Problem statement in general and its connection with important scientific and practical tasks. Currently in Ukraine there is a constant demand for the formation and implementation of public policy on the temporarily occupied territories in Donetsk and Luhansk regions, because the rapid development of public relations in the field of reintegration and deoccupation of the occupied territories requires prompt response and harmonization of regulations to create conditions for cooperation links between the population living in uncontrolled territories, internally displaced persons and public authorities. Public communication policy as a tool for reintegration of such territories into the single political, legal and information space of Ukraine and integration of citizens at a new place of residence in our country should become an integral part of the public policy on temporarily occupied territories in Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts. The public communication policy of reintegration of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine during the whole period of Russian aggression in eastern Ukraine was not systemic, it did not find its proper recognition at the national level, which led to loss of contact with Ukrainian citizens in difficult and dangerous conditions. occupation. In addition, the lack of inadequate attention to research leads to the fact that the vast majority of statesmen do not adequately recognize the importance of state communication policy for the process of "deoccupation" and "reintegration" of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to determine the need to develop a public communication policy for the reintegration of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine as part of the public policy on the temporarily occupied territories in Donetsk and Luhansk regions in the process of their deoccupation and reintegration. Main material. The article defines the role of communication in the processes of reintegration and deoccupation of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. Factors that indicate the need to develop and implement state communication policy in Ukraine as a tool for reintegration are studied. It is a question of strengthening of communicative support of policy of reintegration, overcoming of fragmentation of public opinion of the population of Ukraine concerning prospects of reintegration, averting of risks for integrity of the state. Conclusions. Based on the study, it was determined that the concept of "deoccupation" of the temporarily occupied territories has no legal basis, which complicates the understanding of the public policy mechanisms in this direction. Therefore, an attempt is made to determine its essence by a philological approach. Approaches to the concept of "reintegration" are generalized and it is proposed to distinguish two aspects of this process, namely the territorial and a-territorial context. The article shows three main areas of communication policy for the temporarily occupied territories: communication policy in the context of deoccupation; territorial and a-territorial reintegration. The main principles on which the Communicative strategy of deoccupation and reintegration of the temporarily occupied territories of Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts should be developed and implemented are defined, namely: legislative delimitation of basic concepts; coordination of mechanisms and subjects of deoccupation and reintegration; defining the national format and own model of communication policy; coordination of the mediating authority; creation of an effective information and communication infrastructure; ensuring the rights and freedoms of citizens. Therefore, communication policy in the context of deoccupation and reintegration of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine needs to be approved at the appropriate state level, which proves the need to form its own reintegration strategy, taking into account the work of other states and the ethnopolitical conflict. Key words: state policy, communication, communicative policy, reintegration, deoccupation, temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. ; У статті визначено роль комунікації в процесах реінтеграції та деокупації тимчасово окупованих територій України. Досліджено фактори, що свідчать про необхідність вироблення та запровадження державної комунікативної політики в Україні як інструменту реінтеграції. Розглянуто аспекти реалізації державної комунікативної політики з метою деокупації та реінтеграції тимчасово окупованих територій Луганської та Донецької областей. Наголошено на необхідності посилення комунікативного супроводу політики реінтеграції, подолання фрагментарності громадської думки населення України щодо перспектив реінтеграції, запобігання ризикам для цілісності держави. Ключові слова: державна політика; комунікація; комунікативна політика; реінтеграція; деокупація; тимчасово окуповані території України.
At all times, people had to adapt to processes of ecological change. But the strategies and mechanisms of the adapting of livelihoods to those processes have certainly gained more and more global attention since the effects of climate change are said to be one of the most crucial topics (not only) in the field of development studies and development practice in the 21st century; even though there always has been critique on the accuracy and the underlying methodological approaches of the estimated dramatic consequences of global warming and its alleged implications for adaptation measures (e.g. Dessai et al. 2009) or its interference with certain political agendas, respectively (e.g. Lomborg 2007). However, the worldwide substantial growth rates of industrialization, motorization and urbanization within the last decades and centuries have (at least) contributed to a global process of climate change, which is expected to become a fundamental challenge of mankind in the 21st century. Its assumed short-term consequences in form of natural disasters, such as floods, droughts or cyclones, as well as its long-term consequences like dramatic shifts of rainfall patterns, rising temperatures, desertification or rising sea levels, have the potential to significantly affect agricultural production worldwide. In particular the livelihoods of millions of agricultural small-scale producers in the developing countries in the tropics and sub-tropics are considered to be endangered by environmental degradation and its effects, which are not necessarily and solely caused by results of climate change. Especially for the poor rural population in these countries, processes of ecological degradation are a predicted threat to their livelihoods, which manifests itself in the form of rising levels of poverty and food insecurity. Within the last two decades, the international debate concerning the main challenge of the alleged consequences of global environmental change shifted from attempts of mitigation these changes to finding means and ways of adapting to them. Wide parts of the literature mainly perceive the adaptation of livelihoods in rural areas of the developing world as a procedure which is or has to be initiated by NGOs, governmental organizations or international donor agencies (e.g. Agrawal 2008; Reid and Vogel 2006). However, this 'mediating' perception on adaptation does not address processes which are solely based on the initiative of local people and pushed forward by them, respectively. In the following, these local developments will be understood as activities where individuals or communities on site generate adaptive measures that are spread without the mediation or interference of donors or agencies. This study will prove that local processes of livelihoods adaptation can be mainly based on existing local knowledge, local institutional settings and local patterns of social organisation. In contrast to that, the mediating perception on livelihood adaptation aims at establishing new regimes for adaptation related resources. Secondly, this thesis wants to deal with the adaptation of livelihoods in a holistic perspective. This means that it does not only cover climate or other ecological parameters since several studies on farmers in Sub-Saharan Africa (e.g. Ponte 2002; Bryceson 2002) underline that within the last decades, besides climate change, also many political, demographic or economic processes like the structural adjustment programmes in Sub-Sahara Africa during the 1980s have