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The interest group and social movement mobilizations to remove the Confederate flag, which had been flying since 1962, from atop the South Carolina State Capitol dome provides an instance where large, issue‐specific coalitions successfully expanded the scope of a conflict and framed an issue in a universalistic discourse of inclusive citizenship. The groups and movements seeking to keep the flag on the dome of the capitol experienced cascading defections in part based on a narrow vision of history, the political context, and goals for the future. Based on seventeen in‐depth interviews with interest group activists; key members of the South Carolina legislature: and educational, religious, and business leaders active in the issue along with observations at five pro and anti‐flag demonstrations and rallies, this study seeks to explain how the effort to remove the Confederate flag was partially successful. The analysis includes media attention from 1962 to 2000 in South Carolina regarding the Confederate flag and public opinion on the flag over time. Prior interest group work helped prepare the terrain for the mobilizing effects of several galvanizing events—the NAACP tourism boycott and national media attention during the highly contested 2000 Republican primary in the state, which in turn pressured institutions—parties, the legislature, and the governor—to respond. The struggle was an instance of applied philosophy.

The interest group & social movement mobilizations to remove the Confederate flag, which had been flying since 1962, from atop the South Carolina State Capitol dome provides an instance where large, issue-specific coalitions successfully expanded the scope of a conflict & framed an issue in a universalistic discourse of inclusive citizenship. The groups & movements seeking to keep the flag on the dome of the capitol experienced cascading defections in part based on a narrow vision of history, the political context, & goals for the future. Based on 17 in-depth interviews with interest group activities, key members of the South Carolina legislature, & education, religious, & business leaders active in the issue along with observations at five pro- & anti-flag demonstrations & rallies, this study seeks to explain how the effort to remove the Confederate flag was partially successful. The analysis includes media attention from 1962 to 2000 in South Carolina regarding the Confederate flag & public opinion on the flag over time. Prior interest group work helped prepare the terrain for the mobilizing effects of several galvanizing events -- the NAACP tourism boycott & national media attention during the highly contested 2000 Republican primary in the state, which in turn pressure institutions -- parties, the legislature, & the governor -- to respond. The struggle was an instance of applied philosophy. 1 Figure, 2 Appendixes, 57 References. Adapted from the source document.

EUROFICTION se encuentra integrado en el Observatorio Europeo del Audiovisual (Unión Europea). Es un observatrio instituido en cinco países -Alemania, España, Gran Bretaña, Italia- con el objetivo de efectuar un seguimiento sistemático de la ficción televisiva de producción nacional y europea ofrecida anualmente por las televisiones de cada país. La actividad principal de Eurofiction es un estudio anual constituido por los cinco trabajos de cada país y publicado por el Observatorio Europeo del Audiovsual y la Fondazione Hypercampo. EUROFICTION ESPAÑA es miembro fundador y está formado por los investigadores Rosa A. Berciano, Charo Lacalle y Lorenzo Vilches (coordinador) y las colaboradoras Sonia Algar y Sonia Polo, de la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona. ; EUROFICTION is part of the European Observatory of the Media (European Union ). It is an observatory existing in five countries -Germany, Spain, Great Britain, Italy- and its aim is to follow the national production of fiction for television made in each country and in Europe through the year. The Eurofiction's main activity is an annual research made on the basis of the individual researches of the five member countries and published by the European Observatory of the Media and the Fondazione Hypercampo. Eurofiction España is one of the original members, and it is formed by the researchers from the Universidad Autonoma of Barcelona Rosa A. Berciano, Charo Lacalle and Lorenzo Vilches

▪ Abstract  The aim of this review is to contribute to a dialogue between anthropologists and sociolinguists who work on the Arab world. One of the most distinctive features of the Arab world is that Classical Arabic co-exists with national vernaculars such as Egyptian, Syrian, Jordanian, and so on. The first is the language of writing, education, and administration, whereas the latter are the media of oral exchanges, nonprint media, poetry, and plays. The proximity or distance between the "Classical" and the "colloquials," whether the latter are also "Arabic" or have been so accepting of foreign borrowings that they ceased to be so, whether they are languages or "inferior dialects" are all contentious issues that continue to be debated within the Arab world. In fact, such debates have become inseparable from the central concerns and dilemmas of social and intellectual movements in this century. After providing a broad outline of work in Arabic sociolinguistics, the review moves to the literature on education. Debates on education are intimately linked with larger questions regarding colonialism, nationalism, and modernization. The last part of the review is devoted to anthropological works on the region. The complexities of the sociolinguistic settings in the Arab world provide promising and challenging grounds for contributions to anthropological theory.

