fois plus de volume de bois scié de qualité que celui de Labordette. La moyenne du site par arbre, y compris les deux espèces S. humilis et S. macrophylla, a été approximativement de 5,77 x 10[superscript]-2 m[superscript]3 à Labordette. A Bérault, il n'y a pas eu de différence significative entre le S. humilis (5,7 x 10[superscript]-2 m[superscript]3 par arbre) et le S. macrophylla (5,6 x 10[superscript]-2 m[superscript]3 par arbre). La provenance la plus productive a été le S. macrophylla 1982 (6,8 x 10[superscript]-2 m[superscript]3 par arbre) et la moins performante a été le S. macrophylla 2469 (4,3 x 10[superscript]-2 m[superscript]3 par arbre). Il n'y a pas eu de différences significatives entre les provenances à aucun des sites. Les provenances qui ont atteint la meilleure croissance en hauteur et en diamètre ont été aussi celles qui ont donné le volume de bois marchand le plus élevé. S. macrophylla produisit 3 fois plus de volume de bois scié de qualité que le S. mahogani à Fauché, sur une base par arbre. Cependant, cette différence diminua au double du volume, sur une base par hectare, à cause du plus bas taux de survie du S. macrophylla. Les différences de rendements en volume entre les 2 familles du S. mahogani n'ont pas été significatives à 0,05 de probabilité. Recommandations: Bien que le financement par l'USAID de la section d'amélioration génétique forestière ait pris fin, il reste encore beaucoup à faire pour protéger le riche héritage de l'acajou, et pour restaurer la population de cette source de bois précieux en mettant à la disposition des fermiers et des propriétaires terriens, des semences de génotypes sélectionnés. Les activités suivantes sont recommandées pour éviter de perdre les bénéfices de ce qui a été accompli jusqu'ici: (1) Procéder à l'éclairie sélective des deux vergers à Roche Blanche et Marmont, en éliminant les individus inférieurs et en maintenant une quantité équilibrée d'individus bien formés de chaque génotype. Le croisement entre progénitures des arbres sélectionnés et la production de descendants vigoureux est la première étape dans la production de semences améliorées. La production de semences n'est pas prévue avant l'âge de 12-13 ans (Lamb, 1996) ou avant 2002. (2) Distribuer des lots de semences provenant des vergers en tenant compte des zones écologiques et à travers des pépinières centralisées qui permettent de suivre la trace du germoplasme de sources identifiées. Des semences de S. mahogani et des hybrides de S. macrophylla x S. mahogani devraient être collectées pour les régions forestières humides d'Haiti; celles du S. macrophylla et des hybrides pour les zones forestières humides et pluvieuses. Des efforts devraient être faits pour étudier les époques de floraison des arbres des vergers et observer la variabilité de leurs progénitures en pépinière. L'acajou est largement pollinisé par les insectes et par la pollinisation croisée naturelle, mais peut donner une grande quantité de semences par auto-pollinisation (Yang, 1965; Styles et Khosla, 1976). Les vergers devraient être sélectionnés sur la base de la performance des progénitures sur le terrain. (3) Procéder à des éclaircies sélectives des arboreta et des essais de provenances de S. humilis et de S. macrophylla pour encourager le développement des individus les mieux formés. Ces arbres devraient être sélectionnés sur las base de caractéristiques désirables telles que: (1) forme de tige et volume, (2) résistance aux pestes et aux maladies, (3) couronnes symétriques et rapport couronne idéale:dhp, et (4) survie générale et vigeur. Les provenances de S. humilis sont les seuls représentants de l'espèce en Haiti et devraient être observées soigneusement par rapport au S. macrophylla. Les provenances de S. macrophylla peuvent constituer un important apport à la diversité génétique de l'espèce en Haiti, étant donné que ce qui a été promu en Haiti vient de la base génétique étroite des peuplements établis à Franklin et Bayeux. (4) Si de nouveaux vergers sont établis, sélectionner une large base d'arbres phénotypiquement supérieurs, y compris la seconde génération d'individus dans les arboreta et les vergers, et les propager végétativement via des procédures esquissées dans Howard et al. (1988) et Leakey et al. (1990). La propagation végétative de génotypes sélectionnés réduit les risques d'introduire des complexes de gènes moins désirables résultant du croisement des arbres-mères. (5) Des essais de progénitures, planifiés pour tester de façon optimum les différences génétiques entre les familles, devraient être installés et suivis pour une période de rotation (au moins 20 ans) avec une sélection large de génotypes venant des vergers pour prouver leur supériorité sur les génotypes non sélectionnés. Cette étape est critique pour satisfaire les exigences de semences certifiées. Les critères de qualification du stock génétique pour las certification devraient être clairement définis, aussi bien que les conditions environnementales sous lesquelles un génotype particulier est supposé donner une performance au-dessus de la moyenne. Ces essais peuvent être éliminés plus tard et convertis en vergers producteurs de graines pour des lignées améliorées d'acajou en Haiti. Ils devraient être établis avec le support du Service des Ressources Forestières, pour répondre aux exigences de sécurité à long terme et de supervision. (6) Contrôler toute régénération naturelle ou plantules venant des vergers pour confirmer le modèle et le degré d'hétérosis (i.e. hybridation) et ses effets sur la survie, les taux de croissance et la forme. La plupart des acajous plantés en Haiti sont des lignées pures de S. mahagoni. Cependant, la demande pour l'hybride peut augmenter à cause de la supériorité de sa forme et les taux de croissance plus rapides sur les sites testés. Les banques de gènes de lignées pures de S. mahogani, sélectionnées à travers Haiti et l'île d'Hispaniola, devraient être établies pour continuer les efforts de conserver le mélange génétique restant d'une espèce économiquement importante, qui a toujours été considérée comme une espèce de bois précieux en Haiti. (7) Informe le Service des Ressources Forestières du MARNDR de l'importance et de l'urgence de développer une stratégie à long terme, intégrant la conservation génétique et l'amélioration du S. mahogani comme une espèce indigène de valeur économique. Coordonner le transfert des informations venant d'une série d'organisations internationales impliquées dans la conservation génétique et l'amélioration de l'acajou en Amérique Centrale et dans les Caraibes. Citons particulièrement les efforts entrepris par CATIE et IITF dans la collaboration avec des universités et des organisations internationales (Glogiewicz, 1986, Newton et al., 1993). Le gouvernement devrait encourager le secteur privé à investir dans la production de produit fabriqués avec du bois d'acajou certifé et de semences avec pour objectif de développer des grandes lignes de gestion qui combinent la conservation et la production.
The Marriott,Slaterville City Oral History Collection was created by the residents of the town to document their history. Each participant was provided with a list of questions asking for; stories about their childhood, schools they attended, stories about their parents and grand,parents, activities they enjoyed, fashions they remember, difficulties or traumas they may have dealt with, and memories of community and church leaders. This endeavor has left behind rich histories, stories and important information regarding the history of the Marriott,Slaterville area. ; 17p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in.; 1 videodisc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Abstract: This is an oral history of Orvil Holley. It was conducted March 1, 2007 and concerns his recollections of the history of the Marriott-Slaterville area. OH: Hello. My name is Orvil Holley. I was born in Slaterville, Utah on the 15th of November 1925. I was born in the old Echins home. That home still stands this day. In the spring of 1926 my family moved to the Rhoan Wheeler property, which is still there, and at that time it was across the road from the Slaterville Creamery, which was a cooperative association of dairy farmers in the area. It was active for some twenty years. My father was a dairyman and a farmer raising all kinds of crops such as peas, corn, alfalfa, wheat, barley, oats, beets, and some other crops. My father had married my mother who was a widow and he was a widower. He had a family, and when he married my mother she had three boys and a girl. I am the only child of my father and my mother. My mother was Amelia Echins Alan Holley and my father was Henry Ezra Holley. My father was in his forties when I was born and mother was a few years younger. I remember the early roads. When I was a youngster I particularly remember the grater pulled by what looked like a caterpillar tractor. It came along and grated the roads. Also there were a number of artesian sulfur wells that were drilled in Marriott and Slaterville. These wells were drilled for the purpose of filling up a tanker that was pulled by an old tractor or a team of horses that used to go along and water the roads to keep the dust down a little bit. I don't know if any of those old wells are still in existence or not. I also remember the kids walking to school. At that time the Slaterville School was located on the property where the Slaterville park is now, right where the backstop is in fact. It was really an interesting thing to me because it was the only building that I knew of that had inside plumbing. All of the farm boys enjoyed that particular part of the schoolhouse. There were many great things that happened in that school house. I'll have to tell you one. I think I was in about the fourth grade—maybe it was the third grade. The teacher was a man from North Ogden by the name of Charles Chandler. We only had Charles for one period. That was the last period of the day. Normally, our class was down in the basement, but for this class, the class that Mr. Chandler taught, we would go upstairs. It just so happened that on this particular day three of the boys decided that they would sluff. They were older boys. Their names were Clyde Hunter, Raymond Bowans and Delore Echins. For some reason, they decided that they would get in the closet upstairs and hide in that closet as the classes changed and then they would sneak out of the closets and open a window and go out onto the roof of the restrooms and slide down on the ground and away they would go. Well…it just so happened that Mr. Chandler saw them going into the closet. He called our class to go into that room where the closet was. In those days the children's seats were all on runners. They would put a row of seats and maybe six or seven, maybe eight seats to one runner. So when you move the seats you had to move the runners too. He had us move those seats right over next to the closet. The closet had two doors that opened to the outside towards us. Then Mr. Chandler got his chair and put the back of it up against the door and his feet on these seats that we were sitting in. There was no way that those boys could get out of that room. Well about two-thirds of the way through the class we could hear some rustling going on inside that room. It was a very small room, they were in cramped conditions. Then all of a sudden we could hear what sounded like water—a trickle of water running into a can. But what the person didn't know in the closet was that this was a flower can that had holes in the bottom and pretty soon a little yellow stream came out from underneath the door and into our classroom. You can imagine what the class was like in that particular incident. I thought you might be interested in that. It might be interesting to say a little bit about those old country schools. They weren't very large. The Slaterville School for example had four rooms, two downstairs and two upstairs. But only one of the rooms downstairs was used for teaching. The other room was never fixed up for teaching. It was still dirt, dirt floor—the only things that I can remember that connected that with any of the other rooms were the heating pipes that went through the room. That was a wonderful place for the kids to play in the wintertime. But it was a little dusty and I can remember seeing dust so thick that you couldn't see from one end of the room to the other. Now generally speaking, school went through the eighth grade, but when I started school, school went through the ninth grade. The way it worked is, we had three classes in each room. So in the basement we had the first, second, and third grade all in the same room. Then the two rooms upstairs had third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, and on up into eighth or maybe ninth. I don't remember which. Anyway, it was kind of an interesting thing as one teacher handled all three grades. My first grade class—the most it ever had in it was about eight and sometimes it only had five, most of the time it was about six kids in the first grade. And some of those kids are still alive today and still live in Slaterville. In as much as my mother was born in a house that was almost on the borderline between Slaterville and Marriott. She attended the Marriott School for some years. We know that some of the Marriott kids attended the Slaterville School some years. In fact, I remember when I was in school that Marriott—when we were in the sixth grade, Marriott had no sixth graders and we did have Marriott fifth graders over in our school. So it is kind of an interesting setup in these schools. Well let's go back to the very earliest days, before there was a Slaterville, before there was a Marriott. About 1850, there was some movement of people out into this area of the county. At that time there was no Marriott, there was no Slaterville. In fact, one of the things that we are trying to find out at this time is "when did Marriott become Marriott and when did Slaterville become Slaterville?" So far, we can't nail that down. But the first settlers in Slaterville were the Steven Slater family—the Steven Perry family. They settled on the North side of what became known as Mill Creek. Right across from Mill Creek was Marriott. Just when Marriott was settled was, I understand, about the same time. We still have some of the descendants of Steven Perry living in Slaterville today. The man for whom Slaterville is named, Richard Slater, came into Slaterville in 1853. As you can tell he wasn't one of the original settlers so it wasn't named Slaterville because he was an original settler. Tradition has it that was named Slaterville after Richard Slater because he was a member of the Mormon Battalion. I think that was why Slaterville became as it was. The earliest documentation of the name Slaterville comes from the Deseret News and it is at about 1860. It mentions Slaterville as one of the little communities West of Ogden City. Naturally it had to be named Slaterville before that appeared in the Deseret News but just when, we don't know. Irrigation was very important to the people in all of Weber County. If you think of Slaterville, it was a very good place for those early settlers to make their homes because of the water sources. On the South end was the Ogden-Weber River. In the middle was Mill Creek. And on the north end was Four-Mile Creek. They had three water sources going through the community. Now they had to have a way for getting the water from those ditches—those creeks and streams—out to the farms. This is an amazing thing to me. Those old pioneers had some system of knowing where to put those canals and those ditches so they flowed easily with nothing but gravity to pull them along and yet they are still in existence and still being used today. It is magnificent. Now because the water was so important, it was important for those canals and ditches to be clean. That was quite a thing. The presidents of the companies would call to their members and say we are going to clean on such and such a day and we would like you to show up. There would be a huge turnout of men with horses and with cultivators and scrapers and men with shovels and hoes and rakes. They would start—sometimes they would start on each end of the canals and work towards each other. In those days, they cleaned those canals—they were really neat and clean. The ditches were the same way. They were very cooperative one with another even though they may have had some difficulties religiously; they still were together in those community projects. Now I mentioned something about even though citizens in the city or in the town of Slaterville particularly, may not have been together religiously but worked cooperatively on community programs such as cleaning ditches and so forth. I might say, in about 1860 there was a man that came into Slaterville by the name of Joseph Morris. He was very successful in teaching his religious views to particularly the western half of the Slaterville community. So successful was he, that he was invited to leave by the ecclesiastical authorities here in the community. So he left and he took with him almost all the western half of the community, over fifty people were involved. They went to South Weber. I might tell you one little story that comes out of that settlement. When Joseph Morris left Slaterville he went to South Weber. It has always been our belief—in fact, it was so written in a Master's thesis that I did, that this happened to William Jones of Slaterville. But within the last six months we learned that it is not William Jones of Slaterville but William Jones of Marriott that this happened to. We are just learning that the people of Marriott were also involved, more than one, in having people who have succumbed to Mr. Morris's work. They all moved over to South Weber. At the height of the community there is believed to be about seven hundred people in the South Weber area who were connected with the Morrisites. The story goes that Mr. Jones was disappointed with some of the things that Morris was teaching. For example, he was teaching that the advent of the Savior was imminent. He even set the day. When the savior didn't come, Mr. Morris found that he had made a mistake in his calculations and so set another day. He still didn't show up so some of the Morrisites started to get a little bit nervous. Brother Jones from Marriott decided that he would leave and take his wife and away they went. One of the problems that they have is they had to give everything that they owned into the Morrisite Prophet Morris. If anybody wanted to leave they were allowed to leave but they couldn't take anything with them that they had brought such as grain and flour or food stuffs of any sort. That had to stay and that kind of bothered Mr. Jones. One day after he and his wife left he saw a wagon load of wheat coming out of Kingston Fort which was the name of the area where Mr. Morris and his people lived. This wagon load of grain was headed for the grist mill. Mr. Jones knew that he had contributed much more than one load of grain to the Morrisite cause and he didn't have anything to live on so he decided to commandeer this load of grain, which he did. But when the news got back to Mr. Morris, he sent some of his people to regain the grain. He also took into custody Mr. and Mrs. Jones. This caused a lot of trouble. The Jones' relatives went to the legal authorities to try and get them to go and see if they could get the release of Mr. and Mrs. Jones, which they tried to do but were unsuccessful. Finally, it got so bad that they asked the Governor of the state to send the militia to South Weber. The Governor was not in Utah at the time but the person who took his place was in charge and he did call out the militia. They came into South Weber and we can't go into detail on that but just to say that the militia at a certain time open fired and I have held in my hands the cannonball that came down the side of the mountain, bounced along, went through the fence where Mr. and Mrs. Jones had been kept in custody, landed in the lap of Mrs. Jones. That cannonball is still in existence and the descendents of the Jones family still have it. Just a little story to let you know how things went sometimes in those days. Going back a little bit to my early days—needless to say, my mother and father never owned a home of their own until they were both at sixty years. They always rented. They worked hard. Their families that were with them worked hard. We always had good living conditions. I was born in a brick home. When we went to the Wheeler place it was a brick home. When we moved back to the Echins place it was still a brick home. We had a good home. We also came up through the '30's, which was the depression. You could go to town—when I was a boy, about seven or eight years old, once a week we would go to town on a Saturday. I always went with my cousin. Either we rode with his folks or he rode with ours. One of the great things that we lived for all week was to go to Ross & Jacks and eat. You could get burger, spuds for fifteen cents, which was enough to feed a man. Then for ten cents more you could get a pie. So for twenty-five cents you could get a meal. Then we would go to the movies, it was a double-feature for a dime. We were well taken care of as far as that type of thing was concerned. A lot of the boys rode horses in those days. A lot of the boys had some really fine horses. They liked to swim in the river. It was dangerous. My older brother almost drowned in the river but Alvin Cobabe who now owns Powder Mountain and Arthur Slater saved his life. They remember it and he remembers it even better than they do. We used to have what was called ward reunions once every year. Everybody was invited back to that particular ward on a particular date and they had the most fun and the greatest time that you can imagine. Slaterville's reunion was always on the last Thursday of January. Marriott's reunion was in February, I don't remember the date but they still hold their reunion. Marriott still holds their ward reunion. All the other towns around—Farr West, Harrisville, Plain City, Hooper, Taylor, Riverdale—they all have their reunions. It wasn't unusual for our people from the Slaterville area to go to Marriott and Marriott would come to Slaterville, then they would go to Plain City. It was something they looked forward to that they could have a really wonderful time once each month and sometimes more than that because some of the other communities held their reunion the same month. You can't imagine, unless you see it, what the dancing was like. The dances were learned dances—quadrilles—and everybody did the same steps, the same moves on the floor. They had Virginia reels, which sometimes people still have today but those kind of dances, where everyone knows what the dance is and they all dance it. It was just beautiful to see. They would dance their shoes