severely affected peasant livelihoods and have 'called into play a multitude of diverse and dynamic activities geared towards making a secured livelihood' (Yaro 2006: 126). Although many authors from the mid 1990s onwards have diagnosed a trend towards deagrarianisation in Sub-Saharan Africa , subsistence farming is still the central element of a large majority of African rural people's livelihood portfolios. At the same time, peasant or small-scale agriculture is increasingly being perceived as a future rather than a phase-out model for the agricultural development in Africa in times of severe ecological, political and economic changes and challenges - contrary to the traditional modernization theory driven view on small-scale agriculture (Toulmin and Guèye 2005). This thesis has been written in the framework of the GLOWA Volta Project (GVP). The German Federal Ministry for Education and Research (BMBF) has launched several research projects, whose foci are on global climate change and its interference with local hydrological and socio-economic conditions. The GLOWA Volta project was initiated as one of these projects. The overall objective of this project is the analysis of the socio-economic and physical determinants of the hydrological cycle in the West-African Volta Basin in the face of global environmental change. The project's main aim is the establishment of a scientifically sound Decision Support System (DSS) for all relevant stakeholders and actors in the area of water resource management. Particularly, the availability and the management of water under changing environmental conditions is one of the most important objectives of the GLOWA Volta Project. Within the overall project, different types of irrigation and their livelihood-adaptive potential were studied from the beginning of the project onwards. The specific hydrological and socio-economic impacts of different irrigation systems represented an important element in the research agenda of the project. In order to understand the impacts and drivers of the expansion of irrigation farming, also the expansion of shallow groundwater irrigation (hereafter SGI) in Ghana's Upper East Region - a purely farmer driven expansion process - became one of the project's research focuses. SGI can be perceived as an income earning strategy to reduce vulnerability: besides other ecological changes, the Upper East Region, Ghana's second-poorest region, is expected to be affected by processes of climate change like enhanced rainfall variability leading to an increased vulnerability of the local peasant population towards harvest insecurity and thus also towards food insecurity. These predicted effects of ecological change are no longer 'still up in the air' but can be already felt at present by many small-scale farmers. SGI is an irrigation form that is based on the use of near-surface groundwater close to small riversides, which usually fall completely dry during dry seasons in Northern Ghana. The groundwater is either pulled up with buckets out of wells on riverside plots or it is pumped out of dugouts in the riverbeds via motor pumps. This small-scale irrigation kind is practiced during the dry season to an increasing degree in several places in North-Eastern Ghana. Where until the early 1990s this irrigation form was practiced by only a few farmers, a heavy boom of dry season SGI farming could be observed in the last one-and-a-half decades. There are several driving forces for that: SGI is not hard to learn for the local farmers and this knowledge can be easily shared among the farmers. Furthermore, the initial investment costs - at least for the farmers who do not use an irrigation pump - are comparatively low. Usually, there is no problem in accessing the necessary farm land and additional labour due to a high degree of local solidarity. Finally, infrastructural improvements have contributed to more attractive market channels for SGI farmers in the study region, where many of them cultivate tomatoes during the dry season. It can therefore be assumed that currently several thousand farmers in Ghana's North have adopted this cultivation method. On the other hand, labour migration, which - although highly interlinked with patterns of regional underdevelopment - traditionally has been the most important way for peasant households in Northern Ghana to cope with natural disasters like floods or droughts but also to mitigate the consequences of food shortages or epidemics, is on the decline. Initially forced by the British colonial administration and later on a voluntary basis, many young 'Northerners' left in the dry season, where in the North no rain-fed cultivation is possible, to the Southern part of (pre-independent) Ghana to work in the goldmines or on cocoa farms. The peasant communities in the North started to appreciate this form of migration to an increasing degree as it did not only reduce the pressure on the home households' food stocks when one or more of its members went to the South to work during the dry season. But also cultural implications play an important role. Travelling to the south rose in the Northern population's esteem because it introduced their young men to concepts of modernity. Furthermore, the experiences and knowledge migrants could gain during their labour migration stays were widely regarded as very valuable for the home communities. Migration, also in its more permanent forms, has thus become a daily routine for wide parts of the North-Ghanaian population. But especially in the areas where dry season farming has become more important within the last years, migration flows have decreased. At this point, the question is: why has SGI developed into such an attractive livelihood (adaptation) strategy in Ghana's North within the last years whereas seasonal migration as a strategy to mitigate the consequences of events threatening small scale farmers' livelihoods dropped significantly despite its traditionally high economic and cultural appreciation? Or to be more precisely: what are the underlying social, political, cultural or economic factors leading to an increase in SGI and to a decrease in seasonal migration? This question will be the central research question for this thesis whereas not the decision making process on both livelihood strategies - SGI and seasonal migration - will be in the focus of the analysis but rather the specific developments of both adaptive processes in their historical, political, cultural and economic contexts. The complexity of households and further social structures which form livelihoods and their specific compositions make the adapting or non-adapting of certain strategies to more than just a simple 'either-or' decision as the title of this thesis - irrigate or migrate - involuntarily might imply. Seasonal migration and SGI can both be regarded as livelihood strategies as well as livelihood adaptations at the same time. Based on the findings and suggestions of the relevant recent literature, a livelihood strategy can be understood as a process in which people access necessary assets via a complex setting of institutions, social relations or organisations. Therefore, an adaptation of a livelihood strategy is an adjustment or modification of the whole process, which is usually caused by certain triggers in the context of the livelihood system, e.g. changing ecological patterns affecting farming outcomes or changes in the economic framework conditions. Livelihood adaptation and livelihood strategy thus constitute a close nexus. To operationalize the central research questions, the theoretical construct of livelihood strategy/ adaptation and its theoretical and causal implications are the base for the analysis framework. The developed framework is the starting point for the further analysis of this thesis. In a second step, the region the study is covering will be introduced. Particularly, the current processes of ecological change and the traditional adaptive economic and cultural meaning of migration patterns as well as the interference of labour migration with regional underdevelopment will be described. Furthermore, the description of the local patterns of social organisation will be an important part of this thesis due to their crucial importance in the adaptation context. Based on that, an empirical part analyzes the processes of irrigation farming and seasonal migration within the described framework. Based on that, the research questions will be answered in the conclusion part.
