Suchergebnisse

Purpose
Despite the end of conflict in 1995, Bosnia–Herzegovina still suffers from unresolved ethnic and social tensions, where fostering social cohesion, active citizenship and mitigating ethnonationalist tensions and politically motivated violence remains among the main goals to achieve transformative peace. This paper, based on quantitative analyses of 3,637 adult respondents, shows that the tendency of Bosnians to be active or violent citizens sometimes overlaps and are not very distinct patterns of behaviour. The purpose of this paper is to identify factors that differentiate pathways and help explain (un)civil civic behaviours and inform the work of peace and development actors.


Design/methodology/approach
The paper is based on a quantitative household survey conducted with a representative sample of 3,637 adults in Bosnia and by using a wide range of statistical tools from scaling to correlation analysis. This data set measures factors and conceptual notions associated with passive, constructive and aggressive civic tendencies and social cohesion in a nuanced way by using different metrics and scales. The survey was designed and conducted by The Centre for Sustainable Peace and Democratic Development (SeeD) and the Bosnia–Herzegovina Resilience Initiative in 2020, in partnership with The United States Agency for International Development (USAID)/The Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI) and The International Organization for Migration (IOM) for the SCORE Bosnia–Herzegovina study (SeeD, 2020).


Findings
Overall, the factors that were discovered to be linked to the manifestation of constructive and aggressive civic tendencies are multidimensional, and range from intergroup relations (e.g. tension, tolerance) to political and civic attitudes (e.g. ethnonationalism, civic responsibility, gender equality), from individual traits (e.g. education, economic stress) to the media landscape (e.g. information consumption). While the empirical evidence shows that some of these factors can push citizens towards both active and violent civic behaviours simultaneously, this study identifies and distinguishes those that can reduce aggressive civic tendencies while increasing constructive civic tendencies.


Practical implications
This paper proposes a replicable approach and evidence-based conclusions which can help validate the theories of change for the peace and development actors to ensure that scarce peacebuilding resources are invested where the impact is greatest, and the actors can protect the sanctity of their responsibility to do no harm.


Social implications
This paper seeks to provide a robust empirical understanding for more effective policy-making and programming that can support Bosnia–Herzegovina's endogenous resilience against socio-political shocks and transformative peace trajectory. This paper seeks to demonstrate how peace and development actors can build and use an evidence-base for understanding civic behaviours and as a result formulate tailored efforts with greater likelihood of impact. This would help fulfil commitments towards sustainable development goals and the 2030 global agenda (UN General Assembly, 2015).


Originality/value
This study contributes insights to the emerging literature at the nexus of peacebuilding, individual skills/attitudes and civic behaviour. While the conclusions are highly contextual, the methodology is informed by multidisciplinary literature and is replicable in other post-conflict and non-conflict contexts, and thus can be used for cross-country comparisons and theory building around civic activism and constructive citizenship. The approach distinguishes between passive citizens, constructive activists, aggressive activists and purely violent citizens. This study discovers that the bifurcation is between passive citizens and active citizens, and although constructive and aggressive civic tendencies might be theorised to be contradictory, they overlap and tend to co-occur.

Northwestern Transcaucasia is one of the post-Soviet areas most affected by regional cleavages and ethno-political conflicts. Following the fall of the Russian Empire, Georgia tried to build its own statehood, while in Abkhazia and South Ossetia there was a confrontation between Kartvelian communities oriented towards Tbilisi and the Abkhazian and Ossetian ones facing Moscow and Ciscaucasia. With the Sovietization of Transcaucasia in 1921 and the creation of the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic (GSSR), South Ossetia was converted to an Autonomous Oblast within the GSSR, while Abkhazia became a proper SSR (albeit with an ambiguous Union Treaty with the GSSR) but, in 1931, it was downgraded to an Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic within the GSSR. For at least a decade after their Sovietization, Abkhazia and South Ossetia could benefit from a certain cultural and linguistic autonomy, but from the second half of the 1930s they were affected by a growing policy of Georgianization and, in the Abkhazian case, also by a massive Kartvelian immigration. After Stalin's death and Beria's execution in 1953, Abkhazians and South Ossetians experienced a new phase of broadening their cultural and linguistic rights. The following decades were characterized by the deepening of the contraposition and mutual stimulation dynamics between Abkhazian and Ossetian national identities and the Georgian one. In the second half of the 1980s, radical nationalism progressively imposed its hegemony over Georgian society and, in 1990, the GSSR parliament assumed the objective of the country's independence. Consequently, the Abkhazian and South Ossetian legislative assemblies proclaimed their own sovereign republics. Then, in January 1991 Georgia attacked South Ossetia, resulting in the outbreak of military conflict in the region, during which both Tbilisi and Tskhinval declared their independence. In 1992, following the coup against the nationalist Gamsakhurdia and Shevardnadze's return as Georgian leader, a ceasefire agreement between Tbilisi and Tskhinval was reached in June with Russian mediation, consolidating South Ossetian control over most of the region. Soon, the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) was involved in the ceasefire monitoring process, but failed to foster concrete steps towards a negotiated solution to the Ossetian-Georgian political conflict. Contextually, inter-ethnic tensions grew in Abkhazia and, in August 1992, Georgia militarily attacked the region, initially conquering a large part of it but subsequently suffering the progressive counter-offensive of the Abkhazians, who in September 1993 re-established their control over Sukhum and large part of the region. Meanwhile, in August 1993, the United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG) had been established to monitor the conflict in Abkhazia. Following the Abkhazian military victory, a complex phase of Abkhazian-Georgian talks began, under the aegis of the United Nations and with the participation of the Russian Federation and the CSCE. Then, in May 1994, a ceasefire and separation of forces agreement was reached, with the establishment of a security zone on which a CIS peacekeeping contingent was deployed, and UNOMIG was expanded. Once the military dimension of the conflict was frozen, the parties were engaged in complex talks to reach a negotiated political solution, under the auspices of the UN and with an active role of Russia. However, the positions were no longer reconcilable: on the one hand, Tbilisi intended to establish its sovereignty over Abkhazia within the framework of a federalist compromise, on the other hand, Sukhum was willing to accept at most a confederal and symbolic solution. Therefore, in 1999, the parliament of the Republic of Abkhazia formally declared state independence, greatly reducing the prospects for a negotiated solution to the political conflict with Georgia.