off and just have the greatest time. It was just wonderful folks. Not being familiar with how all the wards handled their reunions, I will just tell you how Slaterville did theirs. Normally it was on the last Thursday of January. The first program started at about eleven o'clock in the morning. It continued for about an hour and a half and then it was time for the dinner. Even though the areas they had to prepare those dinners, you wouldn't expect that they could do the jobs that they did. They had everything. You can't believe it. And what a spread they would put on. And all the wards were the same. They all just went all out. When people were so full that they could hardly walk back up the stairs, they would go back up and there may be another program for thirty minutes while the dinner settled and then they would go to dancing. This is in the afternoon. They would dance until time to go back down for the evening meal. They would go back down and have the evening meal, then they would come back up and they would have another program. These programs folks were great. Those people were talented. They could do anything. They were great actors. They would do—it was just amazing. When that program was over, usually about eight-thirty at night, we pushed the benches back and pile them up on top of each other to make room on the dance floor and then the dance began. It never finished until one or two o'clock in the morning. It was just great. I have been asked to say a little bit about my college years. I have to confess that it took me three years to get through two years of work at Weber College. I only would go two quarters a year and then in the Spring I would have to go home and start to plant and get ready for the next year—the harvest for that year. Then in the Fall I could go back to College and I would go for two quarters, Fall and Winter. While I was at Weber College I became involved with a group of young men who were musicians. I was not a musicians, I had never had a music lesson in my life. The three other fellows were studying music and were fine musicians. Somehow they invited me to join them in a quartet. This quartet lasted for quite a number of years. We sang professionally all over the state of Utah, Idaho, we sang at Sun Valley for the Union Pacific Railroad who owned Sun Valley. In fact, we were invited to go back to Sun Valley and sing for a big convention which hosted President Truman. I wanted to go so bad my teeth hurt but the other fellows said, "No, we have got finals coming up and we are not going to do it." So we didn't get to do that. Following that year, my final year at Weber College, these three wanted to go to the University of Utah to school so we went down there and had a great time. We lived together in an old army barracks. The war was now over, World War II was now over. We practiced our singing every day. We were on the first television station that broadcasts out of Utah, old KDYL. We had a program every week which gave us a little money to spend and we also were hired to sing at big conventions all over the city in Salt Lake that year. The next year our quartet kind of broke up a little bit because I was called on a mission and was gone for two years. When I came back we got together again and even had an agent. I often laugh at the agent's name, his name was Bill Risky. We always used to laugh that it was "Risky business" that we were in. They had graduated college by the time I got home. I went back to the University of Utah but an unusual thing happened. The President of Weber College had been Henry Aldous Dixon. He had been called and given the chance to become President of Utah State. I got a call from President Dixon one afternoon and he said, "I'd like you to come up and take care of the program bureau here at Utah State." I explained to President Dixon that I only needed thirteen hours to graduate from the "U" and I knew that it was required that you have fifteen hours from the institution from which you were to graduate. He said, "I think we can work that out." So I went up to Utah State and headed the program bureau up there and formed a quartet up at Utah State. We traveled all over the country for Utah State, advertising Utah State to the high schools in Idaho and Wyoming, Utah, we even went to California on one big trip. We had a great time, a wonderful experience. So I graduated from Utah State with a Bachelor of Science degree in speech and dramatics. I taught two years in public school and then was hired by the LDS church to teach seminary. It was required that we go down to BYU for a symposium which lasted six, seven, eight weeks every other summer. We decided instead of just going down there let's work on a degree. So many of us worked on a degree down there and I graduated with a Master's degree from BYU in 1966. It has been suggested that I give a little ecclesiastical history of the area. I think that has been well written up as far as the early days of Ogden City and Weber County is concerned. I know that Lorin Farr had a great deal to do with both the ecclesiastical and political history here in the Ogden area. There were some others who were very influential. Before there was any ecclesiastical authority in Slaterville, we were no doubt part of the Northern Stake of Zion at that time—two stakes of Zion, one in the Northern part of Weber County and the other in the Southern part. The first ecclesiastical person to hold an office in Slaterville was a man by the name of Thomas Richardson. He was something like a Branch President. He served faithfully for quite a number of years. One of his counselors was Edwin Smoot. After several years had gone by, Thomas Richardson began not feeling too well and also he was going to receive the call of Patriarch, so it was decided that Slaterville would probably become a ward. During the time that Thomas Richardson was not active as the Branch President, Brother Smoot being next in line did most of the ecclesiastical work in the Slaterville area. We are very grateful to Mr. Smoot for keeping a journal. In it he records the things that he did ecclesiastically—setting people apart, baptizing them, helping people do this and do that. He was very active. But a sad thing occurred when they held a meeting to announce the new Bishop. Brother Smoot thought that it would be him and it turned out to be John A. Allred. Brother Smoot withdrew from the church and took a good number with him. In reading his journal, you read up right to the day when they chose Allred as the Bishop. He recounts his great work in the church. Following the Bishops choosing and ordaining, Brother Smoot never says one more thing about the church except, "I asked them to take my name off the rolls." Kind of a sad day. We have been quite fortunate in this Slaterville area. Towns all around us have seen a great deal of growth. The old farmers have tried to hang on to most of the property that they have had and have tried to farm it. But we have finally seen a change in the last several years. Now within about the last year we have two fairly large developments in the Slaterville-Marriott area. It is sometimes a little difficult for us old timers to realize that other people need homes to live in too. We think we have a beautiful area here. The people have been united in the things that have been going on as far as organizing the present city of Marriott-Slaterville, which is now approximately sixteen years old. It has been amazing how the people have worked together. Before, Marriott and Slaterville didn't always get along the best. I could tell you stories about that. Maybe I will. Today, Marriott and Slaterville have a church where we meet together. We have three wards in that building and we are getting along fine. I am sure it is different than what some of the older folks thought we would be able to do. When Slaterville first decided that they needed a new building—they had no Bishop's office, they had to meet in the coal room, the furnace room of the building, to hold their Bishop meetings. Things were just not good for that particular time. Things were changing in the church. More meetings were being held. Finally, the bishopric of the Slaterville ward decided that they would see what they could do to make the old building suitable for the situation of the day. They got an architect to draw up some plans. When he finished the plans they looked good to the ward leaders and so the ward leaders asked the architect how much this would cost. He said nineteen thousand dollars should do it. So the bishopric scratched their heads and tried to figure out who on earth they could borrow nineteen thousand dollars from to build the building and pay the man back so much a month—if we could find somebody. Finally, one man came up as the one who could loan us nineteen thousand dollars. He was a bachelor, he had never married. He wasn't a member of the church. In fact, he was descendents of people who had joined the Morrisites. His name was Joe Stevens. We made an appointment and met with Joe and visited with him a few minutes. Then the bishop told him why we were there, that we had come to ask him if he would loan us nineteen thousand dollars to remodel the old church. Joe came up out of his chair and he said, "My goodness, I haven't got that kind of money." So we chatted a little bit and the amazing thing was before we left the house he wanted to know if he could be baptized. Shortly after, he was baptized. He died within just very few weeks after we had visited with Joe in his home. But he died a member of the church. Now how did Marriott and Slaterville get together? Well nobody thought they could. Half of Slaterville didn't think they could get along with Marriott and half of Marriott didn't think they could get along with Slaterville. But the two bishoprics got together and they had determined that they would look for a place to build. They picked a place on the old Marriott farm over in Marriott where California Pack had purchased one acre of property from the Marriott family to build a pea viner. The two wards purchased that piece of property from California Pack. Then the two wards were trying to decide how they were going to go about raising money and whatnot to try and move the project along. In the meantime, the committee in Marriott had written a letter to the first presidency, President David O. McKay, explaining that they would prefer to build their own building. Well not long after that letter was received by President McKay, the two bishoprics received word from our Stake President, President Wimmer, that two of the General Authorities, Bishop Vandenburg, the presiding Bishop of the church, and Elder Thomas Monson, a new member of the Quorum of the Twelve, were assigned to come up and meet with us. So the day was set and we met with Brother Vandenburg and Elder Monson in the basement of the old Slaterville church. After the pleasantries were over, Elder Monson looked at Bishop Buck, Bishop of the Marriott Ward, Clarence Buck, and he said, "President McKay has received your letter and read your letter and he has told us that we are not to come here and try to push a building down your throat. If you want to build a building, you are welcome to do so. However, be cautioned, you won't be able to afford the kind of building that you need, and it is our desire that you two wards get together if you possibly can." Then there was some discussion between Bishop Buck and the General Authorities concerning the problem, and with how many people were opposed to it in Marriott. There was sufficient number that it would cause some concern. Bishop Vandenburg, all of a sudden, he lighted up like a light and said, "Well I am from Ogden and I know Marriott. There are some Dutch people in Marriott aren't there? And Bishop Buck said, "Yes, there are." "Well they'll support you won't they?" "Well they are the worst ones in the whole ward." Bishop Vandenburg dropped his head and Elder Monson looked over at me and smiled and then he said, "How do you change a Dutchman's mind, Bishop?" Bishop Vandenburg sat there for a second, looked up and said, "You can't." Anyway, we got together and rode with the General Authorities around to look at different places where we might build and they picked out the spot where the church now stands. We dedicated that building in 1968. So it is almost forty years old. I think we have gotten along as good or better than most of the wards have who just had the wards divided among themselves. It has been really quite a wonderful thing. Now since those two wards went together some sixteen years ago, Marriott and Slaterville, the residents of those two communities, by a huge majority of vote, voted to go together to form a city. The city's name is Marriott-Slaterville. There was some opposition to that. Some people said, "That was too long a name, make it simpler." They pointed out other communities that had done that. But we knew the makeup of Marriott and Slaterville. Slaterville didn't want to lose its identity and Marriott didn't want to lose theirs. So why not Marriott-Slaterville? The wards today are Marriot-Slaterville 1, Marriott-Slaterville 2, and Marriott-Slaterville 3.
PRIZE ESSAY NUMBER. i i ~ JUSTE, 1904 IY6L, XIII. HO. i GETTYSBURG COLLEGE GETTYSBURG, PA. i w. V N. C. UARBKMENH, OCTTTOBUflS II n w i HELP THOSE WHO HELP US. The Intercollegiate Bureau of Academic Costume. Chartered igoz. Cottrell & Leonrard Albany, N. Y. AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA WWWWWWWWWWWW Makers of Caps, Gowns, Hoods AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA A. B. BLACK, Gettysburg College Representative. Come and Have a Good Shave, E. A. Wright's or HAIR-CUT at Engraving House, Naffy B. SeftOll's 1108 Chestnut St. PHILADELPHIA We have our own photograph gallery for half-tone and photo engraving. Fashionable Engraving and Stationery. Leading house for College, School and Wedding Invitations, Dance Programs, Menus. Fine engraving of all kinds. Before ordering elsewhere com-pare samples and prices. New Tons:)rial Parlor's, 35 Baltimore St. BARKERS' SUPPLIES A SPECIALTY. Also, choice line of fine Cigars. Northwestern Mutual Life Insurance Company, *^ A, L, Menbeck, Agent, COLLEGE. IF YOU CALL ON C. 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Everything You Want. Fine Stationery a Specialty. NO. 5 AND 7 EAST. i r PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. I WE HI A COMPLETE LI Of Novelties for the Spring Season, including Latest Suiting, Coating, Trousering and Vesting. Our Prices are Right. SPECIAL CARE TAKEN TO MAKE WORK STYLISH AND EXACTLY TO YOUR ORDER. tUill Ol. Seliman, T^, 7 Chambefsfaufg St., Gettysburg, Pa. R. A. WONDERS Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, etc. Scott's Corner, opp. Eagle Hotel GETTYSBURG, PA. Pool Parlors in Connection. D. J. Swartz Dealer in Country Produce Groceries Cigars and Tobacco GETTYSBURG. Established 1867 by Allen Walton. Allen K. Walton, Pres. and Treas. Robt. J. Walton, Superintendent. Hummelstown Browq Stone Company and Manufacturers of BUILDING STONE, SAWED FLAGGING, and TILE, WALTOMLLE DAUPHIN COUNTYj: PENNA. Contractors for all kinds of cut stone work. Telegraph and Express Address, BROVVNSTONE, PA. Parties visiting quarries will leave cars at Brownstone Station, on the P. & R. R. R. DO YOU NEED PNEY TO GO TO COLLEGE ? [FROM COPYRIGHTED STEREOGRAFH BY UNDERWOOD AND UNDERWOOD] Happy Land of t :e R* staff Sun where Song Unceasing Flows. Stereoscopes * and * Stereographs K\ can furnish it fo.' you during the Summer Vacation, Many New Subjects for this season: Russian-Japanese War, Panama Canal, Balti-more Fire, President Roosevelt, Gettysburg Battlefield: New Comic Series; Stereo-scopic Tours, accompanied by patent maps and interesting descriptive books- Write for particulars- Underwood & Underwood 3 AND 5 W. NINETEENTH ST., COR. FIFTH AVE., NEW YORK. REPRESENTED AT PENN'A COL. BY E- G- HESS- The CDcFGury. The Literary Journal of Gettyburg College. VOL. XIII. GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE, 1904. No. 4 CONTENTS "DE SAPIENTIAE PROFESSORIBUS "—POEM, . . 128 ANDROMACHE ET DECIDIANA. RUSSIAN AGGRESSION—Pen and Sword Prize Essay, . 130 PAUL B. DUNBAR, '04. A MODERN FAUST, 136 "X. Y. Z.'' SOCIALISM ,137 JOSEPH E. ROWE, '04. THE SABBATH AS A CIVILIZER, 144 Miss HELEN WAGNER, '06. THE COURSE OF THE U. S. GOVERNMENT IN CONNECTION WITH THE PANAMA REVOLUTION, . 146 CHAS. W. HEATHCOTE, '05. A HUNTER OF MEN—POEM, 148 "BRIDGET." .'THE PATH OF DUTY IS THE WAY TO GLORY," . 151 POEM, 154 EDITORIALS 155 EXCHANGES, . 157 w 128 . THE MERCURY. «DE SAPIENTIAE PROFESSORIBUS." ANDROMACHE ET DECIDIANA. HOW dear to our hearts are those days when at college We studied and wept o'er the classics of yore; The Latin, the Greek, and the terrible German, And brain-splitting ''Math" which we used to deplore. To-night as we sit in the glow of our fire-side, And think of those days and the pleasures of old, Our hearts fain would turn to our former professors, Who gave to us learning, much better than gold. The fire burns low in its smouldering ashes, The faces appear that we once knew so well, Some pleasant and jovial, and others more solemn, But of each, in his turn, we will .now try to tell. Oh Muse ! pray be kind and remain standing by us, And give to us freely and with no restraint, That much sought for gift, the true power of description, So each one may know whom we're trying to paint. The first who appears in the fast dying embers, Is one who made culprits shake clear to their toes ; He'd rap on the desk with a frowning expression, And quell all confusion, just how, no one knows. His eyes were as blue as the azure of Heaven, His hair was inclined to a faint auburn shade, His stature was tall, and this mighty Apollo Was reverenced alike by each man and each maid. And now we behold one so tall and so handsome, Who led our young minds 'round the fair walls of Troy, Who oft would propound his fav'rite assertion That 'there should be guardians for maidens so coy.' And next to him standing, a man of small stature, Whom feline protectors all look on with dread; He bears in his right hand a tight-covered basket, Just lift up the cover ! Out pops a cat's head. Our dear 'Roman Senator' now looms before us, As tall as a dignified 'senex' of old. He too bears a basket, but it's full of good things, And as a 'rear guard' he has 'Waggles,' the bold. The next that appears to our far-seeing vision Is one who seemed stern tho' at heart he was ki-nd. His friends the}' were num'rous, his travels were many, But ever to "Dutchland" his heart was inclined. THE MERCURY. 129 Scarce had his form disappeared in the ashes, When two more professors came into our sight. A halo of gas, (H2S), was around them, Which ever had been their fond joy and delight. How often we shivered when into their class-room We went in dread fear that we might not come out. A "fiss" and a "bang" and a "crash" would oft greet us; And then the stern question, "What are you about?" And now comes a face that so quietly greets us, He led 'little boys' in the way they should go. He taught them politeness as well as sound doctrine, And stirred to high ideals instead of to low. And last but not least comes that jolly, good "Sap'ens" Who once taught us "Math" and a great deal beside, For he used to tell all the jokes of the season, And solved weighty problems discussed far and wide. The fire dies out and we sit there reflecting On those pleasant days and our teachers of old, And we would not sell our fond recollections For all the rich treasures the deep sea could hold. And so let us close while the dark shadows gather, Which hide from our vision each loved noble face. We hope they still walk through those fair halls of learning, And for many years yet each may keep his old place. 130 THE MERCURY. " RUSSIAN AGGRESSION." [Pen and Sword Prize Essay.] PAUL B. DUNBAR, '04. THE discussion of a subject of world-wide importance can-not fail to be influenced by preconceived prejudices. It seems to be natural for Americans as a whole to entertain strongly such a prejudice against Russia. This is probably the result of our instinctive sympathy for the weak in a contest with the strong. The attempt will be made in this paper, how-ever, to set forth as impartially as possible the facts of the Rus-sian Advance. Having studied these carefully, Russia's motives will be discussed, and finally the probable results of these ag-gressive movements will be briefly summed up. A glance at the map of Russia, her possessions and spheres of influence, shows over how vast a region the Empire of the North holds sway. From the Baltic on the west to the Sea of Okhotsk and the Behring Sea on the east, the Russian territory extends in an unbroken stretch—five thousand miles of steppes and mountains, rivers and inland seas, burning deserts and bar-ren tundras. On the broad plains of Siberia are sections of wonderful fertility practically undeveloped and in its mountain ranges are untouched stores of boundless mineral wealth. This entire region is subject to the most diverse climatic conditions, seasons of extreme cold alternating with intervals of almost tor-rid heat. Such is the Empire of the Czar, embracing more than one seventh of the land surface of the globe and support-ing a population of one hundred and thirty millions. Today we see the Great Bear reaching out ready to seize in his powerful clutch territory after territory. The stress of pres-ent events draws our attention especially to the Far East. There we see the Muscovite pressing relentlessly upon the territory of China, and now by the test of battle it must be decided whether Korea also shall be Russian. The Far East is not the only object of Russia's advance. Slowly, silently, by stealth of di-plomacy, plans are being laid, forces set to work to widen Asi-atic Russia to the southward. During the last forty years; THE MERCURY. 