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AbstractThis article discusses the importance of the recently concluded Paris Rulebook, the extent to which it limits national discretion, instils discipline and generates ambition and accountability, and the challenges that lie ahead in implementing the 2015 Paris Agreement. It discusses, in particular, the rules on mitigation, transparency, the global stocktake and the implementation and compliance mechanism, in order to highlight the choices Parties made on three overarching issues that have long bedevilled the climate change regime—prescriptiveness (the level of detail of the rules), legal bindingness (the extent to which particular rules are legally binding) and differentiation (the extent to which particular rules accommodate differences between Parties or apply uniformly to all Parties).

This paper presents a pilot project (INTERNORM) funded by the University of Lausanne (2010 - 2013) to support the involvement of civil society organisations (CSO) in international standard setting bodies such as the ISO. It analyses how a distinct participatory mechanism can influence the institutional environment of technical diplomacy in which standards are shaped. The project is an attempt to respond to the democratic deficit attested in the field of international standardisation, formally open to civil society participation, but still largely dominated by expert knowledge and market players. Many international standards have direct implications on society as a whole, but CSOs (consumers and environmental associations, trade unions) are largely under-represented in negotiation arenas. The paper draws upon international relations literature on new institutional forms in global governance and studies of participation in science and technology. It argues that there are significant limitations to the rise of civil society participation in such global governance mechanisms. The INTERNORM project has been designed as a platform of knowledge exchange between CSO and academic experts, with earmarked funding and official membership to a national standardisation body. But INTERNORM cannot substitute for a long- established lack of resources in time, money and expertise of CSOs. Despite high entry costs into technical diplomacy, participation thus appears as less a matter of upstream engagement, or of procedure only, than of dedicated means to shift the geometry of actors and the framing of socio-technical change.

Following the general election of September, 1953, the German Social Democratic party (SPD) finds itself in the role of a sole opposition party, a phenomenon in modern German politics. Confronted by a nearly solid phalanx of anti-socialist parties, the SPD approaches a period of crisis and of continuous strain. The ability of the Government to marshal an absolute majority at all times and a two-thirds majority when need be, threatens to relegate the party to virtual legislative impotence. Yet there are several factors militating for the continued existence of the SPD as a vigorous opposition party. Not having to compete with an irresponsible Communist organization in Western Germany, the SPD can be considered as the principal representative of the working class. Furthermore, its long history, its highly developed organizational apparatus, the discipline and devotion of its rank and file, coupled with the will to attain power, make the SPD a factor of relative significance in German as well as in European politics.On the other hand, the dynamics of the East-West conflict, and especially Germany's geographic and political relation to it, tend to affect the political fortunes of the party somewhat adversely. The international situation represents a deadly challenge to the SPD and its survival as an influential political organization may well depend upon its ability to generate a counterforce to the pressures exerted upon Germany by the super-powers.

To pay homage to Professor Jerzy Sztucki upon his retirement from the chair in public international law in Uppsala University and to honour his outstanding contributions to international law, this book brings together an impressive collection of essays by eminent scholars from the Nordic countries and Poland. The volume covers some of the most topical issues of international law from a mainly Nordic perspective. The sheer quality of the contributions and the topicality of the subjects dealt with make this book an indispensable work in any international library

1. "Bodyguard of Lies": Franklin D. Roosevelt and Defensible Deceit in Word War II. - 2. Political Leadership and "Dirty Hands": Winston Churchill and the City Bombing of Germany. - 3. No End of a Lesson: Vietnam and the Nature of Moral Choice in Foreign Policy. - 4. Noncombatant Immunity and Civilian Liability in Contempoary Asymmetric warfare. - 5. Power and Principle: The Statecraft of Theodore Roosevelt. - 6. The Higher Realism of Woodrow Wilson. - 7. Responsibility to Protect: Preventing Genocide and Mass Atrocities. - 8. Realism and Idealism in Historical Perspective: Otto von Bismarck. - 9. Konrad Adenauer, Arms and Redemption of Germany. - 10. Eduard Shevardnadze and the End of the Soviet System: Necessity and Choice. - 11. "The Lady Doth Protest Too Much": Intervention and the Turn of Ethics in International Law. - 12. Human Security. - 13. Drone Ethics. - 14. Ethics and Targeted Sanctions