The article presents a brief analysis of the new codified election legislation of Ukraine. In addition to a brief comparative description of the two pieces of legislation (the transition from a mixed electoral system to a proportional one, changes in the form of electoral lists, recount of votes using the D'Hondt`s method and new rules for the distribution of received seats in parliament), the paper presents images of old and new ballot papers. The aim of the work is to study the public review on the subject of awareness and understanding of citizens in the electoral legislation of Ukraine. Questionnaire methodology and analysis of survey results were used to study voter answers. The survey was conducted online by filling out Google forms by respondents, which made it possible for respondents from different regions of Ukraine (with the exception of the occupied territories in the East of Ukraine and the Autonomous Republic of Crimea) to take part in the survey and express their opinion. According to the data obtained, the population is little aware of the innovations, and this, in turn, increases the degree of mistrust in the electoral process and also lack of desire to vote. That is shown in the example in this article –mistrust and low voters turnout for election on October`26, 2020 and March`28, 2021. ; Artykuł zawiera syntetyczną analizę nowego skodyfikowanego ustawodawstwa wyborczego Ukrainy. Oprócz analizy porównawczej zawartych w dwóch aktach prawnych systemów wyborczych (transformacji od mieszanego systemu wyborczego ku proporcjonalnemu, zmiany sposobu konstruowania partyjnych list wyborczych, przyjęcia metody D`Hondta oraz nowych zasad podziału uzyskanych przez partie miejsc w parlamencie) praca także zawiera wizerunek starego i nowego biuletynu wyborczego (karty wyborczej). Celem pracy jest zbadanie opinii społeczeństwa na temat percepcji i rozumienia przez obywateli Ukrainy nowelizacji prawa wyborczego. Dla uzyskania niezbędnych danych potrzebnych do zrealizowania postawionego celu znalazła zastosowanie metoda kwestionariuszy oraz analizy uzyskanych odpowiedzi. Ankietowanie przeprowadzone zostało w kwietniu b.r. online z zastosowaniem Google forms, które uzupełniali respondenci. Dzięki dotarciu do respondentów online udało się dotrzeć do większości regionów Ukrainy (z wyjątkiem okupowanych terytoriów na Wschodniej części Ukrainy i Autonomicznej Respubliki Krym) w celu poznania ich opinii. Według uzyskanych danych obywatele Ukrainy nie posiadają zbyt dużej wiedzy na temat nowelizacji ustawodawstwa wyborczego i nie są świadomi szczegółów dotyczących tego, co z kolei budzi nieufność do procesu wyborczego oraz zniechęca ludzi do udziału w głosowaniu. Zagadnienie to zostało przedstawione w artykule na przykładzie wyborów do organów samorządowych 26 października 2020r. oraz do Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy 28 marca 2021 r. ; В статье представлен краткий анализ нового кодифицированного избирательного законодательства Украины. Помимо краткого сравнительного описания двух законодательных актов (переход от смешанной избирательной системы к пропорциональной, изменение формы избирательных списков, пересчет голосов по методу Д'Ондта и новые правила распределения полученных мест в парламенте), в документе представлены изображения старых и новых избирательных бюллетеней. Целью работы является изучение общественного мнения на предмет осведомленности и понимания гражданами нововведений в избирательном законодательстве Украины. Для изучения ответов избирателей использовалась методика анкетирования и анализ результатов опроса. Опрос проводился онлайн путем заполнения респондентами Google forms, что позволило респондентам из разных регионов Украины (за исключением оккупированных территорий на Востоке Украины и Автономной Республики Крым) принять участие в опросе и выразить свое мнение. Согласно полученным данным, население мало осведомлено о нововведениях, а это в свою очередь увеличивает степень недоверия к избирательному процессу, а также нежелание голосовать. Это показано в статье на примере недавних выборов – недоверие и низкая явка избирателей на выборах 26 октября 2020 года и 28 марта 2021 года.

2021 Fall. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Existing scholarship on the communicative experience of uncertainty revolves primarily around understanding intrapersonal and interpersonal processes for engaging with uncertainty. After its beginning with Berger and Calabrese's (1975) work on Uncertainty Reduction Theory, multiple advances in conceptualizing how the study of uncertainty is approached have been theoretically developed such as that of Babrow's (2001) development of Problematic Integration theory and Afifi and Weiner's (2004) introduction of the Theory for Motivated Information Management. These theories primarily look inward at how individuals process information at an intrapersonal level when deciding whether and how to engage uncertainty in their lives. In sum, existing theories of uncertainty are adept at exploring how uncertainty is processed; however, they offer very few insights into the factors that determine what kinds and how uncertainty comes to be experienced by particular individuals. This thesis aims to expand our understanding of the experience of uncertainty by shifting our attention into the sociocultural sphere, specifically looking into how introducing the critical/cultural concepts of culture, subjectivity, and power into studies of uncertainty has the potential of enhancing awareness of the multilayered and interconnected nature of uncertainty. This research engages the study of uncertainty and health communication through the lens of the Hispanic community in Morgan County, CO, to answer the research question: What uncertainties have Hispanic adults in Morgan County encountered during the COVID-19 health crisis and how have these uncertainties been communicatively engaged by this specific community? Using a mixed methods approach through an online survey and virtual focus groups, I adopt a critical perspective to interpersonal communication in the study of uncertainty as a needed step in arriving at more holistic understandings of its experience. In collecting survey data, I utilized two scales: Diener et al. (2010) Scale of Positive and Negative Experiences, and Grimmelikhuijsen and Knies (2017) scale for Citizen Trust in Government Organizations. I used these instruments alongside a set of qualitative prompts that served the purpose of gaining general insights about the overall perspectives of the Hispanic community in Morgan County regarding the COVID-19 health crisis. Focus group discussions involved collecting more detailed data about participant experiences throughout the duration of the COVID-19 health crisis. A thematic analysis of the data collected was conducted through the application of the hermeneutic circle as presented by Dibley et al. (2020) complemented by Tracy's (2018) phronetic approach to data analysis. Both of these approaches prioritize engaging with data in deep and structured manners that allow for the research question to guide analysis. Five themes emerged from the data analysis: 1) uncertainty about employment and financial stability, 2) fear of infection based on sociocultural factors, 3) disagreements about social behavioral expectations, 4) concern for children's well-being, and 5) acceptance of risk of infection in uncertainty management strategies. Each of these themes carry with them sociocultural factors outside of the individual that can only begin to be understood through a critical perspective on uncertainty that pays specific attention to how culture, subjectivity, and power impact how Hispanic adults faced uncertainties emerging from the COVID-19 health crisis. Results point not only to how individuals engage with uncertainty once they experience it, but also give insight into sociocultural sources of uncertainty that may be overlooked when utilizing existing theoretical approaches to uncertainty. They also show how Hispanic adults in Morgan County engaged diverse strategies for addressing uncertainty in a manner that resisted behavioral expectations set by public health guidelines in order to reduce intrapersonal, interpersonal, and sociocultural uncertainty related to the COVID-19 health crisis.