131 , •% . — Britain has watched with apprehension the southward advance of the Bear toward her Indian border. Never for an instant dare she relax her vigilance against the encroachment of the Czar. Russian advisers ever ready to advance the interests of their master hold the ears of many of the native border princes. But yesterday came rumors of Russian influence in Tibet, of a treaty of that country with Russia, and the presence of envoys in the Tibetan capital whose purpose is to forward Russian in-terests in opposition to those of England. Turkey and the Balkan States feel this powerful hand and Sweden and Norway look with alarm toward the borders of Finland. What is the history of the growth of this giant among nations ? Three hundred and twenty years ago Russia was a small and semi barbarous state whose advance posts were scarcely eight hundred miles east of St. Petersburg. In the closing years of the sixteenth century, however, there came to the throne a ruler distinguished for severity even in that stern age. Ivan the Ter-rible, by the very cruelty of his rule, inaugurated the eastward movement of that Slavic invasion which now after three cen-turies of alternate advance and retreat is now approaching so terrible a crisis. Rebellious subjects of the Czar fleeing from pursuing troops were forced to take refuge in the unknown, frigid wilderness to the eastward. As they retreated, they easily overcame the scattered nomads who inhabited these regions. Then by turning over the conquered territory to Russia, they obtained the pardon of the Czar Ivan. This was the first step —the entering wedge—in Russia's eastward advance. The tide thus setting toward the Pacific flowed on slowly but resist-lessly, unopposed by rival nations, for the region was to them unknown. A century passed and another mighty figure ascended the Russian throne. Under Peter the Great came further aggres-sive expansion. The northern ocean presented an insurmount-able barrier but in other directions the advance continued. Southward the Muscovite ruler forced his way and to the west-ward Sweden and Poland felt the force of Russian aggression. Thus year after year, under ruler after ruler, the slow policy of 132 THE MERCURY. expansion has gone on. Wherever opportunity offered the Great Bear forced his entering wedge. West and south felt the advance, but it was toward the east that he moved most steadily. As has been said, Russia aims to follow the line of least re-sistance. The vast plains of Siberia, frozen in winter, parched in summer, were a part of the world's surface uncoveted by the earth-hunger of Europe. So while other nations fought and wrangled over other portions of the globe, the Empire of the Czar silently absorbed this mighty region. Thus by slow movements or sudden leaps, by treachery or by diplomacy, by fair means^or foul, Russia at last reached the Pacific—the ocean outlet which she has always desired. Here was encountered an unsurmountable difficulty. Russia, having apparently overcome all obstacles in her march to the sea, was now met and held by the strength of perpetual winter. The ice bound harbors of northern Asia were valueless. Warmer waters must be reached and, having come thus far, Russia was not to be baffled. By a sudden, bold move the Amur was made the southern boundary. Then in i860, subtle diplomacy obtained from China the strip of coast upon which is built the port of Vladivostok. It is significant that the name of this city is the Russian phrase for " Control of the East." As a seaport Vladivostok is a vast improvement over Petropaulovsk, the first Russian port in Kamtchatka, but still there is not en-tire freedom from the disadvantages of winter. Russia still hungered for a warm-water port. The Trans-Siberian Railway was built—five thousand miles of single track reducing the in-terval of transit between Moscow and Vladivostok to only fif-teen days. Events now began to move rapidly in the Far E^ast. In 1894, the close of the Chino-Japanese war left Japan in possession of the valuable harbor of Port Arthur. On the plea that the possession of this port by Japan threatened the in-tegrity of China, Russia forced the retrocession of Port Arthur to its original owner. Two years later, a Russian squadron entered this harbor ostensibly to winter there. Ere many months the world was startled to learn that Russia had leased Port Arthur from China. The integrity of the latter country THE MERCURY. 133 seemed no longer a consideration. Immediately came military occupation of the city and the erection of tremendous defensive works. Russia had obtained her warm-water harbor; but was she satisfied ? Between Port Arthur and the Siberian frontier lies the rich Chinese province of Manchuria. In it have settled many native Russians. What could be more natural than that the Great Bear should covet this prize also to make his possessions com-plete? Asa preliminary step, a Chinese concession was ob-tained for shortening the route of the Trans-Siberian Railway to Vladivostok by a line across Manchuria. Russia had at last obtained a foot-hold south of the Amur. The erection of branch lines to the borders of Korea and the very gates of Pe-kin was but a short stride. In every case the right of garri-soning the railroad was included in the concession. In 1900, came the Boxer Rebellion. Its close saw Manchuria held by an immense Russian army of occupation. In concert with the allies, Russia agreed to withdraw from Chinese territory, but months went by and the Manchurian'army lingered., The wily Muscovite concluded a treaty with China providing for the long-promised withdrawal, but it soon became evident that before this would be carried out new concessions were expected. The Russian representative in Pekin even went so far as to demand that all the Manchurian concessions be granted to Russians. This was but one of Russia's diplomatic attempts to gain a controlling voice in Chinese affairs. China, however, was al'ive to the true state of affairs and refused to commit herself to any further agreements. As a consequence, Russia is still in mili-tary possession of Manchuria. Nominally her troops were kept there solely in pursuance of the treaty-right of protecting her railroad interests. In reality, the whole line was turned into an armed camp by the establishment of forts garrisoned by all branches of the Russian army, and today Manchuria is practically a Russian province. • We now reach the final chapter in the history of Russian aggression—final because it brings us to the present time, cer-tainly not because it marks the end of the advance. With hr's 134 THE MERCURY. grip firmly fixed on Manchuria, the Bear now turned a longing eye to the little kingdom of Korea. The possession of this choice bit of the world was now his aim. Even before the Chino-Japanese war Russia was laying her subtle plans to this end. In 1893 or early in 1894, she made a generous present of rifles to the Korean army and even furnished a Russian drill-master to train Korea's seven thousand soldiers in European tactics. At the same time swarms of Russian agents entered the country. The fruit seemed almost ripe for plucking. But now an opponent faced Russia. Japan had long watched this onward march with jealous eye. In this move toward Korea she saw a positive menace to her existence. Nothing remained but to throw down the guage of battle and to begin the contest whose result is being awaited by the entire world. What are Russia's motives and what her ultimate policy ? Her statesmen would have us believe it is a simple one. Says M. Witte, the former chief of Russian finances and now presi-dent of the Committee ot Ministers : " History measures not by years, but by centuries ; and from this point of view, by the building of the Chinese Eastern Railway to Port Arthur and Dalny.a mighty work is completed, a historical problem is solved, and one of the last steps is taken in the advance of Russia to the Far East, in her effort to find an outlet to the open sea, to the ice-free shores of the Pacific ocean." This is indeed Russia's principal object, but its fulfillment means also the control of northern Asia. And since the de-velopment of her railroad policy has done so much already for the advance of Russian territory, there is no reason to believe that it will not be made the occasion of further advance. We have the word of M. Witte that Russia's object is to obtain a warm-water port. This is in the main a legitimate object and has been partly fulfilled by the acquirement of Port Arthur. But it must be remembered that Port Arthur is not wholly a Russian possession. It is, therefore, obvious that the Russian wishes will not be entirely satisfied until that port is Russian beyond a doubt. The same is equally true of the whole pro- THE MERCURV. 135 vince of Manchurfa. Then, too, it is more than probable that the desire is to reserve the acquired territory for Muscovite trade alone. It is true that Dalny is an open port, but Port Arthur is closed and foreign merchants find much difficulty in meeting Russian competition in Manchuria. As a recent writer puts it: The Russian motive may be viewed from two stand-points. Russia herself would have us believe that it is benevo-lent. She is building a railroad through unopened territory, erecting modern cities and valuable mills in the wilderness, and setting up an orderly government in the place of misrule. The outsider acknowledges all this, but what, lie a;ks, will Russia demand in return for these enormous expenditures? The an-swer is apparent. It has already been given. She has the right of protecting her interests and now demands a complete monopoly. Such are Russia's complex motives. What will the outcome be? If Russia be successful in the present contest, will her aggressive plans be concluded without opposition ? Will the world witness the spectacle of Korea and China absorbed or will the Powers step in to fix a limit to further expansion ? If they do so, will their strength be sufficient to restrain the Bear already flushed with victory ? If Russia be vanquished, will the settlement thus arrived at be permanent ? Will little Japan continue to be an efficient barrier, or will returning strength again put in motion the tide setting toward the Orient with overwhelming volume ? Will the gallant Island Kingdom perish or may it look for help to Europe and America? Time alone can bring an answer. Here prophecy has often failed and will fail again, for as has been well said: "Russia's state-craft is not of the months or of the years; it is of the ages. It is not of monarchs, but of a dynasty, and it is less the policy of the dynasty than it is the need of a people and of a land." 136 THE MERCURY. "A MODERN FAUST." (BEING A BIT OF TRUTH MASQUERADING AS NONSENSE.) ONCE upon a time—during the twentieth century—there lived a young man who had been but three years out of college. Having entered the greater University of the World, he had been hailed by his fellow Freshmen as a comrade, had been hazed by Sophomores, patronized by condescending Juniors, and deluged with advice by venerable Seniors, even as he had been in college. But he was a restless and adventure-some youth. The monotony of the office palled upon him, and, for relief, he experimented in Mysticism and Christian Science. One momentous evening he conceived the idea of putting his knowledge to the supreme test, by summoning be-fore him the Prince of Darkness. Thereupon he took down his LeConte and. his Mary Baker Eddy from the shelf and set to work. And in very truth, gentle reader, in less than half the run-ning of an hour glass, Mephistopheles himself stood before him. faultlessly attired in evening clothes—for the red cap and mantle had succumbed to the spirit of progress in Hades even as the simple sins of our forefathers have given place to the more delicately refined and ingenious vices of to-day. But in this one respect was the Devil unchanged. For no sooner had the usual conventionalities been exchanged than lie attempted to purchase the soul of the youth in the most approved man-ner. He showed him visions of fair women, even as he had shown them to the Faust of old. But the youth was unmoved; he smiled and shook his head, for he was a wise youth. And the Devil promised him great riches and power. But the youth, for he was wise, replied, "If these things were worth while, O Lucifer, I could attain at a lesser price, even hard work. It is not enough." T,hen did the Devil promise a most miraculous thing, "For," said he, "if thou wilt give thyself to me, Grover Cleveland and William J. Bryan shall make a truce and be as brothers. Shoulder to shoulder they will fight for thee and nominate thee for the Presidency on the Democratic THE MERCURY. I 37 ticket. Thou wilt be the most talked-of man in the Nation." But the youth, being wise, replied : "Am I not own cousin to the Proprietor of Pennsylvania, and is it not agreed that I shall be the next State Treasurer? And is not this better than to be President, much less a candidate for President mid on the Democratic ticket? Go to, it is not enough." Now the Devil was almost vanquished, but he was also wise and he thought deeply, and he said, "I can then offer thee nothing more than again to make thee a reckless, carefree Sophomore among thy former classmates. Think! Is it not enough?" And the youth meditated within himself; he knew there were no days like those days; he longed again to be carefree and thought-less, recognizing no higher authority than his own sweet will and the majority action of his class; his heart called out for those friends who, too, had dwelt in Arcady. And he replied, "It is enough." For he was a wise youth withal. MORAL—Eat, drink, and be merry, ye Seniors, for to-mor-row ye die. "X. Y. Z." • SOCIALISM. ( Written for the Pen and Sword Prize Essay Contest.) JOSEPH E. ROWE, '04. THE word socialism was first used in 1835 in connection with an organization founded by Robert Owen of Eng-land. This society was given the grandiloquent appellation of the Association of all Classes of all Nations, and its purpose was to secure "Social improvement and reconstruction." Since that time the word socialism has been applied rather incautiously, and,as a consequence, it is an exceedingly difficult word to define with precision. According to some writers there is a growing tendency to regard as socialistic any inter-ference with property undertaken on behalf of the poor, or any measure promoted by society to limit or modify the working of the economic principle of laissez-faire. Roscher defined socialism "as including those tendencies which demand a greater regard for the common-weal than consist with human 138 THE MERCURY. nature." John Raeof our day declares that it is common to describe as socialistic "any proposal that asks the State to do something lor the material well being of the working class, or any group of such proposals, or any theory that favors them." Janet defines it as "every doctrine which teaches that the State has a right to correct the inequality of wealth which ex-ists among men, and to legally establish the balance by taking from those who have too much in order to give to those who have not enough, and that in a permanent manner, and not in such and such a particular case—a famine, for instance, or a public calamity." But these definitions and all others describe only phases of the question. For instance, in order for any measure to be socialistic it need not proceed from the State; it may emanate from individuals just as well; in fact the earliest socialistic measures proceeded from individuals. There was socialism in colonial times when they had a common storehouse from which each one received his equal share of goods; the instituting of a wider system of public schools is a highly socialistic measure ; an equal distribution of profits between two partners, or among the many members of a company is also socialistic; and yet it is just as proper and usual to describe as socialistic the so-called "strikes," or the assassination of million-aires by dynamite. It is, therefore, evident that socialism em-braces a great deal; at the same time, we must remember that all these are only different phases of the same great question. All socialists are alike in attempting to secure a more equit-able distribution of wealth, or in endeavoring to equalize op-portunities for acquiring it; but the salient points upon which they differ are the ways and means of accomplishing their ends. Some maintain that the State, by managing industry and controlling land, could best promote the commonweal; others very emphatically declare that there should be no cen-tral government at all. The more radical of the first class try to get control of the government; those of the latter class en-deavor to destroy it. Unfortunately in the present age the most influential forrfl of socialism is of the most radical and revolutionary character— THE MERCURY. 139 that which desires no government at all. Alexandria II. of Russia and our late President McKinley fell victims to this outrageous doctrine. Nihilism and anarchism are its more specific names. Yet we cannot afford to consider as danger-ous all socialistic measures of today. Upon exactly this prob-lem a great amount of useless discussion has taken place. Politicians of late years have made very effective use of the ambiguity in the word socialism. Whenever an opponent could accuse a candidate for public office, of promoting socialistic measures, no matter how benevolent or beneficial they might have been to the people, the mention of that word together with the prevalent misconception of it in its better sense, was generally the most derogatory charge brought against him in the eyes of the ignorant working classes—the very persons whom worthy socialistic principles would benefit. Although every writer has made his own classification of so-cialists, they all directly or indirectly acknowledge the four following classes: (1) large-hearted and thoroughly benevo-lent men whose feelings have been touched by the unjust op-pression of laborers ; (2) those who are revolting against cruel oppression; (3) those who are discontented with their positions in life, principally because they fail to realize their limitations; (4) the lowest class whose adherents are characterized by a covetous, selfish, and utterly lawless spirit. The first of these classes consists principally of nothing more than ardent sympathizers with the socialistic movement in its better meaning. According to good authority more than a half million of such men are found in the United States. Many ministers of the gospel and other benevolent men as well as the members of philanthropic and humanitarian orgini-zations belong to this class. They sympathize deeply with the oppressed laborer and endeavor to alleviate his misery by every peaceable means. Others of this class" become so impressed with the necessity of social and industrial improvements that they have devoted their lives entirely to the cause. These are quite liable to be-come extremists, and notwithstanding the fact that their inten- 140 THE MERCURY. tions are of the most noble character, more harm than benefit results from their efforts, chiefly because the lower moral and mental capacities of those whom they influence are not vigor-ous enough to prevent the latter from becoming radical, desper-rate, and fanatical. Hall Cane has pictured such a man in his "Eternal City" in the person of Dr. Roselli or of David Rossi, especially in the latter; but the futility and evil consequences of their efforts are also portrayed in a striking manner. It is only natural that there should be such men especially in a Christian nation. When one considers the extremely low wages for which laborers had to work at certain periods of our history, the condition of some of their homes even in our day, the company store and the extortion ot overwork from them by overseers, it is not very strange that large hearted men should bestow their symapthy. No doubt, these conditions have been vastly exaggerated by some writers, but that they exist to a reasonable extent cannot be doubted. The oppressed or those who imagine themselves to be in such a condition, constitute the second class of socialists. Only men who work come properly under this divisicjp; those who become discontented and quit work will be considered later. Labor Unions consist almost entirely of such men; if they suspend labor, it is only temporarily, and is for the purpose of bringing about better conditions. Occasionally the labor union-ists content themselves by merely putting a stop to production, but more frequently, almost invariably, they manifest quite "an omnivorous spirit of destruction." The whole cause of the unreasonable demands made by Labor Unions seems to arise out of ignorance. They claim that the whole production of their labor belongs to them, on the ground that wealth belongs to those who make it. In a certain sense this is true, but not according to the interpreta-tion of it given by these laboring men. They understand it to mean that the entrepreneur, landlord and capitalist have no natural right to a portion of the wealth produced, forgetting that in the modern differentiated and specialized form of in-dustry these—especially, the entrepreneur and capitalist—are THE MERCURY. 141 absolutely indispensable. The socialistic idea of the State's ownership of land could probably do away with the landlord, but to attempt the abolition of entrepreneur and capitalist in our present industrial system is absurd. Another very prevalent kind of socialism arises out of the fact that a great many men, failing to realize their limitations, complain of the more advantageous opportunities of other in-dividuals. They claim that the world owes them a living, but as some one has said, "are too lazy to collect the debt." It is this sort of socialism which is the "besetting sin" of our age. Ambitious people now-a days are so thoroughly imbued with the spirit of "sticktoitiveness" that only a few failures leave them practically undaunted. Having been taught, as Dr. Furbae says, such precepts as "There is always room at the top," encouraged by such maxims as "Try, try again," and cautioned to aim high instead of directly at the mark, they continue to strive for positions to which it is impossible for them to attain and for which, if they did reach, they would find themselves wholly unfitted. Many a proud father and fond mother, either because they have wished to encourage a son, or because of the blindness of paternal love, are respon-sible for a young man's superabundance of self-esteem by their having told him that he is not like the average person, and then he goes forth into the world only to consider his efforts unsuccessful because he cannot do as much as some one else who probably has much greater talent. It is this tendency of the individual's failure to realize his true place in life and his proper relation to others that has produced in our age so many dissatisfied, petulant, and cynical socialists. The last and most dangerous sort of socialism is that which manifests itself in murder, vandalism, and other lawless practices. It is exactly synonymous with anarchism. The number of such persons in the United States is as astounding as the awful doctrines which they promulgate. Some years ago President Seelye of Amherst College, declared: "There are probably 100,000 men in the United States to-day whose animosity against all existing social institutions is hardly less than bound- 142 THE MERCURY. less.' In 1881 their press consisted of 19 journals with a cir-culation of about 80,000, and since that time their numbers and the powers of their press have vastly increased. The fol-lowing are statements from some of their papers. "Religion, authority, and state are all carved out of the same piece of wood—to the Devil with them all!" "Dynamite is the power which in our hands, shall make an end of tyranny." "War to the palace, peace to the cottage, death to luxurious idleness." "You might as well suppose the military orginizations of Eu-rope were for play and parade, as to suppose labor orginizations were for mere insurance and pacific helpfulness. They are organ-ized toprotect interests, for which, if the time comes, they would fight." This last, taken from a socialistic paper of Chicago, pro-bably shows, to a great extent, the true relation between Labor Unions and socialistic tendencies of the most awful character. Such socialists probably began their careers as oppressed working men, or as men who failed to realize their true posi-tions in life, and later under the influence of violent socialistic journals or the lectures of an Emma Golden, became fanatical. A great number of them are foreigners who, having become disgusted with the absolutism of Europe, have come to Amer-ica to carry out their nefarious designs. Several great movements of the past two centuries have conspired to inspire socialistic propensities in men. The foun-dation of the American Republic, with the annunciation of her principles—-such as, "all men are equal and possessed of cer-tain inalienable rights such as, life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness"—paved the way for ideas which, carried to extremes by the ignorant and mischievous, resulted in socialism. In the same way, the French Revolution radiated its evil influences; and the Proclamation of Emancipation by Abraham Lincoln had its baneful as well as its worthy effects. But more influential than any of these has been the greatly increased profits of the rich. How would a poor down-trodden laborer look upon the following statement which occurred in a paper of 1880 ? "The profits of the Wall Street Kings the past year were enormous. It is estimated that Vanderbilt made THE MERCURY. 