The paper analyzes the negative impact of technogenic civilization on the development of a human as integrity. The conceptual position of the research is the transdisciplinary idea that a human as integrity is one with all his/her conditions, with the whole world. Giving preference only to the external conditions of a human associated with technical progress led to his/her decline andself-destruction as integrity.The purpose of an investigation consists in showing the reasons of the destruction of human integrity today. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the modern conditions of human existence associated with the processes of globalization and rapid, negative changes in all spheres of the life of a society in a state of total crisis. It is noted that such conditions chaotize the internal processes of a human, "split" him/her as integrity, destroy the harmonization with other people.Filled with doubts, lacking development prospects and goals, such a human, like the whole society, loses the future.It is concluded that today the human situation is critical. It is necessary to immediately reorient all spheres of life of the society towards human development, harmonization of all his/her essential aspects as integrity. Changes in the public policy, human rights legislation, education and science must be a priority. It is noted that the key role in overcoming the modern anthropological crisis belongs to scientists who, using the EU experience, are able to create a new scientific field for polylogy and the search for optimal ways out of the situation. The transdisciplinary approach, which is actively developed by European transdisciplinary schools and centers, is particularly productive. This approach overcomes the gap between the subject and the object of cognition, between man and the world, and forms a new worldview of man in a new society. Such possibilities of the transdisciplinary approach fully correspond to the tasks of modern universities. ; В статье анализируется негативное влияние техногенной цивилизации на развитие человека как целостности. Концептуальной позицией исследования является трансдисциплинарных представление о том, что человек как целостность единственная со всеми своими условиями, со всем миром. Предпочтение только внешним условиям человека, связанным с техническим прогрессом, привело к ее упадку и саморазрушения как целостности.Цель исследования заключается в том, чтобы показать причины разрушения целостности человека сегодня. Особое внимание уделяется анализу современных условий существования человека, связанных с процессами глобализации и стремительными, негативными изменениями во всех сферах жизни общества, находящегося в состоянии тотального кризиса. Отмечается, что такие условия хаотизують внутренние процессы человека, «расщепляют» ее как целостность, разрушают приведения с другими людьми. Полна сомнений, не имея перспективы развития и цели, такой человек, как и все общество, теряет будущее.Делается вывод о том, что сегодня ситуация человека является критической. Необходима немедленная переориентация всех сфер жизни общества на развитие человека, гармонизацию всех ее сущностных сторон как целостности. Первоочередными должны быть изменения в государственной политике, в законодательстве о правах человека, в системе образования и науки. Отмечается, что ключевая роль в преодолении современного антропологического кризиса принадлежит ученым, которые, используя опыт ЕС, способны создать новое научное поле полилога и поисков оптимальных путей выхода из ситуации. Особенно продуктивным является трансдисциплинарных подход, который активно развивается европейскими трансдисциплинарных школами и центрами. Этот подход преодолевает разрыв между субъектом и объектом познания, человеком и миром и формирует новое мировоззрение человека нового общества. Такие возможности трансдисциплинарного подхода вполне отвечают задачам современных вузов. ; У статті аналізується негативний вплив техногенної цивілізації на розвиток людини як цілісності. Концептуальною позицією дослідження є трансдисциплінарне уявлення про те, що людина як цілісність єдина з усіма своїми умовами, з усім світом. Надання переваги тільки зовнішнім умовам людини, пов'язаним із технічним прогресом, призвело до її занепаду та саморуйнування як цілісності. Мета дослідження полягає в тому, щоб показати причини руйнування цілісності людини сьогодні. Особлива увага приділяється аналізу сучасних умов існування людини, пов'язаних із процесами глобалізації та стрімкими, негативними змінами в усіх сферах життя суспільства, що перебуває в стані тотальної кризи. Відмічається, що такі умови хаотизують внутрішні процеси людини, «розщеплюють» її як цілісність, руйнують увідповіднення з іншими людьми. Сповнена сумнівами, не маючи перспективи розвитку та мети, така людина, як і все суспільство, втрачає майбутнє.Робиться висновок про те, що сьогодні ситуація людини є критичною. Необхідною є негайна переорієнтація всіх сфер життя суспільства на розвиток людини, гармонізацію всіх її сутнісних сторін як цілісності. Першочерговими повинні бути зміни в державній політиці, у законодавстві щодо прав людини, у системі освіти й науки. Наголошується, що ключова роль у подоланні сучасної антропологічної кризи належить ученим, які, використовуючи досвід ЄС, здатні створити нове наукове поле для полілогу та пошуків оптимальних шляхів виходу з ситуації. Особливо продуктивним є трансдисциплінарний підхід, який активно розвивається європейськими трансдисциплінарними школами та центрами. Цей підхід долає розрив між суб'єктом і об'єктом пізнання, людиною і світом та формує новий світогляд людини нового суспільства. Такі можливості трансдисциплінарного підходу цілком відповідають завданням сучасних вишів.
Сформовано науково-методичні засади трансформації сільськогосподарського землекористування. Визначено сутність понять «трансформація», «трансформація сільськогосподарського землекористування», «оцінка трансформації». Запропоновано структурно-логічну схему та класифікацію видів трансформації сільськогосподарського землекористування на основі сформованих понять і тверджень. Визначено передумови трансформації сільськогосподарського землекористування.Ключові слова: сільськогосподарське землекористування, трансформаційні процеси, трансформація, реформування, оцінка, реструктуризація, земельна реформа. ; Formed scientific and methodical bases of transformation of agricultural land use. Determined essence of the concept of «transformation», «tranformation of agricultural land use», «evaluation of transformation». Thus, in agricultural land use should be understood natural and territorial complex, in which occurs interaction of economic agent with the environment, with the result that forming certain social product (agricultural products), and transformation of agricultural land use – a process of transformation of land use of present social and economic system in a new land use, which is characterized by changing the previous characteristics and properties of land use to a new. At the same time, an important feature of the transformation is withering away of the previous system of economic relations. To determine, if effective occured transformation of agricultural land use, is necessary to conduct environmental and economic evaluation of the transformation of agricultural land use, where ecological and economic evaluation – evaluation of changes of qualitative and quantitative characteristics of agricultural land use as a result of type of social and economic relations and forms of land ownership. In the study suggested structural and logical scheme of transformation of agricultural land use based on formed concepts and statements. Determines the prerequisites of transformation of agricultural land use, based on private ownership of land, so to the main belongs changing of the type of social and economic relations, forms of ownership of land and means of production, the poor state of the environment. As a result of transformation of agricultural land use at market conditions, occured transition from land use of state and collective farms to agricultural formations of market type, зbased on different forms of ownership In the study highlighted the stages of transformation and classification of types of transformation of agricultural land use.Based on the concept of "transformation of agricultural land use" recommended to carry out classification of it's types: by the result - effective, moderately effective and ineffective; by duration - short, medium and long-term; by the way impact of external and internal factors - evolution, revolutionary; within the meaning of preconditions – economic, social, environmental, political, military and others.Described stages of transformation of agricultural land use, namely: first - imbalance second - unstable and uncertain state; coexistence between forms; third - the establishment of stability and dominance of the new system; fourth - arising of equilibrium state; fifth - post-transformational. The result of of transformation of agricultural land use is the emergence of agricultural formations of market type based on various forms of ownership.In the article analyzes experience of transformation forms of ownership of land in countries such as: Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Czech Republic, where land privatization was carried out by restitution and immediately had the opportunity to freely dispose of land. This had a positive impact on the rapid recovery of agricultural production after the establishment of a market economy. But in Ukraine the land was equally distributed among rural population, much of which has never conducted an independent business that has affected the efficiency of agricultural production.After transformation of land relations in our state occurred redistribution of lands between the categories of landowners and land users. The main land users were newly established agricultural enterprises, farms, private farms and citizens for agricultural commodity production. The specific of transformation was the concentration of agricultural land in large agricultural enterprises, which are the main producers of agricultural products and services and in fact - legal successors of collective farms and state farms with employees.Study development of agricultural land use in Ukraine shows that, rent of lands was one of the main ways to implement the landowners of their rights to land. On the basis of rental relations formed majority of agricultural land use of market type.Keywords: land use, transformation processes, transformation, valuation, restructuring, land reform.