Introduction. The article analyzes the semiotic aspects of the representation of artificial intelligence in the socio-cultural space and their influence on the nature of social development. The spread and penetration of technologies into social and political processes using artificial intelligence (AI) is accompanied by active discussions in the socio-political environment. Artificial intelligence is considered as one of the most important resources of social and political development, so the desire of states, politicians and public organizations to determine the semantic framework of its public perception is understandable.Methodology and sources. The theoretical foundations of the work were the classic works on semiotics by Ch. S. Pierce, Ch. W. Morris, as well as theoretical works on modern political semiotics (I.V. Fomin, M.V. Ilyin and others). To work with the empirical base, analyzes of documents (reports and materials from UNESCO, the European Commission, the Royal Society of London, Stanford University), public opinion polls (VTsIOM), discourse analysis, semantic and content analysis of materials from Russian and foreign media were used.Results and discussion. As a result of the study, we found that the main contradiction that accompanies the understanding of artificial intelligence, its essence and purpose at all levels of socio-political discourse is the polarization of public ideas about AI as a control tool and (or) a development tool. The contextual fields were also outlined, within which further development of the semiosis of artificial intelligence is possible.Conclusion. To understand the nature of the representation of technologies using AI in socio-political discourse and to manage this process, an interdisciplinary approach and an appeal to the scientific potential of the social sciences and the humanities, in particular, semiotics, are appropriate, which makes it possible to study the semiosis of technology at the semantic, syntactic and pragmatic levels. It also seems promising to turn to a comparative analysis of cultural and historical traditions and national-state models of social management that specifically integrate AI into social processes. ; Введение. Анализируются семиотические аспекты репрезентации искусственного интеллекта (ИИ) в социокультурном пространстве и их влияние на характер социального развития. В контексте оформления идеи искусственного интеллекта в долгосрочную глобальную стратегию закономерна постановка вопроса о характере взаимовлияния технологии и социального развития на уровне как личности, так и общества в целом.Методология и источники. Теоретическими основами работы послужили классические труды по семиотике Ч. С. Пирса, Ч. У. Морриса, а также теоретические труды по современной политической семиотике (И. В. Фомин, М. В. Ильин и др.). Для работы с эмпирической базой были использованы анализ документов (докладов и аналитических материалов ЮНЕСКО, Еврокомиссии, Лондонского королевского общества, Стэнфордского университета, а также нормативных документов Российской Федерации), опросов общественного мнения (ВЦИОМ, Rambler & Co), дискурс-анализ, семантический и контент-анализ материалов отечественных и зарубежных медиа.Результаты и обсуждение. В результате исследования было обнаружено, что основное противоречие, сопровождающее осмысление искусственного интеллекта, его сущности и предназначения на всех уровнях социально-политического дискурса, состоит в поляризации общественных представлений об ИИ как инструменте контроля и (или) инструменте развития. Также мы выделили контекстные поля, формирующие смысловые рамки интерпретации ИИ, где, на наш взгляд, будет формироваться образ технологии в будущем.Заключение. Для изучения характера репрезентации технологий с использованием ИИ в общественно-политическом дискурсе и для управления этим процессом уместно обращение к научному потенциалу семиотики, позволяющему структурировать исследование семиозиса технологии на семантическом, синтаксическом и прагматическом уровнях. Перспективен также сравнительный анализ культурно-исторических традиций и национально-государственных моделей социального управления, интегрирующих ИИ в социальные процессы.