During the early 1990s the problem of offending on bail attracted a great deal of attention from politicians, the police, the media and the general public resulting in new legislation aimed at tackling the problem. The bail provisions in the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 (CJ&PO Act 1994) were one of these initiatives. This Act, inter alia, removed the presumption of bail for defendants who have allegedly committed certain types of offences on bail and enabled the police to attach conditions to police bail. This article discusses the main findings of a research project commissioned by the Home Office to investigate the impact of some of these legal changes. The research found that the provisions had had little practical effect on the number of defendants who had allegedly committed offences on bail who were remanded in custody. It did, however, identify an increase in the number of such defendants who were granted bail with conditions. Changes were found in remand decisions for two groups of defendants: those charged with serious offences who already had a bail history and defendants charged with vehicle crime and burglary. It will be argued that these changes reflected broader political and media debate about offending on bail rather than the legal changes incorporated into the CJ&PO Act 1994.

▪ Abstract  Anthropologies of late modernity (also called postmodernity, postindustrial society, knowledge society, or information society) provide a number of stimulating challenges for all levels of social, cultural, and psychological theory, as well as for ethnographic and other genres of anthropological writing. Three key overlapping arenas of attention are the centrality of science and technology; decolonization, postcolonialism, and the reconstruction of societies after social trauma; and the role of the new electronic and visual media. The most important challenges of contemporary ethnographic practice include more than merely (a) the techniques of multilocale or multisited ethnography for strategically accessing different points in broadly spread processes, (b) the techniques of multivocal or multiaudience-addressed texts for mapping and acknowledging with greater precision the situatedness of knowledge, (c) the reworking of traditional notions of comparative work for a world that is increasingly aware of difference, and (d) acknowledging that anthropological representations are interventions within a stream of representations, mediations, and unequally inflected discourses competing for hegemonic control. Of equal importance are the challenges of juxtaposing, complementing, or supplementing other genres of writing, working with historians, literary theorists, media critics, novelists, investigative or in-depth journalists, writers of insider accounts (e.g. autobiographers, scientists writing for the public), photographers and film makers, and others.

The author describes the basic features of the work in the Journalistic Workshop as a specific format of promoting journalistic knowledge and skills. After the two-year collaboration of three generations of young journalists with a group of Croatian and foreign media experts, a survey was conducted about the usefulness of this Workshop. The results are included in this article. The central conclusion is that a big majority of the participating journalists highly appreciated the knowledge gained through it. Particularly encouraging is the fact that most respondents have been able to use this knowledge regardless of the type of media they are working for (whether those state-controlled or opposition-controlled). The participants think that the responsibility for the impossibility of using the professional standards in journalism lies with "editors afraid of any changes" or "owners weary of any changes". The respondents included young journalists with little work experience, mostly undergraduates. These facts are significant for their attitudes about the professional training within the Workshop or some other form of training. All of them want to learn and enhance their professional expertise. Also, the Workshop served as an incentive for the participants: after the three-month journalistic training, eight of them enrolled at the Faculty of Political Science, Department of Journalism. (SOI : PM: S. 227)

La producción audiovisual sobre Internet está modificando el tradiconal paisaje de los medios de comunicación y los profesionales deben adaptarse a esta nueva realidad. El flujo constante de información a través de los distintos soportes genera una saturación al ciudadano que debe orientarse a través de una multitud de inputs posibles. El papel del mediador o gestor de información lejos de desaparecer está adquiriendo mayor relevancia, ya que debe satisfacer las necesidades de comunicación derivadas de los nuevos estilos de vida. En este contexto, al comunicador se le debe exigir una práctica profesional rigurosa que garantice una sociedad plural y democrática. ; Audio-visual productions in the Internet are changing the traditional landscape of the media and those who work in this field must adapt to this new reality. The constant flow of information provided by the different data media generates a sensation of saturation in members of the public, and they must orient themselves by using a multitude of possible inputs. Not only is the role of the mediator, or information manager, far from disappearing, it is, in fact, gaining more relevance, and must satisfy the communication needs derived from new lifestyles. In this context, we must demand that communicators adhere to a rigorous professional practice which guarantees a plural, democratic society.

The death of Diana, Princess of Wales, on September 1 1997, prompted public demonstrations of grief on an almost unprecented global scale. But, while global media coverage of the events following her death appeared to create an international 'community of mourning', popular reacions in fact reflected the complexities of the princess's public image and the tensions surrounding the popular conception of royalty. Mourning Diana examines the events which followed the death of Diana as a series of cultural-political phenomena, from the immediate aftermath as crowds gathered in public spaces and royal palaces, to the state funeral in Westminister Abbey, examining the performance of grief and the involvement of the global media in the creation of narratives and spectacles relating to the commemoration of her life. Contributors investigate the complex iconic status of Diana, as a public figure able to sustain a host of alternative identifications, and trace the posthumous romanticisation of aspects of her life such as her charity activism and her relationship with Dodi al Fayed. The contributors argue that the events following the death of Diana dramatised a complex set of cultural tensions in which the boundaries dividing nationhood and citizenship, charity and activism, private feeling and public politics, were redrawn. Edited by Adrian Kear.

