French Secularism in the Light of the History of the Politics of Assimilation
In: Constellations, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 593-603
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In: Constellations, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 593-603
In: Digest of Middle East studies: DOMES, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 175-176
ISSN: 1949-3606
In: Totalitarian movements and political religions, Band 8, Heft 3-4, S. 712-714
ISSN: 1469-0764
In: Feminist studies: FS, Band 32, Heft 2, S. 279
ISSN: 2153-3873
In: Feminist studies: FS, Band 32, Heft 2, S. 239
ISSN: 2153-3873
In: Political theology, Band 7, Heft 3, S. 273-293
ISSN: 1743-1719
In: Journal of Asian and African studies: JAAS, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 359-396
ISSN: 1745-2538
A significant portion of the current debate on secularism has focused on Nehru's role in conceptualizing and institutionalizing this concept. Supporters of the Nehruvian legacy of secularism applaud him for adopting this policy and for establishing communal harmony. Critics hold Nehru responsible for the problems associated with secularism. This article assesses the significance and consequences of Pandit Nehru's contributions to secularism by carefully examining the track record of his government in this area. My main argument is that Nehru deserves credit for introducing secularism to a people who were inured to discriminatory, anti-minority views and practices for centuries. However, he failed to institutionalize this policy in the polity and civil society. I posit that though Pandit Nehru faced formidable opposition to his secular policies from Hindu conservatives within the Congress and the Hindu nationalists outside, he could have pursued several, long-term, non-confrontational strategies for institutionalizing secularism. His failure to do so blemished what would otherwise have been an abiding contribution to Indian multiculturalism.
In: Contemporary South Asia, Band 14, Heft 4, S. 481-494
ISSN: 1469-364X
In: South Asian studies, Band 38, Heft 1-2, S. 158-160
In: Women's studies international forum, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 485-486
In: Canadian journal of law and society: Revue canadienne de droit et société, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 39-68
ISSN: 1911-0227
RésuméLes tribunaux canadiens sont de plus en plus confrontés au défi de réconcilier une politique laïque libérale avec la protection de la liberté de religion de la Charte. Les approches traditionnelles envers le libéralisme et la laïcité ont rendu cette réconciliation particulièrement difficile, en promouvant une vision insatisfaisante, sur le plan conceptuel, d'un espace public areligieux, hyper-rationnel et dénué d'engagements moraux. En même temps, les théoriciens libéraux n'ont pas apprécié entièrement la nature et les demandes de la conscience religieuse. Cet article aborde les notions de libéralisme, de sécularisme et de conscience religieuse et suggère une compréhension de la relation entre les trois qui impliquerait un pluralisme arbitré sur la base des prémisses d'un langage de valeurs civiques. À l'aide d'une analyse de la jurisprudence canadienne, l'auteur montre que cette forme de réconciliation est déjà tacitement à l'œuvre. Cette approche est la manière la plus cohérente pour tracer les limites de la conscience religieuse au Canada et donne de la substance à la liberté religieuse tout en respectant le bien commun et les acquis du libéralisme séculier.
In: Socialism and democracy: the bulletin of the Research Group on Socialism and Democracy, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 157-176
ISSN: 0885-4300
THE AIM OF THIS ARTICLE IS THREEFOLD: 1) TO SYSTEMATIZE SOME AVAILABLE INSIGHTS INTO THE PROBLEM OF ETHNIC AND COMMUNAL VIOLENCE IN SOUTH AISA; 2) TO ACKNOWLEDGE THAT HINDU NATIONALISM IS NOT AN EXTREME FORM OF HINDUISM BUT A MODERNIST CREED THAT SEEKS TO RETOOL HINDUISM; 3) TO HINT AT AN APPROACH TO RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE IN A DEMOCRATIC POLITY.
In: Worlds of Difference, S. 94-120
In: Springer Briefs in political science
World Affairs Online
In: SpringerBriefs in political science