Using certain cases, the article raises the scape of problems regarding cultural intervention in esports through the universal codes of media, as well as the use of esports as an instrument of hybrid war. A certain consideration is given to esports as a theme or a unit of such codes in more traditional media (news media in particular), as well as co-called 'new media' (such as podcasts), which is followed through a middle link of hybrid media evolution (universal code of movies), meaning evolution which does not make previous fragments obsolete per se. Article also dwells upon esports from a POV of international political communication: parallels are drawn to media interest for sports events, characterized is the approximate difference between the two components which could be found in this type of media, now only forming when compared to traditional coverage of sports events. Using the method of case studies and logical-intuitive analyses a few educated guesses are made about the future development of esports themes from the point of view in international political communication, the role of that forming link in the media institutes in general, as well as retranslation unit of political messages. Expressed is a certain concern with how unnoticed any messages could be through the high level of coding in specialized media, which provides the esports coverage. Conclusions are drawn about: relevance of following research regarding representation of esports competitions in the media from the perspective of international political communications; perspectives of observing the representation of esports microcosm in media; forming of institutionalization of non-state compounds in esports which have certain influences on international political communications as a cocalled 'wild cards'. Specified is that it's too soon to talk about forming of an actor in international political relations, but at the very least a new leverage of actorship in the branched system of universal codes of media, research of which separately will be unsatisfactory and will bring unrepresentative results to the table. ; У статті піднято через конкретні кейси проблематику культурної інтервенції в кіберспорті через універсальні коди медіа, використання кіберспорту у якості знаряддя у гібридних війнах. Окрема увага приділена проникненню кіберспорту у якості тематики та одиниці таких кодів у більш традиційні медіа (зокрема новини), а також т.з. нові медіа (зокрема подкасти), яке прослідковується з увагою до серединної ламки медійної гібридної еволюції (універсального коду кінематографу), тобто такої еволюції яка не робить попередні ламки водночас застарілими. У статті також розглянуто увагу щодо кіберспорту з точки зору міжнародної політичної комунікації, проведено паралелі з медійною увагою до традиційних спортивних змагань, охарактеризовано приблизну різницю між цими двома явищами та компоненти, які увійшли у цей тип медіа, що наразі лише формується у порівнянні з традиційним coverage спортивних подій.За допомогою методів case studies та логіко-інтуїтивного аналізу зроблено кілька обґрунтованих припущень щодо майбутнього розвитку теми кіберспорту з точки зору міжнародної політичної комунікації, ролі цієї ланки що формується у самому інституті медійності та у якості ретранслятора політичних меседжів. Висловлено певне занепокоєння тим, наскільки непоміченими будь-які меседжі можуть бути через високий рівень кодифікації у спеціалізованому медіа, яке займається висвітленням кіберспорту. Зроблено висновки про: доречність подальшого вивчення репрезентації кіберспортивних змагань у медійних прошарках з точки зору міжнародної політичної комунікації; перспективність спостереження за репрезентацією у медіа кіберспортивного мікрокосму; формування інституціоналізованих недержавних сполук у кіберспортивних просторах що мають по собі низку впливів на міжнародну політичну комунікацію у якості т.з. «дикої карти». Поточнено що мова, поки що, іде не про появу актора міжнародних відносин як такого, а про появу нового важіля акторства у вже наявній розгалуженій системі універсальних кодів медіа, дослідження яких окремо один від одного даватиме нерепрезентативні результати.

This work reports the temperature dependence of the rate coefficients for the reactions of atomic bromine with the xylenes that are determined experimentally and theoretically. The experiments were carried out in a Pyrex chamber equipped with fluorescent lamps to measure the rate coefficients at temperatures from 295 K to 346 K. Experiments were made at several concentrations of oxygen to assess its potential kinetic role under atmospheric conditions and to validate comparison of our rate coefficients with those obtained by others using air as the diluent. Br2 was used to generate Br atoms photolytically. The relative rate method was used to obtain the rate coefficients for the reactions of Br atoms with the xylenes. The reactions of Br with both toluene and diethyl ether (DEE) were used as reference reactions where the loss of the organic reactants was measured by gas chromatography. The rate coefficient for the reaction of Br with diethyl ether was also measured in the same way over the same temperature range with toluene as the reference reactant. The rate coefficients were independent of the concentration of O2. The experimentally determined temperature dependence of the rate coefficients of these reactions can be given in the units cm3 molecule−1 s−1 by: o-xylene + Br, log10(k) = (−10.03 ± 0.35) − (921 ± 110)/T; m-xylene + Br, log10(k) = (−10.78 ± 0.09) − (787 ± 92/T); p-xylene + Br, log10(k) = (−9.98 ± 0.39) − (956 ± 121)/T; diethyl ether + Br, log10(k) = (−7.69 ± 0.55) − (1700 ± 180)/T). This leads to the following rate coefficients, in the units of cm3 molecule−1 s−1, based on our experimental measurements: o-xylene + Br, k(298 K) = 7.53 × 10−14; m-xylene + Br, k(298 K) = 3.77 × 10−14; p-xylene + Br, k(298 K) = 6.43 × 10−14; diethyl ether + Br, k(298 K) = 4.02 × 10−14. Various ab initio methods including G3, G4, CCSD(T)/cc-pV(D,T)Z//MP2/aug-cc-pVDZ and CCSD(T)/cc-pV(D,T)Z//B3LYP/cc-pVTZ levels of theory were employed to gain detailed information about the kinetics as well as the thermochemical quantities. Among the ab initio methods, the G4 method performed remarkably well in describing the kinetics and thermochemistry of the xylenes + Br reaction system. Our theoretical calculations revealed that the reaction of Br atoms with the xylenes proceeds via a complex forming mechanism in an overall endothermic reaction. The rate determining step is the intramolecular rearrangement of the pre-reactive complex leading to the post-reactive complex. After lowering the relative energy of the corresponding transition state by less than 1.5 kJ mol−1 for this step in the reaction of each of the xylenes with Br, the calculated rate coefficients are in very good agreement with the experimental data. ; Research reported in this work was funded by King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST). This research was also supported by the European Union and the Hungarian State, co-financed by the European Regional Development Fund in the framework of the GINOP-2.3.4-15-2016-00004 project, aimed to promote the cooperation between the higher education and the industry. Further support has been provided by the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund (Hungary) within the TKP2021-NVA-14 project. The experimental work was supported by Acadia University and by the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada.