The development of cyberspace in the world and its impact on human life is more and more visible. Proper protection of all processes that can negatively affect people's lives is therefore an indispensable element that should accompany this development. Safe cyberspace is also closely related to the internal and external security of each country. The preparation of appropriate, international security guarantees in cyberspace is not only a challenge for individual countries, but above all for global institutions that provide peace. In Europe, the European Union and the Council of Europe should be the leaders in this respect. Lack of legal regulations regarding safe cyberspace is the possibility of exposing people to taking control over their privacy, data theft or other crimes. The implementation of European standards should therefore apply in every country. Governments should additionally emphasize social education and disseminate knowledge about threats in cyberspace. Coordinating these two activities gives hope that the expanding cyberspace in the future will not destroy people's lives. ; Cyberprzestrzeń z roku na rok jest coraz większa, a jej wpływ na życie ludzkie coraz bardziej widoczny. Właściwa ochrona wszystkich procesów, które mogą negatywnie wpływać na życie ludzi, jest zatem niezbędnym elementem, który powinien towarzyszyć szybkiemu rozwojowi informacyjno-komunikacyjnemu. Bezpieczna cyberprzestrzeń jest również ściśle związana z wewnętrznym i zewnętrznym bezpieczeństwem każdego kraju. Przygotowanie odpowiednich międzynarodowych gwarancji bezpieczeństwa w cyberprzestrzeni jest nie tylko wyzwaniem dla poszczególnych krajów, ale przede wszystkim dla globalnych instytucji zapewniających pokój. Unia Europejska i Rada Europy powinny być liderami w tym zakresie. Brak przepisów prawnych dotyczących bezpiecznej cyberprzestrzeni to możliwość narażenia ludzi na przejęcie kontroli nad ich prywatnością, kradzieżą danych lub innymi przestępstwami. Dlatego wdrażanie norm europejskich powinno mieć zastosowanie w każdym kraju. Rządy powinny dodatkowo podkreślać edukację społeczną i rozpowszechniać wiedzę o zagrożeniach w cyberprzestrzeni. Koordynacja tych dwóch działań daje nadzieję, że rozwijająca się cyberprzestrzeń w przyszłości nie zniszczy życia ludzi.

The thesis is made of three independent chapters interested in the impact of globalization on workers in industrialized countries. The dissertation is especially focused on identifying the causal impact of international trade on workers' mobility, wages, and employment with both a short- and medium-term perspective. The first paper explores the relation between intra-industry trade (IIT) expansion and associated worker flows, taking the latter as an indicator of labor-market adjustment costs. Being the first study to combine theoretical simulations and a novel identification strategy, we find that both theoretical and empirical analyses are consistent with the "smooth adjustment hypothesis", according to which IIT expansion is less disruptive than inter-industry trade expansion. The study therefore lends support to the use of IIT indices as first-pass proxies for the adjustment effects of trade expansion. The second chapter contrasts the impact of increased import competition coming from China and the European Union (EU) on workers in the United Kingdom over a 15-year period. The most salient findings show that increased imports from China had significantly negative effects on workers' earnings, wages and employment. In contrast, larger imports from the EU are associated with positive worker-level outcomes, which is largely explained by the fact that increased imports from the EU were mostly offset by increased same-industry exports to the EU. Besides, we find that increased imports from China exert additional pressure on workers through spillovers to employment and wages in downstream industries. Finally, the last chapter is focused on the impact of exposure to trade and real exchange rate shocks on wages for Swiss manufacturing workers. A particular attention is made to consistently estimate the causal effect in using a two-step gravity-type identification strategy. The study shows that the impact of trade and exchange rate movements is concentrated among high-skilled workers almost exclusively.