143 $30,000,000; Jay Gould $15,000,000; Russel Sage $10,000,- 000; Sidney Dillon $10,000,000; and James R. Keene $8,- 000,000. Is it strange if the working man thinks he is not getting his due share of the wonderful increase of national wealth ?" How do men to-day regard a rise in the price of coal-oil and the next week read in all the papers that the larg-est stockholder of the Standard Oil Company has made a be-nevolent gift of several million dollars ? The assassination of rulers and millionaires, the wanton des-truction of property by strikers, and the inconvenience accru-ing from a stoppage of production are not the only bad results of socialism. It tends to ruin the Church as well as the State. Infidelity and skeptacism follow closely in its tracks. In a so-cialistic convention at Pittsburg not many years ago the follow-ing nefarious resolution was unanimously adopted: "The church finally seeks to make complete idiots of the mass, and to make them forego a paradise on earth by promising them a fictitious heaven." "Truth, a socialistic journal of San Fran-cisco says : "When the laboring men understand that the heaven they are promised is but a mirage, they will knock at the door of the wealthy robber, with a musket in hand, and de-mand their share of the goods of this life now ! " What could have a more disasterous effect upon discontented humanity than to read such doctrine ? The socialist of this order denies the existence of God on the ground that if there would be one, wealth, happiness and opportunities would be more equally shared ; they forget to see that the rich are as often unhappy as the poor, and that God sends "his rain upon the just and unjust." Although an attempt to solve a problem of such magnitude may appear absurb, there is, at least one, feasible solution— a more general acceptance and use of the principles ot Chris-tianity. "Socialism attempts to solve the problem of suffering without eliminating the factor of sin." That all suffering caused by our industrial system is the result of sin, either on the part of employer or emplyee, or of both, there can be no doubt. If the spirit of the Golden Rule were put into practice, it "would 144 THE MERCURY. dictate such arrangements between capitalist and laborer as will secure to the latter a fair return for his toil." As Dr. Fisher says, "It will check the accumulation of wealth in a few individ-uals. And the Christian spirit, as in ancient days, will inspire patience and contentment, and a better than earthly hope, in the minds of the class whose lot in life is hard." THE SABBATH AS A CIVILIZER. Miss HELEN WAGNER, '06. WHEN God said, " The seventh is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God, in it thou shalt not do any work, thou nor thy man servant—," He surely had more ends in view than the mere refreshing of man and His own glorification. Besides achieving these results the Sabbath has other far-reaching in-fluences. Chief among these influences we see its power as a civilizer, as an educator and a refiner. It has long been an ac-knowledged fact that Christianity pnd education go hand in hand. In the accomplishment of one we necessarily attain the other. The influence of the Sabbath is like the atmosphere—it sur-rounds every one it touches, whether with that one's approval or not. The most violent atheist would be no more likely to scorn the influence of the day set apart chiefly for the worship of the God he ignores than would our staid old deacons. It has been proven that no civilized country can exist without the aid of the soothing influence of the Sabbath on the passions ot men, in the observance of its laws. Because the influence of the Sabbath is so all-prevailing and must be felt everywhere, no man can or does escape it. Christians, of course, are those most directly affected by the Sabbath. They come into immediate contact with some of its most potent influences. A true Christian never misses the Sabbath—he spends . it in the worship of God and for rest as was commanded. And so he reaps not only the physical bene-fit but the intellectual as well. One of his chief duties and THE MERCURY. MS '* pleasures is a regular attendance upon divine worship. Thus while being spiritually fed and elevated he assimilates some of the best literature and art of the world as it radiates from the pulpit and the organ loft and the temple of God itself. But the people who do not come into direct contact with the Sabbath influence, feel it just as surely. They must breathe it with the very air. One cannot go anywhere on the Sabbath Day without being made very conscious that this day differs from all others. In the cities and towns the stillness imparted to the streets, noisy and hustling on other days, by the aspect of the closed stores and shops and the absence of the clattering dray and shouting venders, and the quietly passing inhabitants with their peaceful, serene countenances and their fresher, more artistic raiment, and the sweet music of the church bells—all have a subduing, refining influence on the sensibilities and pas-sions of men, not easily thrown off. And out in the open country away from church bells and changed surroundings one feels an unwonted peace and calm—one breathes with the very air which draws one a little nearer Mother Earth—and thus is made to appreciate her beauties and truth a little more fully. Besides these maternal, physical influences there is another, more subtle, ever advancing influence—the influence of man upon man. Usually the Christian does not need the Sabbath environment for purposes of self-education and refinement, but those with whom he associates or with whom his friends come in contact may and are more helped, as they imperceptibly absorb from him a finer sense of right and wrong and a better general knowledge, than they would be by any numbers of over-zealous instructors and noisy evangelists. I46 THE MERCURY. THE COURSE OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERN-MENT IN CONNECTION WITH THE PANAMA REVOLUTION. ( Written for the Pen and Sword Prise Essay Contest.) CHAS. "VV. HEATHCOTE, '05. PANAMA has an area of about 31,500 square miles and a population of almost 300,000. When Panama revolted a short time ago, it was not the first time she attempted to throw off the yoke of Columbia. In 1885 a similar revolution took place. Columbia promised various reforms which checked the revolution. However, Columbia failed to carry out these reforms. Columbia established a centralized form of govern-ment which caused Panama to lose the privilege of a state. For years the idea of building a canal across the isthmus has been in vogue. The French Company, which attempted it a few years ago, failed miserably. It remains for the United States to carry out the plan. The Panama and Nicaragua routes were suggested. The need of the canal is very evident. If the canal had been built when the Oregon made her long run around Cape Horn the United States government would have been saved much expense. Then, the American interests in Porto Rico, Cuba and the Pacific possessions strongly urge the construc-tion of this canal. For a time the Nicaragua route was favored. A bill was drawn up and unanimously ratified by both Houses of our Na-tional Legislature. The main idea of this bill was that when the canal was completed it was to remain neutral under the protection of the great European powers. However, delay over this part led the people to favor the Panama route. Fi-nally, upon the recommendation of the Walker Commission, the Panama route was chosen providing it could be bought from the old French Company for $40,000,000. However, to keep our word with Nicaragua, the Spooner compromise was passed which instructed the President to select the Panama route pro-viding the necessary arrangements could be made. If, not the Nicaragua route was to be chosen. About this time Columbia became very much interested in THE MERCURY. 147 the canal affairs. They gave the United States every assurance that a treaty favoring the Panama route would be ratified by their Senate. However, after much delay, it was unanimously rejected. Columbia was to receive $10,000,000 for certain con-cessions. Columbia thought the United States was an easy mark and refused to ratify the treaty unless $20,000,000 was given to them. In all these proceedings the Columbian politi-cians refused to consult the wishes of Panama. Panama knew the value of the canal. That the Columbian politicians were working for their own interests was very evident. Conse-quently Panama's hatred for Columbia grew more intense. When the revolution broke out the world was not surprised. The revolution was virtually bloodless. The republic was soon recognized by the United States, France, Germany, Russia and many other powers. In a short time a treaty was drawn up and signed. By this treaty the United States gained complete ownership of the canal and received much more territory than she would have received had Columbia-not acted in such an ugly manner. The course of the United States government has met with general approval by all well-thinking people. All the foreign powers sanctioned the action. Many people tried to condemn the course of the government because the warships were or-dered to prevent any of Columbia's troops being landed to bring Panama to time. How often in the South American rev-olutions the lives of our citizens and likewise their property have been endangered. Many times before this the United States marines and sailors were landed to protect the property of our citizens. American interests are better developed in Panama than in any other South American state. American capital runs the whole railroad system on the isthmus. What good is a government to its people if it fails to protect them ? Then again Panama had been recognized by the United States and for that reason alone her action was justifiable. Some people in criticizing the government forget the action of Presi-dent Polk in the way he started the Mexican War. His action cost the United States' thousands of lives and dollars in order to maintain the national honor. Today all people recognize 148 THE MERCURY. that the addition of Texas to United States territory is a blessing. The idea that the government's course is a stain up-on the history of our country is erroneous. The government has upheld our traditions by being the champion of the weak and helping young republics maintain their standing. "A HUNTER OF MEN." "BRIDGET." WITHIN the forest depths I wandered far, O'er the great battlefield, where bloody war Had made upon our land a loathsome sore, Healed now, but still retaining its deep scar. At last, upon a wooded hill was found, what I had sought, A monument, commemorating strife With victory and loss of life, The boon God-given, A monument for heroes, dearly bought, A witness unto Heaven. Upon a natural rock, like those which on the hillside lay, Was carved the figure of a man; Not as the Knights of old, with upright pose, And fearless eyes, he faced his foes, at bay, But crouched and hid him, midst the trunks of trees, And with a deadly purpose, did the hillside scan. 'Twas here I rested me, A dream I dreamed, Which, to my wand'ring fancy, even seemed A waking dream, a reverie. Within the homestead of an old Virginian farm, A mother sat one sunny summer morn, Holding, within the shelter of her arm, A little babe, her son, her own first born. Oh! what a wondrous grace was in those words,, "her own," What sword could pierce the soul of such a one ? A soul, so full of hopes, before unknown, The deed too cruel, to be planned or done. THE MERCURY. 149 A glorious future lay before her boy, All fashioned with her mother love and care, A future, full of happiness and joy, Devoid of sin, the bait of Death's dread snare. "Her own," but ever since the earth wastrod By her, above all women blest of God, In honor of her wondrous motherhood, The soul of womankind has felt the sword. He grew into a handsome, stalwart youth, Beloved by many, and disliked by few, Then came the blow; her soul was pierced in truth, And he went forth to die, as sons of all brave mothers do. To die, but could he kill his fellow-man? This was the question that had haunted him, Upon the day of march, and in the nightly din Of dreadful dreams, bloody with warfare's ban. A marksman of sure eye, and hand unfaltering, Far-famed was he, And many a woodland voice had cased to sing Through death, from him, its untaught melody. So, when night's dreams were changed to day's reality, Not placed in ranks that fought an open war was he, But called of men, a sharpshooter, lay low, Upon the hillside's brow, to slay the unwary foe. #**#*#***♦* The sun comes flickering through the whispering leaves, Casting their shadows on green moss and fern, A birdling, from a nest above, moves restlessly, and grieves, In dismal chirpings, for its mother's late return. The noonday calm is over hill and glen, Save for the distant sound of battle's roar, There, where a multitude of bravest men, Fight onward for their country's noble fame, for honor more. Then with a rustling sound, the calm is broken, The underbrush is parted by a man in blue, A moment's pause; no warning word is spoken, To tell him "Death is waiting now for you." And he, whom destiny ordained to give to Death her prey, One instant hesitated, in his covert lay Sickened by fear, of his dread deed alone, Then aiming fired and it was done. ISO THE MERCURY. Quickly his weapon casting on the ground, He bounded fearless, down the wooded slope, His boyish eyes, all bright with unshed tears, For in his soul remorse fought hard with hope. And Hope, how soon 'twas vanquished in the fray, A boy, scarce older than himself, his victim lay, Dying in agony upon the sod ; No word he spoke, but with great eyes of pain, Looked up into his face, who had his brother slain, And then, just as the birdling fell to earth, His spirit met his God. 'Twas then a red mist rose before his eyes, a mist of blood ; Concealing the poor body of the slain, from which the soul had fled, He climbed once more the hillside's weary road, Determined to repeat his deed of dread. At sunset, when the wounded mother-bird Returned, to find her nestlings gone, No sound, upon that dark hillside she heard, To tell her of the deeds that there were done. Yet, 'midst the underbrush, there silent lay What had been seven brave men, And he, who watched the little bird's dismay, Red-eyed and haggard, envied each of them. But God is good, his day of darkness o'er, A wandering bullet claimed him for its own, And his sad soul, its struggles knew no more, No more did yearn for murder to atone. As from my dream I woke, my heart was torn With pity, for the " Man of Sorrows " who, Upon another hill, in distant clime, Gave up his life " hunter" for such as you. " Oh, God Omnipotent! " aloud I cried, " For His dear sake forgive the crimes, Committed in the name of Liberty, and dyed With heroes' blood, the curse of warlike times." THE MERCURY. 151 "THE PATH OF DUTY IS THE WAY TO GLORY." NO one will deny me the fact that our present age with all its hurry and hustle, its energy and propelling-force, its competition and its competitors, is an age for the success of in-dividual purpose. Having granted this concession, it follows that individuals must exist with specific purposes, carrying out and fulfilling the obligations which are imposed on them. Be-lieving that no man has ever been created without a purpose, which results in a duty or obligation to his Creator, and when he fulfills this obligation or carries out this duty he has a for-tune worth more in realistic and spiritual value than all the Rockefellers, Carnegies, Vanderbilts or any other gods of gold that ever lived—believing this, I ask you to come with me to the rich meadow-lands of Connecticut, where on Oct. 5, 1703, a man was born who graduated from Yale University at the early age of 16 and set out into the world following the paths of duty and therein was his fortune, a legacy far richer than any earthly inheritance the world could have given him. It was during his boyhood days that a problem of extreme importance began to trouble him, and the solution of this was the determining of his course in after life. From that time he became a man that had an end in view, a something to say and he said it. A bold, fearless, ardent and consistent advocate of his belief; a man with a conscience so clear, so pure, and so unbiased that all the world loved him though he sought not for their favor; a man with iron-clad precepts, not for others, but for himself and he lived them; a man that has come down through two centuries, spotless, to live in the hearts of all man-kind, and who dares to say that his glory shall not live till the sun shall cease to rise and set and until time shall be no more ! This man of purpose or duty has been the father of a very illustrious progeny. Among his descendants more eminent men have been numbered than have been recorded of any other man in American history. They have been most promi-nent in the ministry, in education, in law and a number have sat on the bench. Let me mention some of them: Dr. Jo-nathan Edwards, Aaron Burr, Vice-President, Prof. Park, of Andover, President Woolsey and President Uwight, of Yale, 152 THE MERCURY. not forgetting the elder President Dwight. Three Presidents of Yale are his descendants. Could any man be more signally blessed or have a richer inheritance in the hearts of his child-ren ? He was also a born naturalist, and there is hardly any doubt that had he not become our greatest theologian he would have been our father of Natural Philosophy. As a boy he dis-covered facts which have been handed down to the naturalist of today as most valuable information. Who can set the limit for his discoveries had he devoted himself to this branch of science with his purpose and ambition ? Jonathan Edwards as a man, as a theological and philosophi-cal writer, as a naturalist and as the broadest and grandest man the American pulpit has ever produced, stands out in lines so bold, in verse so tender, and in character so spotless as to thrill with admiration and awe every American youth of today. Who would not love to be what he has been ? Who would not exchange all the wealth he possesses—I care not whether it be millions—for the place Jonathan Edwards holds in the hearts of the people and in the history of his country ? His life is a story that should make any young man enthusiastic and his success has been such as would turn the heads of thousands had it been theirs, but not his for he had a purpose, a convic-tion, a duty to the world and his fellow-man and until that should be accomplished his labor was with him incessantly. Truly he knew the paths of duty and just so surely his glory followed. In two centuries from today how many men's 'names of the present generation, lives and characters do you suppose will have been handed down to posterity ? Where are our Long-fellows, our Emersons, Whittiers, Bryants, Lincolns and Far-raguts of today ? Are we producing any such ? Indications from the past decade and more do not show them and it is believed that unless a change in the ambitions of the young of today is brought about, America will have none to record in her history. The lust for gold is the keynote to this dearth of noble manhood. Men are willing to sacrifice anything—prin-ciple, creed, honor, friends, self, anything—no matter what to obtain the riches of a Carnegie or Morgan. THE MERCURY. 153 Says B. O. Fowler, "if this, our republican form of govern-ment is to stand we must have men" and he means more men like Jonathan Edwards. The U. S. Senate has grown to be a rich man's club, the offices of the government are filled and controlled by political graft with men who are unable to cope with the issues demanded of them. Oh for a few fearless preachers of duty and loveliness, for a few men like Jonathan Edwards; men with purposes, men with a sense of duty and honor, men with the love of a superior being in their hearts ! Our nation must have these men and she is going to get them. Whether they come from Connecticut or from Florida, from California or from Pennsylvania it matters not; they must come. Would you have this, your free form of government turned into a monarchy? Indications point us to the fact that it is gradually being done and there is only one sure method of making the wrong right. This threatening evil can only be averted by finding men who are willing, if need be, to die for a correct principle. Nothing counts so much as principle and nothing tells in a man like purpose. If you would have a for-tune, have a principle, and if you would have the love and esteem of your fellow men live a principle. In all the history of the world there never was a grander period in which to live than the present. Never was there so much to do, so many chances, so bright an outlook, but it is only for the man with a sense of duty. The nation wants men, but she wants them stern, tender and fearless, full of duty and loneliness as was this missionary to the savages, this first of American naturalists, this explorer of philosophy and theology. If for no other vir-tue we should love and revere the memory of Jonathan Edwards today because of his devotion to stern duty and to no other cause can we attribute his success and glory. If asked to write his epitaph I would have inscribed on his monument the sub-stance of his acts done on earth : "The part of duty is the way to glory." "C. E. B. '05." 