The article presents the results of the analysis of the features of physical training of officers in military educational institutions of the USA at the beginning of the 21st century. It has been found that physical training is decentralized because the U. S. Armed Forces are divided between different departments, the fact that leads to a lack of a unified system of guidance documents. The U. S. system of military vocational education encompasses a broad network of educational institutions that differ from one another in their departmental affiliation, the characteristics and quality of education, and its main objectives. At the same time, these institutions are part of the state sector of American higher education and are governed by established educational standards. Physical training is one of the main academic disciplines. Physical training curricula in military schools differ according to the branches of the armed forces. However,a co mmon characteristic of them is a high intensity of physical exercise and competitive spirit. There are also general tasks involving the development of physical qualities and mastery of motor skills by cadets; formation of mental toughness to combat conditions and the ability to operate in extreme environments; building self-сonfidence and the cohesion of military units; the formation of the need for daily physical activity and adherence to the principles of a healthy lifestyle. Cadets regularly participate in a variety of competitions, both at the institution level and at the Armed Forces or national tournaments. Physical fitness is one of the main selection criteria for applicants to military schools, colleges, and academies. The physical program supports the development of professional leaders by providing a foundation for their basic skills. This development is achieved through basic physical training coursework, physical fitness testing, and participation in athletic competitions. Each cadet must participate in sports, university or intercollegiate competitions during the academic year, and be a member of a sports club. ; У статті представлено результати аналізу особливостей фізичної підготовки офіцерів у військових закладах освіти США на початку XXI століття. З'ясовано, що фізична підготовка майбутніх офіцерів має децентралізований характер, оскільки збройні сили США розділені між різними міністерствами, що обумовлює відсутність єдиної системи керівних документів. Система військової професійної освіти в США охоплює широку мережу закладів, що відрізняються один від одного відомчою приналежністю, особливостями і якістю освіти, а також її основними завданнями. Водночас ці заклади освіти входять до державного сектору американської вищої школи та керуються встановленими стандартами освіти. Фізична підготовка є однією з основних навчальних дисциплін. Навчальні програми з фізичної підготовки у військових школах дещо різняться залежно від належності до видів збройних сил. Проте загальними характерними їхніми рисами є висока насиченість занять фізичними вправами і дух змагальності. Є також спільні завдання, якими передбачено розвиток фізичних якостей та оволодіння кадетами руховими навичками; формування психічної стійкості до умов бойових дій і здатності діяти в екстремальних умовах; формування впевненості у своїх силах, згуртованості військових підрозділів; формування потреби у щоденних заняттях фізичними вправами та дотримання принципів здорового способу життя. Курсанти постійно беруть участь у різних змаганнях, що проводяться як на рівні закладу, так і в масштабах збройних сил або національних турнірів. Фізична підготовленість є одним із основних критеріїв відбору кандидатів під час вступу до військових шкіл, коледжів та академій. Фізична програма сприяє розвитку лідерів-професіоналів, забезпечуючи основу для їхніх фізичних базових навичок. Цей розвиток досягається за допомогою основних курсових занять з фізичної підготовки, перевірки фізичної підготовленості. Кожен курсант повинен брати участь в університетських або міжвузівських змаганнях упродовж навчального року, бути членом спортивного клубу.

Today's agriculture heavily relies on pesticides to manage diverse pests and maximise crop yields. Despite elaborate regulation of pesticide use based on a complex environmental risk assessment (ERA) scheme, the widespread use of these biologically active compounds has been shown to be a threat to the environment. For surface waters, pesticide exposure has been observed to exceed safe concentration levels and negatively impact stream ecology leading to the question whether current ERA schemes ensure a sustainable use of pesticides. To answer this, the large-scale "Kleingewässer-Monitoring" (KgM) assessed the occurrence of pesticides and related effects in 124 streams throughout Germany, Central Europe, in 2018 and 2019. Based on five scientific publications originating from the KgM, this thesis evaluated pesticide exposure in streams, ecological effects and the regulatory implications. More than 1,000 water samples were analysed for over 100 pesticide analytes to characterise occurrence patterns (publication 1). Measured concentrations and effects were used to validate the exposure and effect concentrations predicted in the ERA (publication 2). By jointly analysing real-world pesticide application data and measured pesticide mixtures in streams, the disregard of environmental pesticide mixtures in the ERA was evaluated (publication 3). The toxic potential of mixtures in stream water was additionally investigated using suspect screening for 395 chemicals and a battery of in-vitro bioassays (publication 4). Finally, the results from the KgM stream monitoring were used to assess the capability to identify pesticide risks in governmental monitoring programmes (publication 5). The results of this thesis reveal the widespread occurrence of pesticides in non-target stream ecosystems. The water samples contained a variety of pesticides occurring in complex mixtures predominantly in short-term peaks after rainfall events (publications 1 & 4). Respective pesticide concentration maxima were linked to declines in vulnerable invertebrate species and exceeded regulatory acceptable concentrations in about 80% of agricultural streams, while these thresholds were still estimated partly insufficient to protect the invertebrate community (publication 2). The co-occurrence of pesticides in streams led to a risk underestimated in the single substance-oriented ERA by a factor of about 3.2 in realistic worst-case scenarios, which is further exacerbated by a high frequency at which non-target organism are exposed to pesticides (publication 3). Stream water samples taken after rainfall caused distinct effects in bioassays which were only explainable to a minor extent by the many analytes, indicating the relevance of unknown chemical or biological mixture components (publication 4). Finally, the regulatory monitoring of surface waters under the Water Framework Directive (WFD) was found to significantly underestimate pesticide risks, as about three quarters of critical pesticides and more than half of streams at risk were overlooked (publication 5). Essentially, this thesis involves a new level of validation of the ERA of pesticides in aquatic ecosystems by assessing pesticide occurrence and environmental impacts at a scale so far unique. The overall results demonstrate that the current agricultural use of pesticides leads to significant impacts on stream ecology that go beyond the level tolerated under the ERA. This thesis identified the underestimation of pesticide exposure, the potential insufficiency of regulatory thresholds and the general inertia of the authorisation process as the main causes why the ERA fails to meet its objectives. To achieve a sustainable use of pesticides, the thesis proposes substantial refinements of the ERA. Adequate monitoring programmes such as the KgM, which go beyond current government monitoring efforts, will continue to be needed to keep pesticide regulators constantly informed of the validity of their prospective ERA, which will always be subject to uncertainty.