This report analyses production of complex services to households or persons who have problems in the housing market and also in other respects. In other aspects means in our context psychiatric problems, problems related to drug/alcohol use or other types of social problems. More specifically the question of whether use of public-private-partnership can enhance efficiency and cost-effectiveness in the production of housing and related services targeted towards people with such complex problems. The analysis performed in the report is kept at a purely theoretical level. Our ambition is to supplement the theoretical analysis by empirical studies at a later stage. Design and approach to empirical studies are discussed as a part of the theoretical analysis here. Production of housing services to part of the target groups treated here can, to a varying degree, be described as supported or assisted housing, or may be even as assisted living. Assistance is in this context composed of a variety of services such as: practical assistance, somatic and psychological health services, social support and also different kinds of monitoring in order to maintain a living environment of a sufficiently good quality. The set of services treated are denoted housing related services. This set is heterogeneous and the appropriate mix of services varies strongly over individual tenants. Even within a group of receivers with quite similar characteristics we expect the needs to vary strongly. Moreover, for a single tenant the need will probably vary over time. This individual need over time does not follow any predictable pattern. Our analytical approach is that different parts of the production process are identified; these are described as a kind of activities. The most important ones are (an aggregate of different kinds of) related services, acquisition of housing units and maintenance and operation of the housing units. The costs of each of these activities and their interdependency are discussed. The need for maintenance for example, will probably depend on the quantity, quality and nature of related services provided. Hence there is a considerable need for coordination. Two factors do together feed into the need for coordination and do at the same time make coordination difficult. Firstly, production of related services and operation of housing units are quite different services and different competence is needed in them. In practise, one of the consequences of this is that different agents are responsible for the production of each of the activities. In the related services there can be many different agents involved. Secondly, there is a considerable stochastic element in the costs and it is not possible to monitor effort put into the production perfectly. This again implies that it is not possible to establish a certain assessment of whether production results and realised costs are due to realised stochastics or of effort. Hence the expected costs in one activity depend on how the agents responsible for this activity believe that other activities are handled. Based upon the analysis of costs and production activities we discuss whether there can be found suitable public-private-partnerships (PPP) in the production of housing and related services targeted towards groups with complex difficulties. PPPs are often proposed because some private agents can be more efficient in operation of housing units than public agents. When PPPs are proposed it is usually a form where some public agents produces the appropriate set of related services, while the acquisition, operation, and may be also ownership, are handled by a private agent. Also if a private agent takes care of the whole production of both housing and related services for the target groups, there will remain problems of coordination and governing the production process. This is due to the fact that the political responsibility of providing housing ad relatedservices remains with the public sector, and this responsibility can not be delegated. Even though there are severe coordination problems within a PPP, this can not alone be an argument for turning this solution down. Many of the coordination problems within a PPP would remain even if the whole production process is done within the public sector. It is; however, fair to say that the analysis in the report left the author with a sceptic attitude towards PPPs within the social housing policy field. The most important reason for this scepticism is that it is difficult to define quality in this field. It is difficult to define and even more difficult to write and to implement and enforce a contract that specifies the quality of the services provided. ; Produksjonen av boligsosiale tjenester er en kompleks aktivitet. Det handler om tildeling og drift av boliger, og det handler om tilknyttede tjenester. Kostnadene består av mange komponenter, og størrelsen på hver enkelt av komponentene avhenger av hvordan ulike aspekter ved den boligsosiale produksjonen håndteres. Rapporten gir en analyse av kostnadsstrukturen som skal gi innsikt som er relevant for beslutninger om hvordan produksjon av boligsosiale tjenester bør organiseres.En spesiell måte å organisere produksjon av boligsosiale tjenester på er ved hjelp av såkalte offentlig-private samarbeid (OPS). Dette gir spesielle utfordringer - knyttet til koordinering. Koordineringsproblemer må ikke utelukkende ses som utfordringer knyttet til etOPS. En kompleks produksjonsstruktur, der ulike deler av kommunen og ulike fagfelt må bidra, vil også være en del av koordineringsproblemene. Det kan imidlertid være at koordineringsproblemer er større mellom en offentlig og en privat aktør enn mellom to kommunale etater.
Problem setting. Nowadays, social networks have become an integral part of communication processes in society. The influence of social networks on the socio-cultural development of Ukraine has both positive and negative manifestations, since both values and antivalues are spread in these communication systems, there are subjects who are guided by the norms of morality and law, and those who neglect them, direct their efforts to the harmonization of a certain sphere of public life, or vice versa, produces xenophobic sentiments, inciting enmity in the domestic society at the cultural, national, religious and other levels. Recent research and publications analysis. Significant numbers of scientific works are aimed at elucidating the signs and criteria of deviating as a social phenomenon. According to A.Demkiv, those values, the worldview and behavior that deviate from the organizational culture that exist in a certain social community are considered deviant. In the context of this research, it is important to note A.Khlebnikova's reflections on the recognition and determination of the axiological status of the social network in modern society and the scientific work of P.Kravchenko, which proves that religion, morality, values, language, traditions contribute to the internal consolidation of local social groups, and in this process, social networks perform a leading role. Researchers A.Onishchenko, V. Gorovoy, V. Popik and others devoted their scientific research to uncovering the negative impact of social networks on the development of the Ukrainian state and its socio-cultural and informational spheres. Paper objective. This research involves the disclosure of the negative impact of value deviations of social network subjects on the domestic socio-cultural area, information and spiritual security of Ukraine. Paper main body. The wide range of values presented in social networks has a consolidating, humanistic nature – they are reproduced by scientific and creative communities, spiritual and cultural associations, volunteer and human rights organizations, and so on. In turn, anti-values are presented in the content of extremist organizations, xenophobic associations of various orientations, which creates an ideological basis for the emergence of social conflicts, disintegration processes, and civil confrontation. Thus, social networks have become an influential actor in the development of the socio-cultural, spiritual, value, information space of our country. Considering Ukrainian society as a holistic formation, it is worth noting that value deviations are those ideas about the ways of being and about spiritual life that do not correspond to the humanistic and national guidelines for the democratic development of Ukrainian society. In the context of the research, worldview guidelines that contradict moral attitudes, existing legal norms, accepted traditions of the domestic society, etc. can be considered as value deviations in social networks. Freedom in social networks has a dual manifestation: on the one hand, it is free opportunities for self-realization of individuals and diverse perspectives for the development of the country's socio‑cultural space, and on the other hand, freedom in social networks creates conditions for the popularization of antihuman attitudes, pseudo-values, xenophobic ideologies and worldview systems. Conclusions of the research. The value deviations of social network subjects are a logical continuation of the deformations of the moral, political, legal, spiritual and other humanistic direction attitudes that are widespread in Ukrainian society. Undoubtedly, the influence of value deviations on domestic socio-cultural development is destructive and it can manifest itself in illegal, immoral, aggressive models of behavior. ; Определены особенности влияния ценностных девиаций у субъектов социальных сетей на социокультурное развитие Украины. Раскрыто характеристики социальной сети как субъекта социокультурного пространства в аксиологическом измерении. Показаны негативные последствия влияния ценностных девиаций в виртуальных сетевых структурах на информационную и духовную безопасность государства. Указано на необходимость проведения профилактических мероприятий по предупреждению распространения ценностных девиаций в социальных сетях. ; Визначено особливості впливу ціннісних девіацій у суб'єктів соціальних мереж на соціокультурний розвиток України. Розкрито характеристики соціальної мережі як суб'єкта соціокультурного простору у аксіологічному вимірі. Визначено негативні наслідки впливу ціннісних девіацій у віртуальних мережевих структурах на інформаційну та духовну безпеку держави. Зазначено про необхідність здійснення профілактичних заходів щодо попередження розповсюдження ціннісних девіацій у соціальних мережах.