154 THE MERCURY. POEM. ( Written by a quondam High School pupil.) We come before you this evening, To tell of our High School days, And while our stories we relate, Don't criticize our ways. We started the fourth of September The ladder of knowledge to climb, While the months were rapidly passing, Marking the flight of time. While our work was thus progressing. The holidays drew near, And through all the glad and happy days Were pleasures, unbedimmed by tears. We studied hard to reach the goal, We scholars of Number Ten, And now to the fullest we realize " Laborum Dulce Lenimen." The friendships, sympathies and all That were our life in school, Are meshed with memories of the hall, Which was our working tool. 'Tis sad to part with friends so dear, With whom so long we've been. Try as we will, the briny tears Will come, and sight bedim. School life, so dear, is over now, On life's broad wave we speed, May God 'ere guide our journey through, And we His warnings heed. To one and all we bid farewell, As now are separated The many friends who proved us well, And joys anticipated. Farewell to many undone tasks, To victories not yet won ; May all unfinished work In heaven, if not on earth, be done. * f THE MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter VOL. XIII GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE, 1904 No. 4 Editor-in-ch ief C. EDWIN BUTTER, '05 Exchange Editor CHARI,ES GAUGER, '05 Business Manager A. L. DILLENBECK, '05 Asst. Business Managei E. G. HESS, '06 Associate Editors H. C. BRILLHART, '06 ALBERT BILLHEIMER, '06 H. BRUA CAMPBELL, '06 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. LOYALTY TO Probably no force, power or influence among ALMA MATER, the graduates of a college is felt so much as Loyalty. We all believe that a college can be only what her Alumni wills her to be. If she is to spread her influence through-out many states; if she is to wax strong and command a place among the leading universities and colleges of the world; if she is to grow and prosper as she should, and as so many col-leges are doing, she must have your support, Alumni. Loyalty to Alma Mater must be your watch-word day and , night. Be eager, ready and enthusiastic at all times and you will be surprised beyond measure how much you can do for her. The very fact that you are a graduate is proof of your obligation and should be a sufficient incentive to rouse your earnest endeavors on her behalf. I56 THE MERCURY. Every college, no matter where or how situated, has its own reasons for producing loyal Alumni. It is, indeed, a sad day for the old mother when liar son turns his back on her, and it is a sorry day for Gettysburg when an Alumnus forgets her love and devotion. Perhaps a true indication of the success a man will make in the world is the spirit and vehemence with which he accomplishes his college work. If the undergraduate does his very best and is loyal to the core, the college cannot be without loyal Alumni. He who sings most lustily his Alma Mater'a songs, who has again and again made his throat raw with a "heike" for the orange and blue, who fervently loves every spot of this historic ground, he is the fellow who usually counts for something. Tis to the devotion and love and in-terest of such men that Gettysburg pays tribute. Loyalty to Alma Mater means the preaching of her charms to every boy who expects to go to college, and to many more who have never had a thought of a college course. Loyalty to Alma Mater means doing one's best and a keen and lively interest in all her affairs. Loyalty to Alma Mater means your unbounded support, Alumni, to your college publications. Gettysburg wants love and devotion and loyalty from every Alumnus. How much will you do for her in the next year ? Shall we, undergraduates, believe your efforts to be commen-surate with your love ? It is the only criterion we have with which to take your measure. Are you one of the many who are always so busy that when an appeal comes you must beg to be excused ? If you are made of such stuff, Gettysburg has no use for you, and the noise you will make in the world will never cause a disturbance. Our dear old college has many loyal alumni who have fought, bled and died in her interests, and to them, we, her sons, give all the honor and reverence for what she is today and for what she gives promise of in the not far distant future. Sooner or later in the life of many a young person the ques-tion comes, "To what college shall I go after I have prepared myself in the academy or high school?" It is thrusting itself upon a great many young people in this month of June, as the THE MERCURY 157 colleges and universities are sending out their scores and hun-dreds of graduates and the preparatory schools are finishing up the share of- the work that properly belongs to them. It is a serious question, one that will mean much in the life of the in-dividual, one that should not be decided without grave con-sideration. Shall he go to the college having the most successful ath-letic teams ? or to the one having the greatest reputation ? or to the one which makes the greatest promises ? These are some of the questions usually taken into consideration by pro-spective college students. But how many stop to ask them-selves and to consider the vastly more important question, "Which college lays the greatest emphasis upon the training of its students in the duties of good citizenship and the devel-opment of Christian character?" This, after all, is the important consideration. Not how great a reputation do the athletic teams have, not how much does it seem to promise, but how much importance does it attach to the development and training of that which really makes character ? H. C. B. -^> EXCHANGES. " Criticism is essential to good work. True criticism is both appreciative and corrective, but it is not so essential that a writer receive perfect criticism after all. Public judgment, fav-orable, adverse or perverse, is instructive and leads us to correct our errors, improve our style, sharpen our wits and pay more attention to the perfecting of our work, line by line. Have you a thought, the plot of a story, the idea of a poem ? Write it in your best and freshest moments and lay it by until the frost of cool evenings has chilled it, and it has become a thing apart from yourself. Then criticize it, remodel it, with your best impartial judgment. Never doubt that the English lan-guage has the right word ; and the right words rightly and ar-tistically constructed, make famous literature of the thought of men."—The Bowdoin Quill. I58 THE MERCURY. V The Otterbein Argus contains a rather interesting story en-titled " Character Painting." It pictures quite vividly the con-dition of many a poor child in the mining districts of our coun-try and portraying the effect produced by refinement and wealth upon so uncultured a mind as that of the heroine. While this story is good in the main, it is the only article of a literary nature in the journal. We cannot feel that such a meagre amount of literary matter does justice to a school which styles itself an university. The editorial pointing out why students should remain for commencement, whenever it is at all possible, is timely and well worth putting into practice. Commence-ment exercises are the crowning events of the year, and cer-tainly, whenever possible, the student should avail himself of this privilege to enjoy the happy closing of the school-year and also to bid farewell to the graduating class for whom it means so much. Remember that you yourself expect to be in a similar position some day, then perhaps you can better appreci-ate its significance. The best part of the World's Fair number of The Wabash is its "exchange pickings." The exchange editor is to be com-mended^ for his judgment and selection of clippings. We quote a few of them. " Are you Hungary ? Yes; Siam. Well, come along ; I'll Fiji." Again : " It is said some girls are pressed for time ;—others for the fun of it." " If college bred is a four-year loaf (The Smart Set says its so.) Oh tell me where the flour is found For us who need the dough !" —The Acorn. TEACHER—Johnny, repeat after me " Moses was an austere man and made atonement for the sins of his people." JOHNNY—" Moses was an oyster man and made ointment for the shins of his people." MM » "THE MERCURY. 159 "Usefulness is the rent we are asked .-to pay for room on earth. Some of us are heavily in debt." The May number of the Manitou Messenger \s a credit to the new staff. The oration "The Public Service of Church and School" is a well written and logical development of the power exerted upon the state by church and school. " Chaucer's Hu-mor" is a terse estimate of one side of his nature, as seen in "The Canterbury Tales." We are glad to welcome the Bucknell Mirror to its long va-cant place on our table. The only literary article, "The Col-umn to the Right of the Doorway," is an interesting and amusing reminiscence of a college prank fifty years ago. An increase in amount of literary matter would greatly improve the paper. The Buff and Blue contains a number of short articles. Among them "The Assassination," while an interesting recital of an imaginary college joke, it might be much improved by a smoother style, less abrupt and " choppy " sentences. The article on "Fiction" gives a brief history of its beginning, de-velopment, present use and abuse. " Ninety-Seven," an episode of an undergraduate who was determined to win his race in an indoor meet, is well written and worth reading. The Red and Blue is always among the best journals of fic-tion on our table. The June number is no exception. Roses bloom and roses fade, Flowers bloom and die. Life is made of sun and shade, ' Laughter and a sigh. Heigh-o ! sun and shade, Laughter and a sigh. Love is like the roses red, Fading in a day ; Soon 'tis dead, its sweetness fled On the wind away. Heigh-o ! soon 'tis dead— Pluck it while you may.— The Haverfordian. ■ The Susquelianna contains a well written article on Jonathan Swift, setting forth his true character. It calls attention to the fact that the vulgarities in his writings, on account of which he ■ i6o THE MERCURY. is not read, are no index to his real character. The spirit of the age demanded writings of such a nature, hence his contri-bution. "The Midnight of the Revolution" gives us a good resume of the condition of affairs in our own country during its struggle for birth. The writer has well digested the his-torical facts relating to this period and gives them to us in terse and unbiased form. In The Western Maryland College Monthly, "Old Man Knowl-ton's Greenbacks " is quite an interesting narrative of how an old miser was robbed of his greenbacks by rats. We think the story might have been told in a more interesting way. The break in the story, caused by shifting the scene to events in the court room, detracts from the narrative; while, on the other hand, were the style in which the story is begun continued, the produc-tion would be much better. The other articles are good. On the whole, the paper is worthy of commendation. The Pharetra contains a sort of parody on " The Raven " (under the title of " Easter Vacation "), which begins well, but soon loses rythm and at times whole lines are entirely devoid of any claim to poetry. However, considering the production as a whole and its probable intent, it is fairly good. SPRING TIME. The cro- cusses As the bull rushes O'er the grass-blades 'Neath the " bloomin' shades ' Of trees which are short For the cro-cusses frolicking sport. —Ex. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Weaver Organs Weaver Pianos Used by Gettysburg College Y. M. C. A. 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John M. Hobson on Eurocentrism, Historical Sociology and the Curious Case of Postcolonialism
International Relations, it is widely recognized, is a Western discipline, albeit one that claims to speak for global conditions. What does that mean are these regional origins in and by themselves a stake in power politics? This Eurocentrism is often taken as a point of departure for denouncing mainstream approaches by self-proclaimed critical and postcolonialist approaches to IR. John Hobson stages a more radical attack on Eurocentrism, in which western critical theories, too, are complicit in the perpetuation of a dominantly western outlook. In this extensive Talk, Hobson, among others, expounds his understanding of Eurocentrism, discusses the imperative to historicize IR, and sketches the outline of possible venues of emancipation from our provincial predicament.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is, according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current International Relations? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?
In my view, there are two principal inter-related challenges that face IR. The first is the need to deal with the critique that the discipline is constructed on Eurocentric foundations. This matters both for critical and conventional IR. The latter insists that it works according to value-free positivistic/scientifistic principles. But if it is skewed by an underlying Western-centric bias, as I have contended in my work, then the positivist mantra turns out to constitute a smokescreen or veil behind which lies the dark Eurocentric face of conventional IR. And of course, if Eurocentrism in various forms infects much of critical IR, then it jeopardizes its critical credentials and risks falling back into problem-solving theory. For these reasons, then, I feel that the critique of Eurocentric IR and international political economy (IPE) poses nothing short of an intellectually existential challenge to these disciplines.
The second inter-related challenge is that if we accept that the discipline is essentially Eurocentric then we need to reconstruct IR's foundations on a non-Eurocentric basis and then advance an alternative non-Eurocentric research agenda and empirical analysis of the international system and the global political economy. This is a straightforward challenge vis-à-vis conventional IR/IPE theory but it is more problematic so far as critical IR/IPE is concerned (which is why my answer is somewhat extended). The more postmodern wing of the discipline would view with inherent skepticism any attempt to reconstruct some kind of (albeit alternative) grand narrative. And the postmodern postcolonialists would likely concur. It is at this point that the thorniest issue emerges in the context of postcolonial IR theory. For however hard this is to say, I feel that simply proclaiming the Eurocentric foundations of the discipline does not hole its constituent theories deep beneath the waterline; a claim that abrades with the view of most postcolonialists who view Eurocentrism as inherently illegitimate either because it renders it imperialist (which I view as problematic since there are significant strands of anti-imperialist Eurocentrism and scientific racism) or because they conflate Eurocentrism with the unacceptable politics of (scientific) racism (which I also find problematic notwithstanding the point that there are all manner of overlaps and synergies between these two generic Western-centric discourses, all of which is explained in my 2012 book, The Eurocentric Conception of World Politics). The key point—one which will undoubtedly get me into a lot of trouble with postcolonialists—is that I feel we need to recognize that in the end Eurocentric IR (and IPE) theory constitutes a stand-point approach, just like any other, and its merits or de-merits can ultimately only be evaluated against the empirical record, past and present (notwithstanding the points that I find Eurocentrism to be deeply biased and that what I find so deeply galling about it is its dismissive 'put-down' modus operandi of all things non-Western, wherein all non-Western achievements are dismissed outright, alongside the simultaneous (re)presentation of everything that the West does as progressive and/or pioneering).
So the second principal challenge facing the discipline—one which will no less get me into trouble with many postmodern/poststructuralist thinkers—is the need to reconstruct an alternative non-Eurocentric set of disciplinary foundations, which can then generate fresh empirical narratives of the international system and the global political economy. For my view is that only by offering an alternative research agenda and empirical analysis of the world economy can IR and IPE be set free from their extant Eurocentric straitjackets and the Sisyphean prison within which they remain confined, wherein IR and IPE scholars simply re-present or recycle tired old Eurocentric mantras and tropes in new clothing ad infinitum. For if nothing else, the absence of an alternative reconstruction and empirical analysis means that IR and IPE scholars are most likely simply to default to, or retreat back into, their Eurocentric comfort zone. Accordingly, then, the battle between Eurocentrism and non-Eurocentrism needs to be taken to the empirical field and away from the high and rarified intellectually mountainous terrain of metanarratival sparring contests.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about International Relations?
Another way of asking this question would be: what influenced you to become a non-Eurocentric thinker? I get asked this question a lot, especially by non-white people. A good deal of this is related to my life-experience, much of which is sub-conscious of course and both too personal and too detailed to openly reflect upon here (sorry!) More objectively, the initial impetus came around 1999 when I came across a book on Max Weber by the well-respected Weberian scholar, Bryan Turner, in which he argued inter alia that Weber's sociology had Orientalist properties; none of which had occurred to me before. Following this up further I became convinced that Weber was indeed Eurocentric, as was Marx. More importantly, I came to see this as a huge problem that infected not just Marx and Weber but pretty much all of historical sociology (which was reinforced in my mind when I came to read James Blaut's books, The Colonizer's Model of the World (find it here), and Eight Eurocentric Historians). So I set out to develop an alternative non-Eurocentric approach to world history and historical sociology as a counter (which resulted in my 2004 book, The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation).
Two further key IR texts that I became aware of were L.H.M. Ling's seminal 2002 book, Postcolonial International Relations and Naeem Inayatullah and David Blaney's equally brilliant 2004 book International Relations and the Problem of Difference, both of which led me to explore further the Eurocentric nature of IR and later IPE. But it would be remiss of me not to mention the influence of Albert Paolini; a wonderful colleague whom I had the pleasure to know at La Trobe University in Melbourne back in the early 1990s before his exceedingly unfortunate and premature death (and who, I must say, was way ahead of the game compared to me in terms of developing the critique of Eurocentrism in IR (see his book, Navigating Modernity (1997)). However, it would be unfair to the many others who have influenced me in countless ways to single out only these books and writers, though I hope you'll forgive me for not mentioning them so as to avoid providing yet another overly extended answer!
What would a student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global way?
This is an excellent but very challenging question and I want to try and make a succinct answer (though I shall build on it in some of the answers I will provide later on). The essential argument I make about 'thinking inter-culturally' is that while the more liberal side of the discipline thinks that its cosmopolitanism does just this, its Eurocentrism actually prevents it from fulfilling this. Because ultimately, cosmopolitanism wants to impose a Western standard of civilization upon the world, thereby advancing cultural monism rather than cultural pluralism. And this is merely the loudest expression of a spectre that haunts much of the discipline. But I guess that in the end, to achieve genuine cultural pluralism and to think inter-culturally requires us to take seriously how other non-Western peoples think of what their cultures comprise and what it means to them, and how their societies and states work along such lines. Dismissing them, as Eurocentrism always does, as inferior, backward and regressive denies this requirement outright. Interestingly, my great grandfather, J.A. Hobson flirted with this idea in his book, Imperialism: A Study (though this has largely escaped the notice of most people since few have read the more important second part of that book where all this is considered). But this is merely a first step, for as I will explain later on in the interview, ultimately thinking inter-culturally requires an analysis of the dialogical inter-connections and mutual co-constitutive relations between West and non-West which, in turn, presupposes not merely the presence of Western agency but also that of non-Western agency in the making of world politics and the global political economy.
All of which is clearly a massive challenge and I am certainly not advocating that the discipline of IR engage in deep ethnographical study and that it should morph into anthropology. And in any case I think that there are things we can do more generally to transcend Eurocentrism while learning more about the other side of the Eurocentric frontier without going to this extreme. I shall talk about such conceptual moves later on in this interview. One such theoretical move that I talk about later is the need to engage historical sociology (albeit from a non-Eurocentric perspective) or, more precisely global historical sociology. Again, though, I'm not advocating that the discipline should morph into historical sociology. And I'm aware that one of the biggest obstacles to IR making inroads into historical sociology is the sheer size of the task that this requires. It has always come naturally to me because that is where I came from before I joined the IR academic community. But there is quite a bit of historical sociology of IR out there now so I do think it possible for new PhD students to enter this fold. All of this said, though, I'm unsure if I have answered your question adequately.
The west is often seen as the source of globalization and innovation, which have historically radiated outwards in a process without seeming endpoint. What is wrong with this picture, and, perhaps more interestingly, why does it remain so pervasive?