Introducción. A lo largo de los últimos años España ha visto incrementar su población inmigrante y refugiada, lo que ha planteado nuevas necesidades en cuanto a su atención e integración. En gran medida, esta tarea ha recaído en las Organizaciones No Gubernamentales con la financiación del Estado, algo que también habría sucedido en otros países europeos afectados por la crisis de los sistemas de bienestar en mayor o menor medida. Metodología. Con el fin de obtener datos al respecto, hemos procedido a consultar la base de datos de subvenciones del Estado y las resoluciones de las convocatorias del Ministerio de Inclusión, Migraciones y Seguridad Social en relación con la financiación recibida, mediante el Fondo de Asilo, Migración e Integración, por parte de cinco grandes ONG españolas (ACCEM, CEAR, CEPAIM, Cruz Roja y MPDL). Paralelamente, hemos revisado las memorias de actividades de las cinco entidades, así como la información contenida en sus páginas web. Resultados. Las ONG estudiadas han recibido recientemente una importante financiación estatal, en especial a través de convocatorias cofinanciadas con fondos europeos, y han desplegado un elevado número de proyectos que han respondido a la naturaleza de las propias convocatorias. Discusión. Los resultados de nuestra investigación muestran una notable dependencia de la financiación pública en la acción de las ONG, así como importantes limitaciones en cuanto a la diversidad de los proyectos implementados, lo que podría afectar a su independencia respecto a las políticas gubernamentales, aunque no todas las entidades muestran el mismo grado de alineamiento en relación con las mismas. Conclusiones. A pesar de los condicionantes a los que se encuentran sometidas las ONG, su papel resulta vital para garantizar la acogida de la población inmigrante y refugiada en España, pero existe el riesgo de que puedan convertirse en gestoras de unas políticas migratorias, en ocasiones, criticadas por ellas mismas. ; Introduction. Over the last few years, Spain has experienced an increase in its immigrant and refugee population, which has raised new care and integration needs. This task has fallen mainly on Non-Governmental Organisations that receive state funding. The same has occurred, to some degree, in other European countries affected by the crisis of welfare systems. Methodology. To obtain data on this topic, we consulted Spain's State subsidies database. We also reviewed the decisions of the calls of the Ministry of Inclusion, Migration and Social Security regarding the financing received by five major Spanish NGOs (ACCEM, CEAR, CEPAIM, Red Cross and MPDL), through the Asylum Migration and Integration Fund. Moreover, we consulted the activity reports of these five NGOs, as well as the information contained in their webpages. Results. These five organisations recently received significant state funding, especially through calls co-financed with European funds. They have also implemented a large number of projects that have responded to the nature of the calls. Discussion. Our research shows that the action of NGOs notably depends on public funding. We also observed important limitations regarding the diversity of the implemented projects, which could affect their independence from government policies. Nevertheless, not all entities presented the same degree of alignment to them. Conclusions. Despite the constraints to which NGOs are subjected, their role is vital to guarantee the reception of the immigrant and refugee population in Spain. There is a risk, however, that they become managers of migration policies, of which they are sometimes critical themselves.

Background: Osteoarthritis is a disabling condition that is often associated with other comorbidities. Total hip or knee arthroplasty is an effective surgical treatment for osteoarthritis when indicated, but comorbidities can impair their results by increasing complications and social and economic costs. Integrated care (IC) models supported by eHealth can increase efficiency through defragmentation of care and promote patient-centeredness. Objective: This study aims to assess the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of implementing a mobile health (mHealth)–enabled IC model for complex chronic patients undergoing primary total hip or knee arthroplasty. Methods: As part of the Horizon 2020 Personalized Connected Care for Complex Chronic Patients (CONNECARE) project, a prospective, pragmatic, two-arm, parallel implementation trial was conducted in the rural region of Lleida, Catalonia, Spain. For 3 months, complex chronic patients undergoing total hip or knee arthroplasty and their caregivers received the combined benefits of the CONNECARE organizational IC model and the eHealth platform supporting it, consisting of a patient self-management app, a set of integrated sensors, and a web-based platform connecting professionals from different settings, or usual care (UC). We assessed changes in health status (12-item short-form survey [SF-12]), unplanned visits and admissions during a 6-month follow-up, and the incremental cost-effectiveness ratio. Results: A total of 29 patients were recruited for the mHealth-enabled IC arm, and 30 patients were recruited for the UC arm. Both groups were statistically comparable for baseline characteristics, such as age; sex; type of arthroplasty; and Charlson index, American Society of Anesthesiologists classification, Barthel index, Hospital Anxiety and Depression scale, Western Ontario and McMaster Universities Osteoarthritis Index, and Pfeiffer mental status questionnaire scores. Patients in both groups had significant increases in the SF-12 physical domain and total SF-12 score, but differences in differences between the groups were not statistically significant. IC patients had 50% fewer unplanned visits (P=.006). Only 1 hospital admission was recorded during the follow-up (UC arm). The IC program generated savings in different cost scenarios, and the incremental cost-effectiveness ratio demonstrated cost-effectiveness. Conclusions: Chronic patients undergoing hip or knee arthroplasty can benefit from the implementation of patient-centered mHealth-enabled IC models aimed at empowering patients and facilitating transitions from specialized hospital care to primary care. Such models can reduce unplanned contacts with the health system and reduce overall health costs, proving to be cost-effective. Overall, our findings support the notion of system-wide cross-organizational care pathways supported by mHealth as a successful way to implement IC for patients undergoing elective surgery. ; This work was supported by the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Program (under grant agreement GA-689802). JDB acknowledges receiving financial support from the Catalan Health Department (Pla Estratègic de Recerca i Innovació en Salut 2016: SLT002/16/00364) and Instituto de Salud Carlos III (Miguel Servet 2019: CP19/00108), which is cofunded by the European Social Fund, Investing in your future. Funding organizations had no role in the design and conduct of the study; collection, management, analysis, and interpretation of the data; preparation, review, or approval of the manuscript; and decision to submit the manuscript for publication. The authors would like to express their sincere gratitude to all the participating patients and their caregivers as well as to all the involved health and social care professionals. All of them were key in the co-design of the integrated care model and its implementation in the region of Lleida