Problem setting. Nowadays, social networks have become an integral part of communication processes in society. The influence of social networks on the socio-cultural development of Ukraine has both positive and negative manifestations, since both values and antivalues are spread in these communication systems, there are subjects who are guided by the norms of morality and law, and those who neglect them, direct their efforts to the harmonization of a certain sphere of public life, or vice versa, produces xenophobic sentiments, inciting enmity in the domestic society at the cultural, national, religious and other levels. Recent research and publications analysis. Significant numbers of scientific works are aimed at elucidating the signs and criteria of deviating as a social phenomenon. According to A.Demkiv, those values, the worldview and behavior that deviate from the organizational culture that exist in a certain social community are considered deviant. In the context of this research, it is important to note A.Khlebnikova's reflections on the recognition and determination of the axiological status of the social network in modern society and the scientific work of P.Kravchenko, which proves that religion, morality, values, language, traditions contribute to the internal consolidation of local social groups, and in this process, social networks perform a leading role. Researchers A.Onishchenko, V. Gorovoy, V. Popik and others devoted their scientific research to uncovering the negative impact of social networks on the development of the Ukrainian state and its socio-cultural and informational spheres. Paper objective. This research involves the disclosure of the negative impact of value deviations of social network subjects on the domestic socio-cultural area, information and spiritual security of Ukraine. Paper main body. The wide range of values presented in social networks has a consolidating, humanistic nature – they are reproduced by scientific and creative communities, spiritual and cultural associations, volunteer and human rights organizations, and so on. In turn, anti-values are presented in the content of extremist organizations, xenophobic associations of various orientations, which creates an ideological basis for the emergence of social conflicts, disintegration processes, and civil confrontation. Thus, social networks have become an influential actor in the development of the socio-cultural, spiritual, value, information space of our country. Considering Ukrainian society as a holistic formation, it is worth noting that value deviations are those ideas about the ways of being and about spiritual life that do not correspond to the humanistic and national guidelines for the democratic development of Ukrainian society. In the context of the research, worldview guidelines that contradict moral attitudes, existing legal norms, accepted traditions of the domestic society, etc. can be considered as value deviations in social networks. Freedom in social networks has a dual manifestation: on the one hand, it is free opportunities for self-realization of individuals and diverse perspectives for the development of the country's socio‑cultural space, and on the other hand, freedom in social networks creates conditions for the popularization of antihuman attitudes, pseudo-values, xenophobic ideologies and worldview systems. Conclusions of the research. The value deviations of social network subjects are a logical continuation of the deformations of the moral, political, legal, spiritual and other humanistic direction attitudes that are widespread in Ukrainian society. Undoubtedly, the influence of value deviations on domestic socio-cultural development is destructive and it can manifest itself in illegal, immoral, aggressive models of behavior. ; Определены особенности влияния ценностных девиаций у субъектов социальных сетей на социокультурное развитие Украины. Раскрыто характеристики социальной сети как субъекта социокультурного пространства в аксиологическом измерении. Показаны негативные последствия влияния ценностных девиаций в виртуальных сетевых структурах на информационную и духовную безопасность государства. Указано на необходимость проведения профилактических мероприятий по предупреждению распространения ценностных девиаций в социальных сетях. ; Визначено особливості впливу ціннісних девіацій у суб'єктів соціальних мереж на соціокультурний розвиток України. Розкрито характеристики соціальної мережі як суб'єкта соціокультурного простору у аксіологічному вимірі. Визначено негативні наслідки впливу ціннісних девіацій у віртуальних мережевих структурах на інформаційну та духовну безпеку держави. Зазначено про необхідність здійснення профілактичних заходів щодо попередження розповсюдження ціннісних девіацій у соціальних мережах.
Studies on foreign trade and its economic impact are numerous. Ricardo's thesis that the international division of labour is welfare-enhancing, even if a country has comparative disadvantages in the production of all goods, became a basic assumption of economic thought. On this basis, free trade was considered superior to protectionism, although later studies such as Samuelson and Autor relativized Ricardo by showing constellations in which international division of labour can also lead to a permanent loss of welfare. For Germany, foreign trade has developed into one of the most important drivers of economic growth. Since the European Monetary Union, Germany's share of the balance of payments in gross domestic product has risen significantly and exceeded the six-percent mark for the first time in 2007. More than ever, foreign markets determine the success and failure of those sectors that have become – directly and indirectly – dependent on foreign demand. However, world trade not only affects the production structure of domestic industry, but also affects demand for employment. The number of people in jobs that are directly or indirectly linked to export flows continues to rise. Looking beyond the labour market, this also results in changes in occupations and qualification requirements. Particularly in the first decade of the post-war period, the sharp increase in world trade and thus its increasing importance can be explained by a reduction in trade barriers (within the framework of GATT/WTO, but also by increasing regional integration, e.g. by the EU or the North American Free Trade Agreement NAFTA2). Regional integration into the EU, but also the number of free trade agreements, has continued to increase. Further free trade agreements (e.g. between the EU and Canada and the EU and Japan) were also negotiated or concluded in 2017/2018. The worldwide average tariff rate declined to 2.6% (World Development Indicator, value for 2017). The World Trade Organisation (WTO) sets nowadays the framework of international trade. It currently holds 164 members that all agreed to the rules of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). The aim of this trade agreement is to reduce tariffs and other trade barriers and to implement a non-discriminatory trade system that grants both the rights and obligations of its member countries. Non-discrimination of WTO members is guaranteed by the principle of the most favoured nation (MFN), in addition to the requirement to treat imported and domestic goods equally on the market. In addition to coordinating world trade, the WTO has a dispute settlement function. However, the possibilities for sanctions in the event of misconduct by members are limited. This can be observed by the present tariff war between USA and China, two members of the WTO. This goes in line with an observable strong current against globalisation and free trade. The failure of the TTIP negotiations, the US import tariffs on steel and aluminium, the escalating trade war between the USA and China and the "abuse of power" of tariffs in political disputes (USA and Turkey) show that free trade in goods and services is under pressure. Even within the European Union, the exit of Great Britain from the EU enhances the likelihood of reintroducing tariffs on European ground. For an economy like Germany which is strong in exports and which holds close economic linkages within the European Union and beyond, it is crucial to know the effects of free trade on the German economy. In order to be able to map such developments and assess the impact of trade barriers on the domestic labour market, the model TINFORGE has been further developed in such a way that trade barriers in form of tariffs are implemented product-specific and country-specific. The remainder of the paper is structured as follows: first a brief introduction to trade costs, the measurement of trade costs, the impact of tariffs on the economy as well as the reason for trade are given. Then, the modelling of tariffs in TINFORGE is described in greater detail. The methodology is then tested on a scenario of an increase in US import tariffs on EU motor vehicles. The paper closes with a summary and conclusion.