In essence I believe this familiar picture—one which is embraced by conventional and many critical IR/IPE and globalization theorists—is wrong because this linear Western narrative brackets out all the many inputs that the non-West has made (which returns me to the point made a moment ago concerning the dialogical relations that have long existed between West and non-West). In my aforementioned 2004 book I argued that the West did not rise to modernity as a result of its own exceptional rational institutions and culture but was significantly enabled by many non-Western achievements and inventions which were borrowed and sometimes appropriated by the West. In short, without the Rest there might be no modern West. Moreover, while the West has been the principal actor in globalization since 1945, the globalization that preceded it (i.e., between 1492 and c.1830) was non-Western-led (as was the process of Afro-Eurasian regionalization that occurred between c.600 and 1492 out of which post-1492 globalization emerged). And even after 1945 I believe that non-Western actors have played various roles in shaping both globalization and the West, all of which are elided in the standard Eurocentric linear Western narrative of globalization.
But why has this image remained so persistent? This is potentially a massive question though it is a very important one for sure. Conventional theorists are most likely to disagree outright with my alternative picture in part because they are entirely comfortable with the notion that the 'West is best' and that the West single-handedly created capitalism, the sovereign inter-state system and the global economy. Critical theorists are rather more problematic to summarize here. But one that springs to mind is the type of argument that Immanuel Wallerstein (Theory Talk #13) made in a1997 article, in which he insisted that it be an imperative to hold the West accountable for everything that goes on in the world economy so that we can prosecute its crimes against the world. Arguments that bring non-Western agency in, as I seek to do, he dismisses as deflecting focus away from the West and thereby diluting the nature of the crimes that the West has imparted and therefore serves merely to weaken the case for the critical prosecution. I fundamentally disagree with him for reasons that I shan't go into here (but will touch upon below). But in my view it is (or should be) a key debate-in-the-making not least because I suspect that many other critical theorists might agree with him and, more importantly, because it brings fundamentally into question of what Eurocentrism is and of what the antidote to it comprises. Either way, though, critical theorists, at least in my view, often buy into the Western linear narrative, albeit not by celebrating the West but by critiquing it. All of which means that both conventional and many critical IR scholars effectively maintain the hegemony of Eurocentrism in the discipline though for diametrically opposed reasons; and which, at the risk of sounding paranoid, suggests a deeply subliminal conspiracy against the introduction of non-Eurocentrism.
Nevertheless one final but rather obvious point remains. For the biggest reason why Eurocentrism persists is because it makes Westerners feel good about themselves. And at the risk of sounding like sour grapes (notwithstanding very decent sales for my non-Eurocentric books), I have been struck by the fact that there seems to be an insatiable appetite—particularly among the Western public readership—for high profile Eurocentric books that celebrate and glorify Western civilization; though, to be brutally frank, many of these rarely add anything new to that which has been said countless times in the last 50 years, if not 200—notwithstanding Ricardo Duchesne's recent avowedly Eurocentric book The Uniqueness of Western Civilization as constituting a rare exception in this regard. All of which means that writing non-Eurocentric books is unlikely to get your name onto the bestseller list (though granted, the same is true for many of the Eurocentric books that have been written!)
International theory and political theory originates mainly from Europe, but makes universal claims about the nature of politics. How does international theory betray its situated roots and how do these roots matter for how we should think about theory?
I'm not sure that I can answer this question in the space allowed but I'll try and get to the broad-brush take-home point. I guess that when thinking about modern IR theory we can find those theorists who in effect advocate a normative Western imperialist posture even if they claim to be doing otherwise. Robert Gilpin's work on hegemonic stability theory is perhaps the clearest example in this respect. Anglo-Saxon hegemony, he claims, is non-imperialist because it always seeks to help the rest of the world, not exploit it. But the exercise of hegemony, it turns out, returns us to the old 19th century trope of the civilizing mission where Western practices and principles are transferred and imposed on non-Western societies in order to culturally convert them along Western lines. And this in turn issues from the assumption that the British and American interests are not selfish but are universal. This mantra is there too in Robert Keohane's (Theory Talk #9) book, After Hegemony, where cultural conversion of non-Western societies to a neoliberal standard of civilization by the international financial institutions through structural adjustment is approved of; an argument that is developed much more expansively in his later work on humanitarian intervention. And this trope forms the basis of cosmopolitan humanitarian interventionist theory more generally, where state reconstruction, which is imposed once military intervention has finished, is all about re-creating Western political and economic institutions across the world. I don't doubt for a moment the sincerity of the arguments that these authors make. But they can make them only because they believe that the Western interest is truly the universal. In such ways, then, IR betrays its roots.
Ultimately, Western IR theory constructs a hierarchical conception of the world with the West standing atop and from there we receive an image of a procession or sliding scale of gradated sovereignties in the non-Western world. For much of IR theory that has neo-imperialist normative underpinnings, it is this construction which legitimizes Western intervention in the non-Western world, thereby reproducing the legal conception of the (imperialist) standard of civilization that underpinned late 19th century positive law. Nevertheless, there has been a significant strand of anti-imperialist Eurocentrism within international theory (and before it a strand of anti-imperialist scientific racism, as in the likes of Charles HenryPearson and LothropStoddard). But once again, as we find in Samuel Huntington's famous 1996 book, The Clash of Civilizations—which comprises a modern equivalent of Lothrop Stoddard's Eugenicist texts, The Rising Tideof Color (1920) and Clashing Tides of Color (1935)—the West is held up as the highest expression of civilization, with non-Western societies viewed as socially inferior such that the West's mandate is not to imperially intervene across the world but to renew its uniquely Western civilized culture in the face of regressive and rampant non-Western regions and countries (particularly Middle Eastern Islam and Confucian China). Hedley Bull's anti-imperialist English School argument provides a complementary variant here because, he argues, it is the refusal of non-Western states to become Western wherein the source of the (unacceptable) instability of the global international society ultimately stems. All of which, as you allude to in your question, rests on the conflation of the Western interest with the universal. It is for this reason, then, that the cardinal principle of critical non-Eurocentrism comprises the need to undertake deep (self) reflexivity and to remain constantly vigilant to Eurocentric slippages.
In turn, this returns me to the point I made before: that IR theory does not think inter-culturally because it denies the validity of non-Western cultures. Because it does so, then it ultimately denies the full sovereignty of non-Western states. For one of the trappings of sovereignty is what Gerry Simpson usefully refers to as 'existential equality', or 'cultural self-determination'. It seems clear to me that the majority of IR theory effectively denies the sovereignty of non-Western states because it rejects cultural pluralism and hence cultural self-determination as a function of its intolerant Eurocentric monism. The biggest ironies that emerge here, however, are two-fold; or what I call the twin self-delusions of IR. First, while conventional IR theory proclaims its positivist, value free credentials that sit comfortably with cultural pluralist tolerance, nevertheless as I argued in my answer to your first question, this positivist mantra turns out to constitute a smokescreen or veil behind which lies the face of intolerant Eurocentric cultural monism. And second, it means that while IR proclaims that its subject matter comprises the objective analysis of the international system which focuses on anarchy and the sovereign state, nevertheless it turns out that what it is really all about is narrating an analysis of Western hierarchy and the 'hyper-sovereignty' of Western states versus the 'conditional sovereignty/gradated sovereignty' of non-Western states.
Linking your work to Lizée's as a critique of extrapolating 'universals' on the basis of narrow (Western) experiences, Patrick Jackson (Theory Talk #44) wrote as follows: 'Perhaps the cure for the disease that Hobson and Lizée diagnose is a rethinking of what "theory" means beyond empirical generalizations, so that future international theorists can avoid the sins of the past.' What is your conception of what theory is or should be?
As noted already, I am all in favor of developing non-Eurocentric theory. To sketch this out in the most generic terms I begin with the proposition that Eurocentric IR/IPE theory is monological, producing a reductive narrative in which only the West talks and acts. It is essentially a 'winner/loser' paradigm that proclaims the non-West as the loser or is always on the receiving end of that which the West does, thereby ensuring that central analytical focus is accorded to the hyper-agency of the Western winner. And its conception of agency is based on having predominant power. We find this problem particularly within much of critical IR theory, where because the West is dominant so it qualifies as having (hyper) agency while the subordinate position of the non-West means that it has little or no agency. In turn, particularly within conventional IR and IPE we encounter a substantialist ontology, where the West is thought to occupy a distinct and autonomous domain. From there everything else follows. And even in parts of critical IR and IPE where relationalism holds greater sway we often find that the West still occupies the center of intellectual gravity in the world.
My preference is for a fully relationalist approach which replaces the monologism of Eurocentrism and its reification of the West with the aforementioned conception of dialogism that brings the non-West into the discussion while simultaneously focusing on the mutually constitutive relations between Western and non-Western actors. It also allows for the agency of the non-West alongside the West's agency (even though clearly after c.1830 the West has been the dominant actor). This in effect replaces Eurocentrism's either/or problematique with a both/and logic, enabling us to reveal a space in which non-Western agency plays important roles without losing focus of Western agency, even when it takes a dominant form as it did after c.1830. In this way then, to reply to Wallerstein's argument discussed earlier, one does not have to dilute the critique of the West when bringing non-Western agency in for both can be situated alongside each other. While I could of course say much more here, these conceptual moves are paramount to me and inform the basis of my empirical work on the international system and the global political economy.
All in all, IR theory needs to take a fully global conception of agency much more seriously; structuralist theory in its many guises is necessary but is ultimately insufficient since it diminishes or dismisses outright the prospect or existence of non-Western agency. Moreover, I seek to blend materialism and non-materialism, which means that neither constructivism nor poststructuralism can quite get us over the line. Even so, blending materialism and non-materialism is not an especially hard task to achieve though IR's preferred ontologically reductionist stance certainly makes this a counter-intuitive proposition.
You combine historical sociology with international relations. What promises does this interdisciplinary approach hold? Why do we need historical sociologies of IR?
Following on from my previous answer I argue that a relationalist non-Eurocentric historical sociology of IR is able to problematize the entities that IR takes for granted—states, anarchy (as well as societies and civilizations)—in order to reveal them, to quote from the marvelous introduction that Julian Go and George Lawson have written for their forthcoming edited volume Global Historical Sociology, as 'entities in motion'. Indeed such entities are never quite complete but change through time. Here it is worth quoting Go and Lawson further, where they argue that
'social forms are "entities-in-motion": they are produced, reproduced, and breakdown through the agency of historically situated actors. Such entities-in-motion, whether they are states, empires, or civilizations often appear to be static entities with certain pre-determined identities and interests. But the relational premise, and perhaps promise, of GHS is its attempt to denaturalize such entities by holding them up to historical scrutiny'.
It is precisely this global historical sociological problematique that underpins the approach that I develop in a forthcoming book, provisionally entitled Reorient International Political Economy where inter alia, I show how many of the major processes of the global economy are never complete but are constantly mutating as they are shaped by the multiple interactions of Western and non-Western actors. To take the origins of capitalism or globalization as an example, I show how these have taken not a Western linear trajectory but a highly discontinuous path as West and non-West have interacted in complex ways.
A good number of IR historical sociologists have focused specifically on particular historical issues—especially that of the rise of the sovereign state in Europe. Such analyses have in my view proven to be extremely valuable because they allow us to puncture some of the myths that surround 'Westphalia' that populate standard or conventional IR reportage (particularly that found in undergraduate text-books). But ultimately I feel that the greatest worth of the historical sociology of IR project lies in using history (understood in historical-sociological terms rather than according to traditional historians' precepts) as a means of problematizing our understanding of the present international system and global political economy. Thus, for me, historical sociology is ultimately important because it can disrupt our understanding and explanations of the present. And I believe that this kind of inter-disciplinarity can bear considerable fruit (notwithstanding the difficulty that this task poses for IR scholars).
You famously criticized IR's Eurocentrism and argued for the need for inter-cultural thinking. What is inter-cultural thinking and how can it benefit IR?
As I already discussed what inter-cultural thinking is a bit before, I shall consider how it might benefit IR and indeed the world in various ways. First, if the rise of the West into modernity owes much of this achievement to the help provided by non-Western ideas, institutions and technologies, then acknowledging this debt could go a long way to healing the wounds that the West has inflicted upon the non-West's sense of self-esteem. Moreover, the hubristic claim ushered in by Eurocentrism, that the West made it to the top all by itself and that the very societies which helped it get there are then immediately denounced as inferior and uncivilized, significantly furnishes the West with the imperialist mandate to intervene and remake non-Western societies in the image of the West. So in essence, the help that the once-more advanced non-Western societies that the West benefited from is rewarded by 150 years of imperial punishment! Of course, IR scholars do not really study the rise of the West, but it is implicit in so much of what they write about. So acknowledging this debt could challenge the West's self-appointed mandate to remake the world in its own image as well as problematize many of the historical assumptions that lie either explicitly or implicitly within IR.
Second, and flowing on from the previous point, thinking inter-culturally means recognizing the manifold roles that the non-West has played in shaping the rise of Western capitalism and the sovereign state system as well as the global economy, as I have just argued, but also appreciating their societies and cultures on their own terms rather than simply dismissing them as unfit for purpose in the modern world. Less Western Messianism and Western hubris, more global understanding and empathy, is ultimately what I'm calling for. But none of this is possible while Eurocentrism remains the go-to modus operandi of IR and IPE. And this is important for IR not least because significant parts of it have informed Western policy, most especially US foreign policy.
Third, a key benefit that inter-cultural thinking could bring to IR is that while the discipline presumes that it furnishes objective analyses of the international system, the upshot of my claim that the discipline is founded on Eurocentrism is that all the discipline is really doing is finding ways to reaffirm the importance of Western civilization in world politics, defending it and often celebrating it, rather than learning or discovering new things about the world and world politics. I believe that only a non-Eurocentric approach can deliver that which IR thinks it's doing already but isn't.
You've said that 'what makes an argument [institutionally] Eurocentric…lies with the nature of the categories that are deployed to understand development. And these ultimately comprise the perceived degree of 'rationality' that is embodied within the political, economic, ideological, and social institutions of a given society.' In order to think inter-culturally, does IR needs new conceptions of rationality, or standards other than rationality altogether?
What an extremely interesting and perceptive question which has really got me thinking! Again, it's something that I've been aware of in the recesses of my mind but have never really thought through. Certainly the essence of Eurocentrism lies in the reification of Western rationality (or what Max Weber called Zweckrationalität) and its simultaneous denial to non-Western societies. But what with all the revelations that have happened in Britain in the last decade, where a seemingly never ending series of fraudulent practices have been uncovered within British public life—whether it be MPs' expenses scandals, banking scandals, newspaper scandals and the like—then one really wonders about the extent to which the West operates according to the properties of Zweck-rationality that Weber proclaimed it to have. Corruption and fraud happen in the West but clearly they are much more hidden than in those instances where it occurs in non-Western countries (notwithstanding the revelations mentioned a moment ago). But if one were to open the lid of many large Western companies, for example, and delve inside one might well find all sorts of 'rationality-compromising' or 'rationality-denial' practices going on. To mention just two obvious examples: first, promotions are often tainted by personal linkages rather than always founded on merit; and second, managers often mark out and protect their own personal position/territory even when it (frequently) goes against the 'rational' interests of the said organization.
To return to your question, then, one could conclude that many Western institutions are far less rational than Eurocentrism proclaims, which in turn would challenge the foundations of Eurocentrism. Of course, corruption and fraud are not unique to the West, but it is the West that proclaims its unique 'rational standard of civilization'. Whether, therefore, we need to abandon the term (Zweck) rationality on the grounds that it is an impossibly conceived ideal type remains the question. Right now I don't have an answer though I'll be happy to mull over this in the coming years.
You've written that engaging with the East 'creates a genuinely global history' and articulate a 'dream wherein the peoples of the Earth can finally sit down at the table of global humanity and communicate as equal partners'. Do you consciously operate with an 'ontology' of 'peoples' and 'civilizations' as opposed to 'individuals'? How do you conceive of the relationship between global humanity and plural peoplehood? Is there an underlying philosophical or anthropological view that you are drawing on in these and similar passages?
Certainly I prefer to think of peoples and even of civilizations rather than individuals and states, though I'll confess right now that dealing theoretically with civilizations and articulating them as units of analysis is extraordinarily challenging. At the moment I leave this side of things to better people than me, such as Peter Katzenstein (Theory Talk #15) and his recentpioneering work on civilizations. The term 'global humanity' concerns me insofar as it is often a politically-loaded term, particularly within cosmopolitanism, where its underbelly comprises the desire to define a single civilizational identity (i.e., a Western one) for 'global humanity'. In essence, cosmopolitanism effectively advances the conception of a 'provincial (i.e., Western) humanity' that masquerades as the global. So I prefer the notion of plural peoplehood, so as to allow for difference. I wouldn't say that I am operating according to a particular philosophical view although it strikes me that such a notion is embodied in Johann Gottfried Herder's work which, on that dimension at least, I am attracted to. But to be honest, this is generally something that I have not explored though it is something that I've thought that I'd like to research for a future book (notwithstanding the point that I'll need to finish the book that I have started first!).
In your reply toErik Ringmar, you draw on psychoanalytic metaphors to discuss the benefits of overcoming Eurocentrism, writing that, 'Eurocentrism leads to the repression and sublimation of the Other in the Self. Thus, doing away with Eurocentrism can end the socio-psychological angst and alienation that necessarily occurs through such sublimation.' How do you envision what we now call the West (or Europe) after its socio-psychological transformation? What does a world after angst and alienation look like? Is it possible, and is that the goal you think IR theory should aim at?
Another massively challenging and fascinating question, let me have a go. Since you raised the issue of socio-psychological/psycho-analytical theory (though it is something that I am no expert on), it has always struck me that Eurocentrism itself is not simply a construct designed to advance Western power and Western capitalist interests in the world. This seems too mechanistic. For recall that it was a series of largely independent sojourners, travel-writers, novelists, journalists and others rather than capitalists who played such an important role in constructing Eurocentrism. Something more seems to be at play. One can think of the battles between 'Mods and Rockers' or Skinheads and heavy metal fans in Britain in the 1960s and 1970s, who detested each other simply because they held different identities and prized different cultural values. Most importantly, I feel, the constant need to denounce, put down and dismiss the Other as inferior seems reminiscent of those kinds of people we sometimes meet who, in constantly putting down others to falsely elevate themselves to a position of superiority, ultimately reveals merely their own insecurities. The same issues, of course, underpin racism and Eurocentrism. The West rose to prominence in my view as a late-developer and having got to the top it very quickly came to view its duty as one of punishing all others for being different – all done, of course, in the name of helping or civilizing the very 'global humanity' that had done so much to help the West rise to the top in the first place! And to want to culturally convert everyone in the world according to the Western standard of civilization seems to be symptomatic of a deeply insecure mindset. A secure person or society for that matter does not feel threatened by, but openly embraces, difference.
