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In An African Criminal Court Dominique Mystris explores the potential contribution of a regional criminal court to international criminal law and justice across the continent. As set out in the Malabo Protocol, the court's approach to international core crimes builds on from the current international system. Yet, the additional crimes and region-centric approach reflect the continental concerns. To fully realise the court's contribution, the African Union's institutional objectives and approach to justice, peace and security, the author argues for the inclusion of the court within the African Peace and Security Architecture. By adopting such a holistic understanding of the Malabo Protocol court within the AU structure, a more accurate depiction of the potential of an African criminal court emerges

This paper explores the nature and scale of inter-regional and inter-urban inequalities in the UK in the context of international comparisons and our aim is to identify the extent to which such inequalities are associated with strong national economic performance. In order to do this, we first discuss the evolution of UK interregional inequalities relative to comparator European economies over more than a century. We then focus specifically on comparisons between the UK and the reunified Germany. These two exercises demonstrate that the experience of the UK has been rather different to other countries. We further explore UK inter-urban inequalities in the light of international evidence and then explain why observations of cities only tell us a partial story about the nature of interregional inequalities, especially in the case of the UK. Finally, we move onto an OECD-wide analysis of the relationships between economic growth and interregional inequality. What we observe is that any such relationships are very weak, and the only real evidence of a positive relationship is in the post-2008 crisis period, a result which points to differentials in regional resilience rather than inequality-led growth. Moreover, once former transition economies are removed from the sample, the relationship disappears, or if anything becomes slightly negative. As such, the international evidence suggests that the UK's very high spatial inequalities have hampered, rather than facilitated, national economic growth.

Im Jahr 1919 endete formal die deutsche Kolonialverwaltung in Kamerun. Das Land wurde zum Mandatsgebiet des Völkerbunds, geteilt in einen britischen und einen französischen Teil. Am Beispiel der Plantagen in Britisch-Kamerun untersucht Caroline Authaler, wie sich in der Mandatssituation alte koloniale Beziehungen mit neuen internationalen Normen und afrikanischen sozialen Strukturen verflochten. Sie analysiert diese vielschichtige Konstellation, indem sie internationale und lokale Prozesse aufeinander bezieht. Damit eröffnet sich ein komplexes, von der Geschichtswissenschaft bisher wenig beachtetes Kapitel europäisch-afrikanischer Geschichte im Kontext internationaler Organisationen. Darüber hinaus stellt die Studie die tradierte Deutung infrage, die das Ende der deutschen Kolonialzeit in Kamerun mit dem Ende der deutschen Kolonialverwaltung 1919 gleichsetzt.

Résumé La peine de mort a longtemps été considérée comme une mesure de « justice » pénale, relevant donc de la souveraineté de l'État. Progressivement, des organisations internationales, l'opinion publique internationale, le Conseil de l'Europe, l'Union européenne ou encore de la justice pénale internationale ont souligné qu'il s'agissait d'une violation des droits fondamentaux et la question est ainsi devenue un enjeu des relations internationales. Si aujourd'hui une majorité d'États ont renoncé à la peine de mort, de grandes puissances continuent à l'appliquer (Chine, États-Unis). Pour que la situation évolue, il convient de faire participer au débat des personnalités de l'Islam, du bouddhisme et du taoïsme, et de prouver que, dans la lutte contre la criminalité, la peine de mort est vaine.

National labour market institutions interact across national boundaries when product markets are global. Labour market policies can thus entail spill-overs, a fact widely ignored in the academic literature. This paper studies the effects of wage subsidies in an international duopoly model with unionised labour markets. We document both positive and negative spill-over effects and discuss the benefits and costs from international policy coordination both for the case of symmetric and asymmetric labour market institutions. Our results suggest that institutional differences could sign responsible for the slow speed at which labour market policy coordination has progressed so far.

Abstract
As constitutional democracies are faced with authoritarianism and other anti-constitutionalist threats, international law is seeing its own challenge from the increasing influence of authoritarian states. Yet, departing from the recent tendency to model the international legal order after constitutional governance, international lawyers seem to show little interest in the concept of militant democracy, while the latter lies at the centre of current debates surrounding constitutional self-defence. This article aims to bring to light the current limits of constitutional analogy in international law through an investigation into the discrepancy between constitutional and international lawyers in responding to authoritarian co-optation. A three-pronged argument is submitted. First, in contrast to other appeals for constitutional self-defence, the concept of militant democracy is contentious where it stands in tension with the constitutional ethos. Second, while militant democracy as a constitutional concept presupposes a democratic and normative version of constitutional ordering, the absence of militant democracy on the international plane betrays the non-democratic, albeit representative, character of the international legal order. Third, attempts to internationalize the concept of militant democracy should be rejected as an international version of militant democracy would only portend an (un)holy alliance of militant democracies and exacerbate the political division in international society. It is suggested that, from out of a realignment of international law with the constitutional project of progress, a new constitutional analogy may emerge, giving fresh impetus to the realization of international law's universal liberating promise.

For every definable term in international law there are clear cases and fuzzy cases. Everyone accepts that the term "state" applies to Paraguay, Poland, Portugal and over a hundred other clear cases, but does it apply to Puerto Rico, Western Samoa, the Isle of Man, the Channel Islands, Gibraltar, or the Vatican City? The word "treaty" has thousands of clear applications, but does it apply to an exchange of faxes between two governments or a handshake between two diplomats at a cocktail party? In addition to ambiguities of this kind, international law is replete with deliberately created ambiguities. One of the most interesting situations in recent years that illustrates in several important ways the role of deliberate ambiguity in international law is the Two China Problem.