The research object of this study is the provisions of the Provisional Constitutions of 1918, 1919 and 1920 concerning the establishment of the Lithuanian legal system. The aim of the study was to determine what was the basis for the reception of foreign law and the particularism of the law, what law was recepted and what was the relationship between it and the newly created national law. The main methods used are systematic, teleological, historical, linguistic, and comparative. This article presents an original vision of recepted law and a critical assessment of the interwar Lithuanian governmental decision to completely eliminate recepted law. In the authors' opinion, law reception and particularism enshrined in the Provisional Constitutions met the expectations of the citizens, and the government's ambition to completely eliminate recepted law in all areas of people's activities in the intensive development of the national law was in line with the strategic interests of the state and society. Particularism was a natural expression of pluralism inherent in the Western legal tradition and had a great potential for the development of Lithuanian law, which was not exploited due to the negative appreciation of particularism and the attempt to eliminate it completely. Acts issued by the Russian authorities in 1914-1915 and by the German authorities in 1915-1918 restricted the rights of Lithuanian residents, severely restricted monetary and property relations, made it difficult to rebuild the country's economy, providing for repressive or restrictive measures against the citizens of hostile states. The restored state of Lithuania endeavoured to establish peaceful relations with all states, including those with whom Russia and Germany were at war. Cancelling the law imposed by the Russian and German authorities during the war was a reasonable and useful decision of the Lithuanian State authorities. The interpretation of the constitutional provision «[laws] which existed before the war» as «which existed before August 1, 1914», common in the historical legal literature of Lithuania, is incorrect. The question what laws were recepted has to be addressed not by the date of the adoption o a certain act, but by its content – insofar it is linked or unrelated to the First World War. All acts by which the Russian Empire intervened or were preparing to intervene in this war shall be considered to be excluded from the legal system of the restored State of Lithuania in the sense of the constitutional norm «[laws] which existed before the war» and the general spirit of this Constitution. The system of constitutional control entrenched in the Provisional Constitutions, where a court or an executive authority verified the compliance of a recepted law with the Constitution before applying it is subject to criticism from the standpoint of contemporary legal science, but under the conditions of Lithuania of 1918-1920, it was flexible, fast, allowing citizens to raise the issue of the constitutionality of the law and present their arguments. ; Об'єктом дослідження є положення Тимчасових конституцій 1918 року, 1919 і 1920 років, що стосуються створення правової системи Литви. Метою дослідження є визначення, що послужило підставою для сприйняття іноземного права і партикуляризму закону, який закон був прийнятий і який зв'язок між ним і новоствореним національним правом. Основними методами, які використовуються є: систематичний, телеологічний, історичний, лінгвістичний та порівняльний. У цій статті представлено оригінальне бачення прийнятого закону і критична оцінка міжвоєнного рішення уряду Литви повністю скасувати прийнятий закон. На думку авторів, сприйняття закону і партикуляризм, закріплені у Тимчасових конституціях, відповідали очікуванням громадян, а прагнення уряду повністю скасувати прийнятий закон у всіх сферах діяльності людей при інтенсивному розвитку національного права відповідало принципам стратегічних інтересів держави і суспільства. Партикуляризм був природним виразом плюралізму, властивого західній правовій традиції, і мав великий потенціал для розвитку литовського права, який не використовувався через негативну оцінку партикуляризму і спроб його повного усунення. Акти, видані російською владою в 1914-1915 рр. та владою Німеччини в 1915-1918 рр., обмежували права жителів Литви, жорстко обмежували грошові та майнові відносини, ускладнювали відновлення економіки країни, передбачаючи репресивні або обмежувальні заходи проти громадяни ворожих держав. Відновлена Литовська держава прагнула встановити мирні відносини з усіма державами, включаючи ті, з якими Росія і Німеччина перебували у стані війни. Скасування закону, введеного владою Росії та Німеччини під час війни, було розумним і корисним рішенням влади Литви. Поширене в історико-правовій літературі Литви тлумачення конституційної норми «[закони], що існували до війни» як «ті, що існували до 1 серпня 1914 року», неправильно. Питання про те, які закони були прийняті, повинно вирішуватися не за датою прийняття того чи іншого акту, а за його змістом – оскільки він пов'язаний або не має відношення до Першої світової війні. Всі дії, якими Російська імперія втручалася або готувалася втрутитися в цю війну, повинні вважатися виключеними з правової системи відновленої Литовської держави в сенсі конституційної норми «[закони], які існували до війни» і загальний дух цієї Конституції. Система конституційного контролю, закріплена у Тимчасових конституціях, коли суд або виконавчий орган перевіряє відповідність прийнятого закону Конституції до його застосування, піддається критиці з точки зору сучасної юридичної науки, але в умовах Литви 1918-1920 рр., він був гнучким, швидким, дозволяючи громадянам піднімати питання про конституційність закону, представляючи свої аргументи.