The subject of this study is the legal norms contained in legislation, other legal acts, as well as materials of law enforcement practice regulating the process of treasury management of budgetary funds. This article also analyzes the experience of legal regulation of the mechanism of treasury management of budgetary funds during public procurement, examines the gaps in budget legislation directly related to the topic under consideration.The purpose of this article is to consider the problems and prospects of the development of the Institute of the Federal Treasury in the Russian Federation. The reason for this study was multiple scientific discussions, which caused an ambiguous reaction from the legal community of Russia. The gaps in the budget legislation directly related to the topic under consideration are considered.The methodology. General scientific methods were applied in the framework of comparative, logical and statistical research and analysis of law enforcement and judicial practice in the field of treasury management of budget funds.The main results. A number of issues related to the chosen topic were considered. First of all, it is necessary to understand how the legal regulation of treasury management of budgetary funds is carried out. The form of legal regulation of treasury management differed from other forms and instruments of control the norms on treasury management were established annually by the federal law on the federal budget and acts of the Russian Government, Russian Ministry of Finance and the Federal Treasury adopted in pursuance of this federal law. Secondly, it is worth noting how the procedure for treasury management of budgetary funds during public procurement is built. The mechanism of treasury management provides for operations on personal accounts opened in the Federal Treasury with funds received from the relevant budget in the form of subsidies and budget investments, as well as funds directed to the execution of government contracts, contracts, the sourceof financing of which is the budget of the budgetary system of the Russian Federation. Thirdly, it is necessary to understand what prospects the institute of treasury management of public procurement has. Trends in the development of the institute of treasury management show that quantitative parameters will grow, including due to the use of "extended" treasury management and due to the spread of technological solutions to the level of subjects of the Russian Federation and municipalities.Conclusions. Treasury management of budgetary funds during public procurement is a new institution of budget law, a comprehensive budgetary and legal instrument of public administration, which is used at the stage of budget execution for expenditures to exercise financial control over the public procurement, contracts with legal entities and sole proprietors who are not participants in the budget process. In addition, treasury management is a tool with sufficient elasticity and relative "versatility". At its core, it allows you to strengthen control over the targeted and effective use of budget funds, ensure transparency and openness of procurement procedures and execution of state contracts; reduce unscrupulous suppliers in the chain of co-executors while ensuring proper execution of the state contract; increase financial discipline of the parties to the contract. It is also worth noting that treasury management minimizes some of the risks inherent in the use process. This institution should be considered as a system element in a larger mechanism of budget monitoring. ; На основе применения общенаучных методов в рамках сравнительного, логического и статистического исследования, а также посредством анализа нормативных правовых актов Российской Федерации, правоприменительной практики рассматриваются предпосылки создания, сущностные характеристики и значение института казначейского сопровождения бюджетных средств. Выявляются пробелы и несовершенства в бюджетном праве в части регулирования отношений, связанных с казначейским сопровождением, высказываются предложения по совершенствованию законодательства и правоприменительной практики, направленные на устранение выявленных противоречий.

The 13th volume of The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies reflects some of the research presented at the 12th International conference on Baltic and Nordic studies titled "Rethinking multiculturalism, multilingualism, and cultural diplomacy in Scandinavia and The Baltic Sea Region," which will be held on May 27-28, 2021, under the auspices of the Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies. RethinkMulti-Kulti2021 was called to reflect on multiculturalism, multilingualism, and cultural diplomacy in Scandinavia and the Baltic Sea Region 10 years after German Chancellor Angela Merkel predicted the end of German multicultural society. Many politicians with Conservative leanings praised the confirmation that the half-century-cherished multi-kulti "utterly failed," and far-right gurus interpreted it as an omen. Furthermore, Merkel's track record as a committed democratic-minded politician, EU leader, and proponent of migrant integration has garnered near-universal support for this argument. Furthermore, in academia, Merkel's assertion has never been adequately questioned, but rather taken for granted. Meanwhile, policies governing multiculturalism and multilingualism in the EU and EEA have been stuck in a rut, particularly in what Fareed Zakaria properly refers to as illiberal democracies.
The purpose of the conference was not to resurrect the political objective behind multi-kulti, but rather to critically reassess the role of multiculturalism, multilinguism, and cultural diplomacy from the viewpoint of Scandinavia and the Baltic Sea Region. We see Scandinavia and the Baltic Sea Region as interrelated and partially overlapping by a plethora of historical, cultural, and social channels, hence papers dealing with multiculturalism, multilinguism, and cultural diplomacy as reflected in these regions and wider Europe were planned. Papers on connections, liaisons, affiliations, divergences, animosity, legal or de facto statuses of cultures and languages in Scandinavia and the Baltic Sea Region were also presented during the conference. How multilingualism, multiculturalism, and cultural diplomacy prospered or muddled through transitions from liberal nations to far-right or far-left governments and back were also addressed.
The volume's first issue focuses on lingualism, bilingualism, and multilingualism as a path to diversity and how individuals reflected on it. Kari Alenius looks at the telling case of the Sámi minority in northern Finland and the disputes over whether or not to grant it wide autonomy, which was ultimately determined in favor of opponents of the proposal. Johanna Domokos examines the case studies of two contemporary multilingual writers, Sabira Sthlberg from Finland and Tzveta Sofronieva from Bulgaria, to demonstrate how they aspire to address cross-culturally to readers of all languages, backgrounds, and locations, concluding that "the reader is empowered to take part in not only piecing together but creating a better 'new' world." Sabira Sthlberg is the author and coauthor of two articles that address multiculturalism in a very solid and original manner. The first follows the partly mythical and partly tourist-tracking journey of international traveller and well-known Swedish-language author Göran Schildt, who sailed on his yacht Daphne in the Black Sea and the Danube Delta in the summer of 1963 as one of the first cracks in the curtain separating the two opposing ideological blocs. The latter, co-signed with Dorijan Hajdu, focuses on the relationships between family members, as expressed particularly in Swedish and Serbian language, allowing for a highly comprehensive knowledge of diversity from inside. Finally, Adél Furu's most recent article in our journal examines educational trends in the context of Russian and Estonian second language training in Finland, observing the shift from language loss to language maintenance.
We hope that all of these pieces will spark new thought on the subject and help our readers better comprehend multiculturalism and multilinguism as they were perceived and implemented in Europe, particularly in our and the previous century.