Can we move beyond this stand-off given that such a mentality has been hard-wired within Western culture for at least three centuries? And ten if you count the sometimes terse relations between Europe and Middle Eastern Islam that emerged after 1095! We need to move beyond an identity that is based only on putting others down. It's 'bad karma' and, like all bad karma, damages the Western self, not just the non-Western other. But to transcend this identity-formation process requires us to do away with logocentrism; clearly a very big task. Nevertheless, that is exactly what my writings are all about. And it is something that I think IR theory needs to strive to achieve. Because IR theory is to an extent performative then I live in the hope, at least, that such a mentality might, just might somehow seep into international public life, though if it were to happen I strongly suspect that I would not be around to see it. Still, your question—what would a world beyond Eurocentrism look like?—though very important is nevertheless perhaps too difficult to answer without seeming like a hopeless idealist… other than to say that it could be rather better than the current one.
You write that 'IPE should aim to be an über-discipline, drawing on a wide range of disciplines in order to craft a knowledge base that refuses to become lost in disciplinary over-specialization and the depressing academic narcissism of disciplinary methodological differentiation and exclusion.' Why do you prefer that IPE should be the überdiscipline, instead of IR (or something else altogether), with IPE as a subset?
My degree was in Political Economy, my Masters in Political Sociology and my PhD in Historical Sociology and (International) Political Economy. Despite the fact that the majority of my academic career to date has been in IR research, I have always returned at various points to my old haunting ground, IPE (as I have most recently). I have always found IR a little alienating for its reification of politics, divorced from political economy. I'm not a Marxist, but I share in the view that political economy, if not always directly underpinning developments and events in the international system is, however, never far away.
The quote that you took for this question came from the end of my 2-part article that came out in the 20th anniversary edition of Review of International Political Economy. This was partly responding to Benjamin Cohen's (Theory Talk #17) 2008 seminal book, International Political Economy: A Intellectual History. One of the challenges that I issued to my IPE readership, echoing Cohen, is the need for IPE to return to 'thinking big' (in large part as a reaction to the massive contraction of the discipline's boundaries that has been effected by third wave American IPE, which labors under the intellectual hegemony of Open Economy Politics). In that context, then, I argued that IPE needs to expand its boundaries outwards not only to allow big or macro-scale issues to return to the discipline's research agenda but also to incorporate insight from other disciplines. For in my view IPE has the potential to blend the insights of many other disciplines that can in turn transcend the sometimes myopic or tunnel-vision-based nature of their particular constituent specialisms.
One of the implications of 'thinking big' is that IPE should be able to cover much of that which IR does… and more. Like Susan Strange, who expressed her exasperation with IR for its exclusion of politico-economic matters, so I feel that the solution lies not with IR colonizing IPE (which is not likely for the foreseeable future!) but with IPE expanding its currently narrow remit. If it could achieve this it could become the 'über-discipline', or the 'master discipline', of the Social Sciences, notwithstanding the point that my postcolonial and feminist friends will no doubt upbraid me for using such terrible terms!
Final question. Beyond the East outside the West, Greece is now being remade as the 'East' within the West, with a range of measures applied to it that had hitherto been the preserve for the 'East' or Global South. How can your work help to make sense of the stakes?
Your question reminds me of a similar one that I was asked in an interview for Cumhurieyet Strateji Magazine concerning Turkey's ongoing efforts to join the EU, the essence of my answer comprising: 'be careful what you wish for'. One of the things that I have felt uneasy about is the way, as I see it (and I might not be quite right in saying this), that European Studies (as a sub-discipline) sometimes appears as rather self-affirming, thereby reflecting the core self-congratulatory modus operandi of the EU. I am not anti-European or in any way ashamed to be Western (as some of my critics might think). But I'm deeply uneasy about the EU project, specifically in terms of its desire to expand outwards, not to mention inwards as we are seeing in the case of Greece today. For this has the whiff of the old civilizing mission that had supposedly been put to rest back at the time of the origins of the European Economic Community. Although Greece is a member of the EU (notwithstanding its non-European roots), it seems clear that what is going on today is a process of intensified internal colonization under the hegemony of Germany, wherein Greece is subjected to the German standard of civilization. All of which brings into question the self-glorification of the self-proclaimed 'socially progressive' EU project. And to return to my discussion of Turkey I recognize that candidate countries have their reasons for wanting to join the EU. But I guess that what my work is ultimately about is restoring a sense of dignity to non-Western peoples, in the absence of which they will continue to self-deprecate and live in angst in the long cold shadow of the West. All of which brings me back to the answers I made to quite a few of the earlier questions. So I would like to close by saying how much I have enjoyed answering your extremely well-informed questions and to thank you most sincerely for inviting me to address them.
Professor Hobson gained his PhD from the LSE (1991), joined the University of Sheffield as Reader and is currently Professor of Politics and International Relations. Previously he taught at La Trobe University, Melbourne (1991–97) and the University of Sydney (1997–2004). His main research interest concerns the area of inter-civilizational relations and everyday political economy in the context of globalization, past and present. His work is principally involved in carrying forward the critique of Eurocentrism in World History/Historical Sociology, and International Relations.
Related links
Faculty Profile at the University of Sheffield Read Hobson's The Postcolonial Paradox of Eastern Agency (Perceptions 2014) here (pdf) Read Hobson's Is critical theory always for the white West and for Western imperialism? (Review of International Studies 2007) here (pdf)
0 0 1 6773 38610 Danish Institute for International Studies 321 90 45293 14.0
YOL. XII NO. 1 MARCH, 1903 The Gettysburg ODereary GETTYSBURG COLLEGE GETTYSBURG, PA. T r PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS ! Good Work Low Prices Publishers ol THE GETTYSBURG NEWS 142 Carlisle St., Gettysburg, Pa. JUBEIEIItf LITTLE, LTD. AMOS ECKERT Latest Styles in HATS, SHOES AND GENT'S FURNISHING .Our specialty. WALK-OVER SHOE AMOS ECKERT Prices always right The Lutheran puM$jing {lou£e". No. 1424 Arch Street PHILADELPHIA, PA. Acknowledged Headquarters for anything and everything in the way of Books for Churches, Col-leges, Families and Schools, and literature for Sunday Schools. PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and devel-op one of the church institutions with pecuniary advantage to yourself. Address H. S. BONER, Supt. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTIZERS. FURNITURE Mattresses, Bed Springs, Iron Beds, Picture Frames, Repair Work done promptly. Under-taking a specialty. * Telephone No. 97. X3Z_ IE. Eem-d-er 37 Baltimore St., Gettysburg, Pa. THE STEWART & STEEN CO. College Engravers cond (Printers 1024 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa. MAKERS AND PUBLISHERS OF Commencement, Class Day Invitations and Programs, Class Pins and Buttons in Gold and Other Metals, Wedding Invitations and Announcements, At Home Cards, Reception Cards and Visiting Cards, Visiting Cards—Plate and 50 cards, 75 cents. Special Discount to Students. N. A. YEANY, Gettysburg College Representative. 4. §. (Spalding £ §ros., Largest Manufacturers in the World of Official Athletic Supplies. Base Ball Lawn Tennis Golf Field Hockey Official JUMetic Implements. Spalding's Catalogue of Athletic Sports Mailed Free to any Address. A. G. Spalding & Bros. NEW YORK - . CHICAGO - - DENVER - - BUFFALO - - BALTIMORE THESE FIRMS ARE O. K. PATRONIZE THEM. DO YOU KNOW WHERE The Choicest Candies, The Finest Soda Water, The Largest Oysters, The Best Ice Cream, Can be found in town? Yes, at Young's Confectionary On Chambersburg Street, near City Hotel, Gettysburg, Pa. IF YOU CALL OH" C. A. Bloeher, JemeleF, Centre Square, He can serve you in anything you may want in REPAIRING or JEWELRY. SEFTON & FLEMMING'S LIVERY Baltimore Street, First Square, Gettysburg, Pa. Competent Guides for all parts of the Battlefield. Arrangements by telegram or letter. Lock Box 257. I I. MUMPER. 41 Baltimore St., Gettysburg, Pa. The improvements to our Studio have proven a perfect success and we are now better prepared than ever to give you satisfactory work. -*■ ■*-—-"' "At" THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. J old man lifted her up, As they both stood gazing on the white form below, Whitman said to the child : "You do not under-stand this, my dear, do you?" "No," said the child. "Neither do I, neither do I," was the answer. He loved to contemplate the questions!"children would ask. "A child said, What is the grass ? fetching it to me with full hands ; How could I answer the child ? I do not know what it is any more than he. I guess it must be the flag of my disposition, out of hopeful green stuff woven. Or I guess it is the handcherchief of the Lord, A scented gift and remembrancer designedly droppt, Bearing the owner's name someway in the corners, that we may see and remark and say, Whose ?" When he was too ill to leave his room he wanted his friends continually by his side. Whitman died March 26, 1902, and his funeral was wholly without parallel in this country. It was attended by thous-ands, yet not so much a funeral as a merry-making; not a tear fell, bright and happy were the faces. They did not rejoice in his death, but were glad that he had lived. Walt Whitman enjoyed a popularity abroad equal only to that of Longfellow. Here his popularity is intermittent, Long-fellow's constant. Whether he will be generally read, time alone will tell. Some will be repelled by the lack of rhyme and rhythm. But give his poems that excellence, you take away the force, you take away the man, and we care for rhyme and rhythm not more than for Whitman himself. His admirers have called him the American Homer ; others, Hesiod teaching us "Works and Days." There is somewhat of the Greek in Whitman, yet not the Greek of Homer nor yet the Greek of Hesiod, for he was as in-capable of pessimism as Hesiod was of optimism. He is our American Rhapsodist singing the songs of Man, of Nature and Life, of Home—a genius, let us take him as he is. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. THE ELECTRA OF SOPHOCLES. M. ADA MCLINN, '04. THE Greek poet Sophocles was called "The Bee" among his contemporaries because of the sweetness and smoothness of his verse. From such a writer we should expect a well-written play; and our loftiest expectations are realized after a study of his Electra. This tragic drama deals with the ill-fated house of Atreus. Agamemnon, a descendant of this house, upon his return from the Trojan war in which he commanded the Greeks, was treacherously slain by his wife Clytemnaestra with the aid of her paramour Aegisthus. Her son Orestes was also to be dispatched by some underhand means, but he is rescued by his sister Electra, who, after caring for him for many years, sends him to the court of Strophius of Phokis. He afterward visits the oracle of Apollo, where he is commanded to avenge his father's death. Both Electra and Orestes make this revenge the one aim and purpose of their lives. The story opens eight years after Agamemnon's death. Orestes has returned with his attendant to his native land. While at his uncle's court, he formed a fast friendship with his cousin Pylades and it is with his advice that all plans for ven-geance are formed. The morning has dawned bright and joyous and with it dawns a new hope. Orestes is roused to cany out the oracle's command—■ That he himself unarmed with shield or host Should subtly work the righteous deed of blood. The deed is to be carried out by strategy. News of his death will be carried to the palace, thus giving Clytemnaestra and Aegisthus a sense of freedom from their constant fear of Ores-tes; then, off their guard, they will be slain. The play naturally divides itself into four parts : First—The return of Orestes and the formation of a plan for executing vengeance. This plan forms the key-note of the play. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 9 Second—The appearance of Electra before the palace, her outpouring of grief, the sympathetic answers from the chorus, the appearance of Chrysothemis, a younger sister, with offerings from Clytemnaestra for Agamemnon's grave to propitiate the dream which she had received, Electra's persuasions resulting in Chrysothemis' pouring libations on the grave with prayers for Orestes' return, Clytemnaestra's appearance and her bitter reproaches against Electra, the arrival of the messenger telling of Orestes' death, over which Electra is cast down to the depths of despair and Clytemnaestra raised to a corresponding height of joy, Chrysothemis' second appearance telling of Orestes' visit to Agamemnon's grave and of his offerings upon it, Electra's refutation of this by the news of Orestes' death, the coming of two messengers bearing the urn containing Orestes' ashes; this may be called the elaboration in preparation for the catastrophe. Third—The recognition of Orestes and Electra upon his revealing his identity, their joy in meeting and their discussion of vengeance. Fourth—The conspiracy against Clytemnaestra and Aegis-thus resulting in their death, thus freeing the house of Atreus from its curse as expressed in the closing lines of the chorus: O seed of Atreus, after many woes, Thou hast come forth, thy freedom hardly won, By this emprise made perfect ! The play throughout is characterized by great feeling. The plot is so well carried out that the interest of the reader is con-stantly sustained. There are some phases of the play which call forth our in-dignation; for example—Clytemnaestra's hatred of her son and daughter, her joy over the announcement of her son, Orestes' death, Electra's life-consuming passion for revenge, her seem-ing delight and satisfaction when the murder of her mother and Aegisthus takes place, and Orestes' performance of the murder; but the Greek idea of vengeance was that of a relig-ious duty and a man received commendation for executing it. IO THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. The heroine and strongest character of the play is Electra. For force of will, persistence of purpose, and thirst for ven-geance she has not been surpassed among womankind. Yet counterbalancing the sterner side of her nature is her tender care of Orestes when he was a child, her love towards him, her great joy at meeting him, and her pleasure upon recognizing the faithful old pedagogue. Her tendency to extremes of despair and joy is shown in the following lines: and "Ah me ! I perish utterly. All is lost !" 'O blessed light! O voice ! And art thou come?" The former, uttered when she thought Orestes dead; the latter when she recognizes his living presence. Sophocles thoroughly understands the art of making his readers acquainted with his characters. One feels as if he were living with them. When Electra is sad, we are sad, and we sympathize with her as did the chorus. Her lot was indeed a hard one. For those many years she had waited for the exe-cution of vengeance, while, in the mean time, she had to live in the same building with those whom she despised, to see Aegisthus established in her father's place, and, to all appear-ances, prosperous and happy, to be deserted by all friends, and at last to hear of the death of Orestes, the one in whom she centred all her hopes. Still with a courageous spirit, she sug-gests to Chrysothemis that they together do the deed. Orestes enters the play as a means for revenge. The interest is so constantly with Electra that one is interested in him only in his connection with Electra and in his fulfilment of her wishes. He shows an obedient spirit in his regard for the pedagogue's advice and a stern sense of religious duty in his regard for the oracle's command. His love and compassion for his sister in her neglected condition is expressed between the lines, as it were, in these words of recognition: "Is this Electra's noble form I see? Alas, alas, for this sad lot of thine !" . r THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. II In the same degree that we sympathized with Electra, we hate Clytemnaestra. Her heart is black and sinful and in all her words we must condemn her. She appears specially obnoxious when she receives the news of Orestes' death, and how we must loathe the feeling of satis-faction she exhibits when she says: "Now, for all her threats, We shall live on and pass our days in peace." With the same feeling of detestation we regard Aegisthus and we give our assent when his murder takes place. The irony of the conclusion is fine. We can feel it in all that is said and done. Sophocles has fairly painted before our eyes the picture of the scenes. For example, when Aegisthus removes the cloth from the face of Orestes, as he supposed, and finds Clytemnaestra, his wife, dead and cold, we can hear him say: "Oh, what sight is this?" Chrysothemis, the sister of Orestes and Electra, is a minor character, introduced to bring out by contrast with her weak-ness the great strength of Electra's character. The play contains many fine monologues. The attendant's description of the chariot-race is so real that one can see the contestants as: "With sound of brazen triumph, They started. Cheering all their steeds At once, they shook the reins, and then, The course was filled with all the clash and din Of rattling chariots, and the dust rose high ; And all commingled, sparing not the good, That each might pass his neighbor's axle-trees, And horses' hot hard breathing," The gods are clearly recognized but are kept in the back-ground. They control the acts of men, and great confidence is placed in them as shown in the words of the chorus: "Take heart, my child, take heart; Mighty in heaven he dwells, Zeus, seeing, guiding all." 12 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. THE EVOLUTION OF PERSONALITY. E. B. HAY, '03. HAVE you ever stopped, in the turmoil of your busy life long enough to think that you are a person: that is( I mean—to realize that you are more than an individual, a mere unit among the myriads of humanity ; that, on the other hand, you are unique, no other being has been just like you, and all eternity will fail to reproduce your personality ? If you have ever meditated thus, or if you have attempted to solve the question : What is implied by the word personality ? you have doubtless been staggered by the immensity of the problem before you. There are terrestrial bodies of water which have never been fathomed. Men have been able to obtain some idea of their great depth, however, by the very futility of their attempts to gain more exact knowledge. So, in our consideration of per-sonality, we may but hope to sound its depths for a further rev-elation of their vastness. It is not my intention to trace out the lines of distinction in personalities which lead to the many interesting variations among humanity; but, to present an outline,in accordance with modern scientific views, of the vast movement through which an unceasing energy has evolved from an original chaos the complexity of system to which we to-day give the name of petsotiality. We cannot but approach our discussion in reverence, realiz-ing that none but the great Creator and Preserver of this mighty universe knows, or perhaps ever will know the exact course through which a terrestrial being, man, came to be but a little lower than the angels, "to have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth." "Man proposes, but God disposes." God has disposed, and now man would propose. Made in the image of his Creator, man seeks to understand the divine plan. He would study and interpret the laws of God. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 13 As the finite cannot comprehend the infinite, so can man, of himself, never reach a perfect solution ol the methods and laws of his Creator. One law, that of his own heredity, has, how-ever, long been of paramount interest to man, and more es-pecially to the inquisitive Aryan. Theory upon theory has been advanced and accepted. Each has its flaws and breaks of evidence. Any discussion of our topic, however, must be based upon some one of these theories, and so I have chosen the great generalization of to-day's scientific thought; namely, "the genetic unity and unbroken development of the whole realm of nature, to which we also belong." Scientists tell us that organic and inorganic forms were orig-inally one.the organicbeingahigher development of the inorganic. They further make mind the consummate flower of organic life. Hence we would complete the vast development of nature in the final fruitage of personality, saying with Drummond that "to withdraw continuity from the universe would be the same as to withdraw reason from an individual." In the first place, we shall trace a development from an original unity of matter to a separation of i?idividual iorms ; in the second, an advance in these individual forms from their primal simplicity to a marked complexity ; and finally, we shall attempt to show that the consummation of the universal im-pulse to.individualization is personality. Consider, then, a period probably thousands of millions of years ago, when space was occupied by a diffused nebulous material, where the ultimate atoms were the only definite struc-tures. Out of this seemingly infinite and formless deep the nebulae settle into various individual aggregations. The move-ment is universal, and as this primitive matter assumes individ-ual forms it also takes on certain functions, and gradually great solar systems evolve. Our own earth, a vast whirling mass of nebulous matter, gradually contracts and assumes still more complicated functions as it falls into motion about a similar though much larger aggregation of matter. Turning our atten-tion now solely to our own sphere and passing by ages in its formation, we reach the highest form of distinctive character in 14 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. its inorganic development when the crystal first makes its ap-pearance. Now, we first have a clear and substantial prophesy of those higher forms of individuality which are to follow. Each crystal has a well defined and a generally symmetrical form. Under the action of the crystalizing force, it may take up new materials and rebuild itself, a property commonly at-tributed only to organic forms. But who shall trace further the course from the greatest in the kingdom of the inorganic to the least in the kingdom of the organic ? Indeed La Conte tells us that "conditions necessary for so extraordinary a change could hardly be expected to occur but once in the history of the earth." Thus far, we have traced a great impulse leading from unity to individual forms; now, we would look at the more complex outgrowth as we find individuality developed by the throb of life. Following nature then in her continuous course, which we may so nearly yet not clearly establish at this point, we note that she starts on her more perfect individualization by the forming of a cell. Now, for the first time, a formation of na-ture has the capacity to perpetuate itself. Too much stress cannot be laid upon this advance from, or as scientists would say, through the inorganic to organic forms, in nature's develop-ment towards the more complex existence. The fundamental properties of life, assimilation, growth and reproduction, are now active, and it is but a question of time till these cells multiply and are organized under different environments into the intri-cate forms of plant and animal life. The next great step in the evolution of complex individuality is achieved in the gain of sentient power. It were indeed a difficult task to form any sharp distinction between the awaken-ing animal sentiency and the sensitiveness of some plants. But, in the animal world we find sensitiveness specialized and developed in and with more or less acute nervous organization to the resultant varying degrees of animal intelligence. From the lower forms of animal life, where nature seems to care not for the individual but only for the species, we find her interest THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 15 apparently increasing with the advance in sentiency. All things seem to work together for good to the individual, as we ascend the scale of animal intelligence. And finally, after a seeming perfection has been reached in the physical organiza-tion of the individual, this sentient energy continues to advance and develop in complexity. But, now having considered two phases of the vast move-ment to individuality, you may wonder what all this has to do with personality. It will have either little or much to do, ac-cording as we accept the "supernatural descent of mind into matter, or the theory of its natural ascent through the develop-ment of matter." Incidentally, I may say, that though in some circles the Creator is still grudged his own universe, yet, the thoughtful naturalist finds as much manifestation of divine power and wisdom in the controlling and gradual evolution of forces, as in their terrestrial introduction by special creative acts, breaking in upon the continuity of the universe. If we accept the modern scientific hypothesis of evolution, the steps just traced are of vital importance. For somewhere in this great movement toward the perfection of individual types, must have gradually evolved a part so far transcending "dying nature's earth and lime" as to admit of no comparison or analogy with this baser foil of its glory. In the words of Newman Smyth, the scientist regards personality as "a specialization of a spirit-ual element and energy which was in the beginning and which has ever been pressing to revelation throughout the whole evolution." So, rather than pick up an uncertain thread from its midst, we have traced from the beginning this vast process of the ages, this propagation of a mighty impulse, to its con-summation in personality. What an elevated position do we, then, as persons, hold in this grand upward moyement through formative cycles ! For, "now are we the sons of God, and it doth not yet appear what we shall be." Who can believe that this implanted image of the Creator shall be consigned eternally to its native dust, or who shall say that the travail of the ages has been for a be-ing whose days are as the grass, as a flower of the field ? ■ *fl! 16 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY'. Shall the dissolution of our earthy frame, which has long since become subject to the higher power within, mean the cessation of the mighty evolution, which has made us persons, or shall we not, giving dust to dust, free these personalities from every weight which doth so easily beset them, and continue the "rand march of time amid celestial harmonies ? THE PHILOSOPHERS. They are presumptuous systems that we raise To compass life's last miracle and frame The glory with its source, forging a name Exhaustive of the meaning of our days. Is there no peace among sweet finite ways— No rest forever from the inward flame Of troubled question over chance or aim, Real and unreal, and what's to blame or praise ? Can we not wait, patient with life'awhile, Somewhat content to speak the given word, Go the appointed way, and ask no more— Then, if the work be done, with quiet smile, When in our darkened house the voice is heard, Pass silently with Death through the last door?—Ex. ' ■ ' *ft-lm't *-. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 17 A CHARACTER SKETCH OF CECIL RHODES. ABDKI. R. WENTZ, '04. ALMOST a year has elapsed since the death of Cecil Rhodes, familiarly known as the South African "Colos-sus," and the press has not yet ceased to publish discussions of the man's character. Few had more zealous friends; none have had more bitter enemies. And yet his most devoted friends found in his character some undesirable traits, and his most positive enemies recognized some merit. It will be in-teresting, therefore, to attempt to understand his real character and to ascertain the moral of his marvelous career. Cecil Rhodes was born in 1853, in Hertfordshire, England, in the impecunious condition of the younger son of a country parson. He was unaided by birth, fortune, or any other outside agency. From his parents he received no position, no money, nothing except clean and gentle breeding. His early life at home and at grammar school afforded no indication of genius. It was intended that he should enter the ministry and so he was sent to Oxford University. But a decline in health was soon noticed and his physicians confidently foretold his death of con-sumption. In the hope of prolonging his life for a few years he went to South Africa where his older brother was living. For a while he assisted his brother in diamond-digging, but he soon went into the industry for himself and great success attended him. In the meantime his health was greatly im-proved by the pure, dry air of the African veldt and he was able, both financially and physically, to return to Oxford during the dry summer months and continue his course of study. This he did year by year, always returning to South Africa in the Fall, and finally in 1881, nine years after he had matricu-lated, he was graduated from the University. By this time he had laid the foundation for a large fortune in South Africa. He succeeded in having the law repealed which provided that one person could hold only one diamond claim. The new law permitted a man to hold ten claims, and it was soon discovered 18 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. that Rhodes held ten. This new law was also repealed after a short time. Then began the speculation in buying and selling claims, and presently he found himself one of three interests con-trolling the entire diamond field. And this number soon dimin-ished to two. Then came the amalgamation, with Cecil Rhodes as the amalgamator, and the colossal De Beers Diamond Min-ing Company as the product. By this he was enabled to create a monopoly, control the diamond market, and amass his millions. In this respect he was the forerunner of J. P. Mor-gan. The next step in his wonderful career was to enter the Parliament of Cape Colony. He soon became the most pow-erful man in the politics of South Africa; and this distinction he continued to enjoy until his death on March 26, last. In order to understand the motive which actuated his won-derful career it may be well to consider for a moment the course of reasoning by which he determined what should be the aim of his life. In the course of his studies in Greek at Oxford University he chanced upon Aristotle's definition of virtue as the "highest activity of the soul living for the highest object in. a perfect life." This he interpreted to mean that every person should have an object in life sufficiently lofty to make it worth while to spend a lifetime in the endeavor to ob-tain it. The object had not yet been determined in his own life, and so he began to reason with himself in the endeavor to find the aim sufficiently lofty to justify him in dedicating his life to it. First he considered the matter of accumulating wealth. But what is wealth ? From the experience of the men about him who had made the amassing of wealth the chief aim of their lives he concluded that wealth as an end in itself was only a source of care and anxiety. People spend part of their lives in making money and the rest in taking care of it. This, Rhodes decided, could not by any means justify the expendi-ture of one's life. Then he considered politics. But what is the highest round in the political ladder? In his case it was the premiership of Cape Colony. And what sort of life is that of a premier ? Now THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 19 in office and now out; constantly dependent upon the good will of the voters. Surely, this was not the proper goal for his life. Then he turned to religion. He had always admired the career of Ignatius Loyola. But then Rhodes felt that he could scarcely accept any religious creed. Every excavation in Pal-estine revealed some new fact which to him seemed to prove the Bible untrue. The Catholic beliefs came nearest to his, but he was sure there was no hell, and how then could he devote his life to serving the Catholic Church ? So he concluded that religion was not to be the field of his life work. Then he went deeper. In religious views he was decidedly agnostic. He always held that there was a 50-per-cent chance that there is a God. So he continued his reasoning thus: "If there be a God, of which there is 50-per cent chance, it is all-important that I should do what he would have me do." Then again, "If there be a God, and if he is concerned at all about what I do, it is safe to say that he would have me do what he himself is doing, to propagate his own work." From this arose the question, "What is God doing ?" Then he set about discovering the divine plan. In the first place the divine plan whatever it is must be universal. God cares for all. Whatever instrument he is using therefore must be in-fluencing the whole race of man. Now Rhodes was a strict believer in the Darwinian theory of evolution. He believed in the survival of the most capable species. And in the pro-cess of perfecting the race of man by the elimination of the least capable, he recognized the "struggle for existence" as the instrument of the divine Ruler. And in the struggle for exist-ence the white race, beyond a doubt, had been the most cap-able. Moreover, taking as standards of human perfection, the three great principles of Justice, Liberty, and Peace, he unhesi-tatingly concluded that it is the English-speaking race that is most likely to secure universal justice, all-pervading liberty, and world-wide peace, if these are to be secured at all. And the conclusion of the long train of reasoning was "that the highest practical idea was to work for the unity of the English-speaking 20 THE GETTVSBUKG MERCURY. race, in order that, being united, it might extend over all the world the beneficent influence which this race exercised for Justice, Liberty, and Peace among the inhabitants of this planet." This, then, was the guiding principle of his life—internation-al amity and the unity of the English-speaking race. And Rhodes thought that in order to wield any considerable influ-ence in that direction, he must have wealth. "What is the use," he said, "of having grand projects if you lack the money to back them ?" and so he proceeded to acquire wealth, solely with a view to extending the British Empire and thus the Eng-lish- speaking race. His money was never spent for selfish ends. His personal needs could have been covered by a clerk's income. Though king of the diamond mines, he never wore a single one of the precious gems upon his person. He never changed the simple tastes which he had acquired at the coun-try parsonage. He was unconventional to the extreme. As prime minister of Cape Colony he wore the worst hat in the as-sembly. His aristocratic friends in London were compelled to be ashamed of him when he visited them. True, he had a fine house, but it was for the entertainment of others. He never had many fancy pictures; not because he could not appreciate the art, but because he considered the money spent uselessly. "I could build so many miles of railroad for such a picture," he would say. And so it was in all his financial relations; his money was to be used solely upon the object for which he was living. To him nothing seemed more abhorrent than the clogged and impotent discomfort of the ordinary millionaire. He considered it a positive injustice for a man to leave his chil-dren so much money as to enable them to go through the world with folded arms. His life-aim required money for its accomplishment, and for that reason he amalgamated the diamond out-put of the world, thus arming himself with the chosen weapon of the day. Moreover, Rhodes realized that political influence would help him to obtain his life-object. He entered the Parliament of Cape Colony and was soon raised to the highest office in the THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 21 Cape government, the premiership. This influence he began to wield to the end that "as much of the map of Africa as possi-ble might be painted British red," as he himself put it. Terri-tories, one after the other, were added to British dominion. It is true, too true, that the means which he used to bring about these results were in many cases questionable. Even his most admiring friends are compelled to admit that he was unscrupu-lous in his methods. He knew no code of political morals. He did not hesitate to do anything which would help bring about the object for which he was spending his life. He wanted to extend the British empire, and to this end he bent all his en-ergies, whether by deceiving the ignorant Boers or by juggling the laws of the different governments. And it has been calcu-lated that he carried the British flag over a territory nearly as great in extent as British India. But there was one great hindrance to the carrying out of Rhodes' idea of a confederated South Africa, and that was the existence of the two independent Dutch republics known as the the Orange River Free State and the Transvaal. Accordingly he began to form deep-laid plans to bring them under British dominion. The notorious Jameson raid was the result. The facts of the raid, to be brief, are these : A large mining popu-lation composed in great part of foreigners had gathered in those districts. In order to overthrow the Dutch government and acquire the country, Rhodes had his agents to build up secret organizations among the foreigners in Johannesburg, the capital city of the Transvaal. It was planned that upon an appointed day these foreigners, or "Uitlanders" as the Boers called them, should cause an uprising under some feigned pre-text and precipitate a revolt against the government. The Uitlanders were to be assisted from the outside by the invasion of a small body of troops under the command of Dr. Jameson, Rhodes' right-hand man. It is a well-known fact that the raid failed. The Boers were apprised of the plot; the foreigners refused at the last moment to act and Jameson and his men were ignominiously captured by the Boers. It was this Jameson raid which precipitated the Boer war, so disastrous to all par-ties concerned. 22 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. This was the turning-point in Cecil Rhodes' career. The Boers, among whom he had been very popular previous to the raid, and by whose votes he had become premier, now became his bitterest enemies; for he had betrayed them. The English government renounced all connection with Rhodes. The whole world called it an outrage. He was compelled to resign the premiership, and it is said that his friends noticed that in a few days following the failure of the raid his hair became whiter and the lines about his mouth and eyes deepened. This was the one gross blunder of his life, the one dark spot upon his character which to some seems so dark as to cover with a shadow the better qualities of the man. Cecil Rhodes was a millionaire with an imagination ; he did not hold his money-bags on his head and allow them to crush out his brains. He was philosophic and reflective in mind ; and in his entire foreign policy his strength and victory lay in his vision of what the other side desired and how they hoped to achieve it. He was a great reader although he did not have a very large library. One of his favorite books was Gibbon's "Decline and Fall," and this probably gave him many thoughts upon his life-aim. In Parliament he was a very effective speaker but not what we would call eloquent. He was a lover of natural scenery, as is shown by the selection of the sites of his buildings and of his burying place. His remains are en-tombed in the midst of picturesque mountain scenery. In the will of this great man we see again his immense wide-ness of view. His bequest of $10,000,000 to Oxford Univer-sity has provoked much discussion here in America. But it is not the bequest which concerns us so much as the conditions which the bequeather attaches to it. The will provides that the $ 10,000,000 shall be applied to scholarships apportioned as follows: Two to each of the self-governing colonies of Great Britain, five to Germany, and two to each State or Ter-ritory in the United States. The will also provides for a very unique method of choosing the students, and states that the object of the scholarships is to educate together the future leaders of the three great countries, and thus "secure the peace of the world." It is not necessary to consider here whether THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 23 the scholarships will really secure "the peace of the world," nor yet whether they will probably benefit America or not. We need but to note the largeness of the scale upon which Cecil Rhodes laid his plans. He thought in continents; and this is only one of the many schemes which he devised to bring about his favorite idea of the unity of the English-speaking race. Rhodes always felt that life was too short to achieve much ; he was too eager to see his objects accomplished. And his last words were, "So much to do ; so little done." Surely few men present such great complexity of character. He was "ruthless in the pursuit of gain, and caring nothing for gold ; cursed as the cause of the war, yet looking to the reign of universal peace." To some he is known as the author of the South African war, the plunderer of inferior races, and the personifi-cation of greed ; to others, as a poet who confined his energies to deeds. By some he is called the Napoleon of South Africa; by others, the South African Colossus. Whatever can be said concerning Cecil Rhodes, it must be admitted that he pro-duced a lasting impression upon the world's destinies. 24 THE GETTVSBURG MERCURY. SALAMIS AND PROGRESS. BERTRAM STROHMEIER, '06. TTpROM the earliest dawn of history, even from the ages *■ shrouded in the gloom and mist of antiquity, now being rescued from oblivion through the discovery of broken inscrip-tions, and crumbled cities, even to the present day, down the . centuries has flowed almost unceasingly a crimson flood fed by a myraid of battlefields. Mars has revelled to his heart's con-tent in his infernal sport. And when we consider the useless carnage and frightful slaughter that has followed men's differ-ences in oftentimes trivial affairs, it would seem that some treacherous spirit does stir up men's hellish passions just to ap-pease an ungovernable desire. But here and there dropped in the path of Time, unwittingly and unrecognized at fir^t, we find a battle, that in the light of subsequent events proved a boon to mankind, and marked an epoch in the progress of civilization—a battle terrible as a thunder-storm, yet, like iti grand, awe-inspiring, even sublime—a battle not between men alone nor yet between nations, but a struggle between ideas and principles—a battle not for one man, nor for one people; not for one age; but a battle for all people, for all time. Salamis was such a battle. As Balboa paused on the mountain height to recover from his great astonishment, and to take in and more fully under-stand the panorama that suddenly burst upon his vision, when first he beheld the calm Pacific, before plunging down the rockyway to plant the flag of Spain in its waters, so let us pause and take in the historical panorama before entering into the consideration of this world famed battle. Persia is the all-supreme ruler of the East. One by one the proud Oriental kings have bowed the knee to her conquering despot, until for further conquest he has been compelled to send his triumphant legions into far away India on the one side, and to cross the Caucasian limits of his empire on the other and strike terror to the Scythian hordes. From North, South, East In an up-to-P^J CHORUS. — U-pI-dee-l-dee-l-da 1 etc. Her voice is clear as a soaring lark's, And her wit is like those trullev-car sparks I When 'cross a muddy street she ilits, The buys ;;d h^ve conniption fits I The turn of her head turns all ours, too. There's always a strife to si: in her pew; 'Tis enough to make n parson drunk, To hear her sing; old co-ca-che-luuk! m j. The above, and three other NEW verses to U-P1-DEH, 1,, rJf/IT and NEW WORDS, catchy, uu-to-date, to many f*pe- ii TT ^\y},[ sides OLD FAVOK ■ TBS ; and also many NEW SONGS. Jik> SONGS OF ALL THE COLLEGES. Wtf m\Copjrrlgln, Price, S/.JO, postpaid. m ILUU HINDS & NOiSLE, Publishers, New York buy. 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