The research object of this study is the provisions of the Provisional Constitutions of 1918, 1919 and 1920 concerning the establishment of the Lithuanian legal system. The aim of the study was to determine what was the basis for the reception of foreign law and the particularism of the law, what law was recepted and what was the relationship between it and the newly created national law. The main methods used are systematic, teleological, historical, linguistic, and comparative. This article presents an original vision of recepted law and a critical assessment of the interwar Lithuanian governmental decision to completely eliminate recepted law. In the authors' opinion, law reception and particularism enshrined in the Provisional Constitutions met the expectations of the citizens, and the government's ambition to completely eliminate recepted law in all areas of people's activities in the intensive development of the national law was in line with the strategic interests of the state and society. Particularism was a natural expression of pluralism inherent in the Western legal tradition and had a great potential for the development of Lithuanian law, which was not exploited due to the negative appreciation of particularism and the attempt to eliminate it completely. Acts issued by the Russian authorities in 1914-1915 and by the German authorities in 1915-1918 restricted the rights of Lithuanian residents, severely restricted monetary and property relations, made it difficult to rebuild the country's economy, providing for repressive or restrictive measures against the citizens of hostile states. The restored state of Lithuania endeavoured to establish peaceful relations with all states, including those with whom Russia and Germany were at war. Cancelling the law imposed by the Russian and German authorities during the war was a reasonable and useful decision of the Lithuanian State authorities. The interpretation of the constitutional provision «[laws] which existed before the war» as «which existed before August 1, 1914», common in the historical legal literature of Lithuania, is incorrect. The question what laws were recepted has to be addressed not by the date of the adoption o a certain act, but by its content – insofar it is linked or unrelated to the First World War. All acts by which the Russian Empire intervened or were preparing to intervene in this war shall be considered to be excluded from the legal system of the restored State of Lithuania in the sense of the constitutional norm «[laws] which existed before the war» and the general spirit of this Constitution. The system of constitutional control entrenched in the Provisional Constitutions, where a court or an executive authority verified the compliance of a recepted law with the Constitution before applying it is subject to criticism from the standpoint of contemporary legal science, but under the conditions of Lithuania of 1918-1920, it was flexible, fast, allowing citizens to raise the issue of the constitutionality of the law and present their arguments. ; Об'єктом дослідження є положення Тимчасових конституцій 1918 року, 1919 і 1920 років, що стосуються створення правової системи Литви. Метою дослідження є визначення, що послужило підставою для сприйняття іноземного права і партикуляризму закону, який закон був прийнятий і який зв'язок між ним і новоствореним національним правом. Основними методами, які використовуються є: систематичний, телеологічний, історичний, лінгвістичний та порівняльний. У цій статті представлено оригінальне бачення прийнятого закону і критична оцінка міжвоєнного рішення уряду Литви повністю скасувати прийнятий закон. На думку авторів, сприйняття закону і партикуляризм, закріплені у Тимчасових конституціях, відповідали очікуванням громадян, а прагнення уряду повністю скасувати прийнятий закон у всіх сферах діяльності людей при інтенсивному розвитку національного права відповідало принципам стратегічних інтересів держави і суспільства. Партикуляризм був природним виразом плюралізму, властивого західній правовій традиції, і мав великий потенціал для розвитку литовського права, який не використовувався через негативну оцінку партикуляризму і спроб його повного усунення. Акти, видані російською владою в 1914-1915 рр. та владою Німеччини в 1915-1918 рр., обмежували права жителів Литви, жорстко обмежували грошові та майнові відносини, ускладнювали відновлення економіки країни, передбачаючи репресивні або обмежувальні заходи проти громадяни ворожих держав. Відновлена Литовська держава прагнула встановити мирні відносини з усіма державами, включаючи ті, з якими Росія і Німеччина перебували у стані війни. Скасування закону, введеного владою Росії та Німеччини під час війни, було розумним і корисним рішенням влади Литви. Поширене в історико-правовій літературі Литви тлумачення конституційної норми «[закони], що існували до війни» як «ті, що існували до 1 серпня 1914 року», неправильно. Питання про те, які закони були прийняті, повинно вирішуватися не за датою прийняття того чи іншого акту, а за його змістом – оскільки він пов'язаний або не має відношення до Першої світової війні. Всі дії, якими Російська імперія втручалася або готувалася втрутитися в цю війну, повинні вважатися виключеними з правової системи відновленої Литовської держави в сенсі конституційної норми «[закони], які існували до війни» і загальний дух цієї Конституції. Система конституційного контролю, закріплена у Тимчасових конституціях, коли суд або виконавчий орган перевіряє відповідність прийнятого закону Конституції до його застосування, піддається критиці з точки зору сучасної юридичної науки, але в умовах Литви 1918-1920 рр., він був гнучким, швидким, дозволяючи громадянам піднімати питання про конституційність закону, представляючи свої аргументи.
학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :국제대학원 국제학과(국제지역학전공),2019. 8. Han, Jeong Hun. ; 논문초록 본 연구는 지각적 측면에서 국제형사재판소의 콩고민주공화국 평화구축과정에대한 역할을 조사하고자 한다. 특히, 본 연구는 콩고의 국내기구 강화를 통한 평화보장에 있어 국제형사재판소의 역할과 영향에 대한 콩고 시민들의 인식을 살펴보고자 한다. 본 연구의 방법론으로는 양적 및 질적 접근 방법 동시에 사용하는 삼각 측량 설계를 채택하였다. 또한, 인권 운동가, 변호사, 지역 오피니언 리더 및 학생으로 구성된 150 명의 응답자를 샘플링하기 위해 목적 및 층화 샘플링 기술을 조합하여 사용하였다. 수집 된 데이터는 백분율 및 빈도와 같은 설명 분석 통계를 사용하여 분석되었으며 SPSS, 버전 20 소프트웨어의 기여와 함께 그래프 및 표 형식으로 제공되고 국제형사재판소의 대표 및 언론인, 시민단체 대표 등의 인터뷰를 통해 수집된 전문가의 견해에 의해 뒷받침되었습니다. 이 연구의 핵심 연구 결과는 세 가지 가설을 입증했다. 첫째, 콩고 시민의 태도와 국제형사재판소의 역할 사이에 부정적인 관계가 있음을 발견했다. 시민들의 부정적인 태도는 국제형사재판소로부터의 높은 기대와 카빌라 대통령의 권력에 대한 대안으로 간주되는 콩고 인물인 장 피에르 벰바 (Jean Pierre Bemba)를 체포하겠다는 법원의 결정에 기인 한 것이다. 둘째,이 연구는 국제형사재판소의 개입이 평화 보장을위한 국내 기관의 강화에 중요하다는 사실을 발견했다. 국제형사재판소는 콩고의 국내법을 국제형사재판소의 협약에 적용하기 위해 도입 된 다양한 제도 개혁으로 콩고 법령 전체를 수정했다. 마지막으로이 연구는 국제형사재판소가 콩고 민주 공화국에 개입 한 것이 전반적인 평화 구축 과정에 영향을 미쳤음을 입증했다. 군대와 민병대에서 아이들을 사용하는 주요 범죄자들의 체포는 아이들이 군대에 사용되어서는 안된다는 인식을 높이고있다. 따라서 다른 무장 단체 등에서 아동의 사용을 줄이는 데 기여했다. 본 연구의 실질적인 의미는 콩고 민주 공화국의 평화 구축 과정에서 국제형사재판소의 역할이 효과적인지 확인하는 것이다. 