PurposeLittle is known about how subsidies enhance both collaborative and opportunistic behaviours within subsidized industry–university partnerships, and how partners' behaviours influence the intellectual capital dynamics within subsidized industry–university. Based on these theoretical foundations, this study expects to understand intellectual capital's (IC's) contribution as a dynamic or systemic process (inputs?outputs?outcomes) within subsided university–industry partnerships. Especially to contribute to these ongoing academic debates, this paper analyses how collaborative and opportunistic behaviours within industry–university partnerships influence the intellectual capital dynamics (inputs, outputs and outcomes) of the subsidized projects.Design/methodology/approachBy combining two sources of information about 683 Mexican subsidized industry–university partnerships from 2009 to 2016, this study adopted the structural equation modelling (SEM) to analyse the effect of collaborative vs opportunistic behaviours in intellectual capital dynamics within subsidized projects.FindingsOur results show three tendencies about the bright/dark side of subsidies within the Mexican industry–university partnerships. The first tendency shows how collaborative behaviours positively influence intellectual capital dynamics within subsidized industry–university partnerships. The second tendency shows how opportunistic behaviours influence intellectual capital impacts (performance) and return to society (job creation). The third tendency shows how initial inputs of subsidized projects generate some expected socio-economic returns that pursued the subsidies (mediation effect of intellectual capital outputs).Research limitations/implicationsThis research has three limitations that provide a future research agenda. The main limitations were associated with our sources of information. The first limitation, we did not match subsidized partnerships (focus group) and non-subsidized partnerships (control group). A qualitative analysis should help understand the effect of subsidies on intellectual capital and partnerships' behaviours. The second limitation, our measures of collaborative/opportunistic behaviours as well as intellectual capital dynamics should be improved by balancing traditional and new metrics in future research. The third limitation is that in emerging economies, the quality of institutions could influence the submission/selection of subsidies and generate negative externalities. Future research should control by geographical dispersion and co-location of subsidies.Practical implicationsFor enterprise managers, this study offers insights into IC dynamics and behaviours within subsidized industry–university partnerships. The bright side of collaboration behaviours is related to IC's positive impacts on performance and socio-economic returns. The dark side is the IC appropriation behind opportunistic behaviours. Enterprise managers should recognize the relevance of IC management to capture value and reduce costs associated with opportunistic behaviours. For the university community, this study offers potential trends adopted by industry–university partnerships to reinforce universities' innovative transformation processes. Specifically, these trends are related to the legitimization of the university's role in society and contribution to regional development through industry–university partnerships' outcomes. Therefore, university managers should recognize the IC benefits/challenges behind industry–university partnerships.Social implicationsFor policymakers, the study indirectly shows the role of subsidies for generating/reinforcing intellectual capital outcomes within subsidized industry–university partnerships. The bright side allows evaluating the cost-benefit of this government intervention and the returns to priority industries. The dark side allows for understanding the need for implementing mechanisms to control opportunistic behaviours within subsidized partnerships. Accordingly, policymakers should understand the IC opportunity-costs related to industry–university partnerships for achieving the subsidies' aims.Originality/valueThis study contributes to three ongoing academic debates in innovation and management fields. The first debate about how intellectual capital dynamic is stimulated and transferred through the collaborative behaviour within industry–university partnerships in emerging economies. The second debate is about the "dark side" of partnerships stimulated by public programmes in emerging economies. The third debate is about the effectiveness of subsidies on intellectual capital activities/outcomes.

Purpose
COVID-19 is one of the greatest public health challenges in the 21st century. The World Health Organisation recommended physical distancing to halt the upward trajectory of the infections. Countries including Botswana imposed lockdown for non-essential workers. This paper aims to argue that lockdown as imposed by the Government of Botswana was a necessary measure given the nature of transmission of COVID-19.


Design/methodology/approach
The paper uses exploratory research to unpack impacts of the novel COVID-19 regulations or be responsive to new concerns by breaking new ground through delving into new problem areas. The paper used a use case to explain a single outcome for a single case.


Findings
The restriction on the freedom of movement is necessary to protect citizens, particularly, those with chronic illness from contracting the deadly virus. The paper further observes that while the legislative intent of the GOB was to protect those with chronic illnesses from COVID-19, the lockdown resulted in near death experiences for some chronic ailment patients. These experiences result from unfettered discretion of functionaries who were policing and manning the streets and those who are conferred with authority to issue travel permits to seek and obtain medical assistance, lack of public transport and the processes of applications for the permits, which exposed citizens to COVID-19.


Research limitations/implications
The study was desk based. It may have yielded different results. Lockdowns limited mobility for non-essential services. The full impact of the restrictions and the attendant defaulting was yet to be fully realised. Observing the COVID-19 protocols and bureaucratic requirements for obtaining information from the government offices were major challenges.


Practical implications
Achieving total lockdown as an end in itself may amount to a pyrrhic victory – the authorities may successfully achieve total lockdown but with heavy costs on gains made in combating ailments. Botswana has fought many other pandemics and chronic illnesses still subsist and need to be catered for. For patients, there is not only the complexity of dealing with one chronic condition but also the work of trying to live "normal" lives in the face of co-morbidity, which can be overwhelming. The COVID-19 pandemic adds to the "work" that patients must do to manage and live with such health conditions and the psychological distress.


Social implications
Authorities need to be fully aware of the consequences of their actions. Abrasive actions may lead to a higher constituency of discontent. Botswana has had a good track record of being democratic, and this needs to be strengthened.


Originality/value
The implementation of the COVID-19 regulations particularly the requirement for a travel permit to seek health-care services may hinder access to essential health services and ultimately increase the pressure on emergency services or, at worst, increase mortality. Clear guidelines and sober interpretation of the regulations are necessary. This will also make it easier for the frontline security officers manning the streets to correctly understand the prevailing circumstances. In view of the massive gains garnered in combating chronic illnesses, it is important that such gains are not reversed, while the GOB fights COVID-19. People living with HIV/AIDS, the elderly and people with pre-existing health conditions are known to be at significantly higher risk of developing severe illness when contracting COVID-19. Achieving total lockdown as an end in itself may amount to a pyrrhic victory – the authorities may successfully achieve total lockdown but with heavy costs on gains made in combating other chronic ailments.