This paper is concerned with the different forms of pleasure and identification activated in the consumption of dominant and subcultural print media. It centres on an analysis of the lesbian visual pleasures generated through the reading of fashion editorial in the new lesbian and gay lifestyle magazines. This consideration of the lesbian gaze is contrasted to the lesbian visual pleasures obtained from an against the grain reading of mainstream women's fashion magazines. The development of the lesbian and gay lifestyle magazines, in the context of the pink pound, produces a situation in which an eroticized lesbian visual pleasure is the overt remit of the magazine, rather than a clandestine pleasure obtained through a transgressive reading of dominant cultural imagery. In contrast to the polysemic free-play of fashion fantasy by which readers produce lesbian pleasure in the consumption of mainstream magazines, responses to the fashion content in the lesbian magazine Diva suggest that in a subcultural context readers deploy a realist mode of reading that demands a monosemic positive images iconography. The article uses the concept of subcultural competency to consider the different ways lesbians read mainstream and subcultural print media and suggests that the conflict over Diva's fashion spreads may be linked to changing patterns of identification and the use of dress for recognizability.

La enfermedad de las «vacas locas» -que es el producto de que las reglas de mercado se apliquen sin control- sirve al autor del presente artículo para metaforizar lo que es la situación actual de los medios de información y comunicación: cuando los mensajes periodísticos se convierten en productos, debido a la presión del mercado, se produce una desinformación desinteresada que sólo puede solucionarse mediante la participación activa del receptor de la información: éste debe conocer a los propietarios y los intereses de los medios, debe exigir que se le muestren todos los perfiles de la realidad y debe asumir su plena condición de ciudadano democrático. ; The "mad cow" disease –which is the product of the implementation of the market rules without control- is useful for the author of this article as a metaphor for the current situation of the information and communication media: when the messages of newspapers turn into products, due to the pressure of the market, it is produced a disinterested lack of information which can be solved only with the active participation of the receiver of information. The receiver must know the owners and interests of the media, he must require them to show him all the profiles of reality and he must assume his full condition of democratic citizen.

El articulo se propone contribuir al análisis de los orígenes del poder militar en la Argentina en el decisivo periodo que media entre el renovado proceso de modernización del ejército nacional ocurrido a principios de siglo bajo la influencia de la escuela militar alemana y el estallido de la Gran Guerra en 1914. Si la revolución de setiembre de 1930 marcó el acta de nacimiento de la era militar que concluyó en 1983, la intención que subyace en la presente investigación es destacar que la génesis de aquél se encuentra en el período oligárquico, es decir, antes del advenimiento de Hipólito Yrigoyen al gobierno por obra de la ley Sáenz Peña en 1916. A la conformacion de la mentalidad militar que habilitó al ejército para desarrollar un creciente intervencionismo en la esfera de la toma de decisiones políticas, contribuyeron fuertemente diversos factores entre los cuales no fueron de menor peso el impacto que ejerció la doctrina militar alemana, la cada vez más compleja relación política y económica que la Argentina comenzaba a mantener con el mundo y con sus vecinos y, por fin, el sentimiento de temeroso nacionalismo que asalto a las clases media y alta nativas en vísperas del estallido de la Primera Guerra Mundial.

The networks of interpersonal communication and the system of mass communication can be seen as intermediation environments that provide individual voters with links to the distant world of politics. This paper argues that, in order to gain an adequate impression of voters' relevant communication relationships during election campaigns, both intermediation environments must be studied simultaneously. Taking the example of the first all-German general election of 2 December 1990, the intermediation environments of East and West German voters are analysed in terms of the degree of exposure and the nature of the political messages to which voters are subjected through the two channels. Through interpersonal communication, voters mainly establish contact with persons sharing their own party preferences, whereas the mass media are perceived as neutral mediators by the majority of the voters. If a political bias of media reporting is detected, however, it tends to contradict voters' own party preferences. From a comparative perspective, it becomes evident that in the year of German unification West German voters had more in common with American voters than with the citizens of the former German Democratic Republic. The East-West differences are in particular due to the very high level of politicization of East Germans' daily life-world and to the lower degree of structuration of their communication relationships in terms of political attachment.

This thesis examined where a small group of voters obtained their political information during the 1993 Canadian federal election. It adapted a new qualitative method for use in a longitudinal study, using non-leading interviewing techniques and barometer opinion forms to capture how collaborators perceived the election campaign on a weekly basis. A wrap-up interview was also conducted to allow collaborators to reflect back on the campaign. Media sources--especially television--were mentioned most often by collaborators. Interpersonal sources of information were mentioned less often, but were treated in a different manner by members of the study group. Television information was mentioned briefly, and when collaborators did go into detail, they spoke in terms of the appearance and mannerisms of the candidates. If the collaborators had a direct encounter with one of the local candidates, however, it usually had a very powerful impact. Finally, collaborators attributed changes in their feelings over the campaign to media information when they talked about national figures and parties, but used interpersonal sources when they talked about candidates in their riding.Dept. of Communication Studies. Paper copy at Leddy Library: Theses & Major Papers - Basement, West Bldg. / Call Number: Thesis1994 .G54. Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 33-04, page: 1030. Adviser: Richard Lewis. Thesis (M.A.)--University of Windsor (Canada), 1994.