실마리어: 국제형사재판소, 평화구축, 분쟁 후 사회 ; ABSTRACT The Role of the International Criminal Court in Peace Development in D.R. Congo since 2004 Thierry KISUKULU ASIANANDE International Area Studies Graduate School of International Studies Seoul National University The purpose of this study was to understand whether or not the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is effective in peace building process in DR Congo. Specifically, the study looked at the attitudes of Congolese citizens towards the work of ICC, the influence of ICC on strengthening domestic institutions to guarantee peace, as well as the overall promotion of peace in DR Congo. The study adopted concurrent triangulation design that promoted the use of both quantitative and qualitative approaches. A combination of purposive and stratified sampling techniques was used to sample 150 respondents comprising of: human rights activists, lawyers, local opinion leaders, and students. Data collected was analyzed using descriptive analysis statistics like percentages and frequencies, and presented in form of graphs and tables with the contribution of the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS, Version 20) software, and backed up by views of experts such as representatives of civil society, representatives of ICC, and journalists, collected from interviews. The study key findings proved two hypotheses out of three. Firstly, the study found a negative relationship between attitudes of Congolese citizens and the role of ICC. The negative attitude of citizens was attributed to their high expectations from ICC, and the court's decision to arrest Jean Pierre Bemba, a Congolese personality considered as the alternative to power of President Kabila. Secondly, the study accepted that interventions by ICC were significant in strengthening domestic institutions to guarantee peace. Further findings revealed that ICC has modified the entire Congolese legal order with a range of institutional reforms, introduced to adapt Congolese law to the agreement of ICC. Finally, the study judged the ICC's involvement in DR Congo influential in overall peacebuilding processes. It found that arrests of key criminals for use of children in armed forces and militia groups has increased awareness that children should not be used in armed forces; therefore, contributed to narrowing use of children in different armed groups, etc. The substantial implication of this study is the acceptance of the role of ICC as effective in peacebuilding process in DR Congo. Key Words: International Criminal Court, Peace Development, post-conflict Society ; CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY 1 1.1. Introduction 1 1.2. Background of the Study 2 1.3 Statement of the Problem 7 1.4 Objectives of the Study . 10 1.5 Research Question . 11 1.6 Research Hypothesis . 11 1.7 Justification of the Study . 12 1.8 Scope and Limitation of the Study 13 1.9 Theoretical Framework . 13 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 18 2.1. Introduction 18 2.2. ICC Interventions in DR Congo . 18 2.3. Building Peace in a Divided Society 27 2.4. ICC and Peacebuilding . 29 CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 34 3.1. Introduction 34 3.2. Research Design . 34 3.3. Target Population . 35 3.4. Sample and Sampling Procedures 35 3.5. Description of Data Collection Instruments . 36 3.6. Validity and Reliability of Research Instruments 38 3.7. Data Analysis Procedures . 39 CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS 40 4.1. Introduction 40 4.2. Response Rate 40 4.3. Demographic Characteristics of Respondents 41 4.4. Descriptive Statistics 48 CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 60 5.2. Summary of the Study 60 5.3. Summary of Findings . 61 Recommendations . 65 Conclusion 66 REFERENCES 67 APPENDICES . 74 논문초록 83 ; Master
PhD thesis in Risk management and societal safety ; It is commonly assumed that the civic and moral virtues of democratic education can be a powerful and effective antidote to extremism and terrorism. The assumption here is that education can help young lives in the development of their political orientations and behaviours in support of human rights and peace. While this belief has underpinned much of Western education for millennia, we arguably do not understand enough about how education can prevent radicalisation and violent extremism, or the consequences of placing preventive responsibilities on education. This doctoral thesis studies the prevention of radicalisation and violent extremism in education. More specifically, the research objective is to explore the risks and practices of integrating counter-radicalisation efforts in education. It is a qualitative research, based on interviews with practitioners in Norway that have been studied through the framework of critical discourse analysis (CDA). The purpose has been to enhance our knowledge on the intersecting of security and education, particularly by studying what discursive practices are expressed by practitioners and, to analyse what are their potential consequences for social practice. This is an article-based thesis comprising four studies. The thesis provides a literary background, theoretical framework, methodology, research design, presentation and discussion of the four studies, an outline of the implications and limitations of the study, and a concluding summary, with suggestions for future research needs and priorities. Article I is a literature review of primary-data studies exploring the prevention of radicalisation and extremism in education. The study found that, while research remains inconclusive as to whether education can prevent extremism, there is a case for arguing that inclusive, student-centred and supportive educational relations may alleviate some of its causes. However, counter-radicalisation efforts tend to result in the use of harder preventive measures, which may impair inclusive education. Article II is a qualitative study of how educators understand and approach counter-radicalisation efforts in Norwegian schools. The study revealed that youth extremism is a limited problem in these schools, yet when faced with concerns, most educators draw on so-called therapeutic prevention strategies. These strategies conforms to the radicalisation discourse in global politics aimed at rehabilitating vulnerable students, and the study argued that this can be considered a form of pedagogical control that is implemented to maintain national security interests. Article III is a qualitative study, focusing on how young Muslims are sometimes framed by practitioners as vulnerable to being radicalised towards violent extremism. The study argued that this occurs because practitioners remain unaware of how the radicalisation discourse extends from the Global War on Terror, which may cause a practice of informal criminalisation of Islam. However, there is also evidence of hegemonic struggle in these educational discourses, as practitioners often state that the stigmatising portrayal of Muslims in politics can negatively affect educational inclusion in Norway; thus, they also express resistance towards the exclusionary effects of the radicalisation discourse. Article IV is a qualitative study that explored the integration of the radicalisation discourse in Norwegian education. The study found that counter-radicalisation policies circumvent ethical dilemmas by appealing to the educational ideal of citizenship and the safeguarding of vulnerable youth. Nevertheless, these policies have little applicational value for practitioners, and their suggested preventive measures tend to be seen as probabilistic, generic and de-contextualised, which does not correspond well to what we currently know about preventing terrorism. To summarise, this research provides both theoretical and empirical insight into the securitisation of counter-radicalisation efforts in education generally and Norwegian schools specifically. The main argument offered throughout this thesis is that prevention efforts carried out in schools must be grounded in genuinely good education. However, the securitisation paradigm that drives these efforts may undermine emancipatory, liberal and progressive education; thus, it risks making prevention efforts a practice of educational exclusion and stigmatisation.
Beginning in the 1990s, Saigon became a frontier of urban development for East and Southeast Asian real estate firms in a period that continues to be known, paradoxically, as "market-oriented socialism." While maintaining one party rule and a socialist legal, political, and bureaucratic order, Vietnam enacted its own version of perestroika to create a market-based economy and in the process has become a late-socialist state. Buoyed by this reform mandate, Vietnamese state agencies have partnered with Asian investors as well as with international development institutions to reimagine and build Saigon into a world-class city. In Saigon, urban property development, along with infrastructure projects have become major sources of national growth. That is, urbanization fueled by foreign direct investment has been at the center of the country's growth with Vietnam the second fastest developing economy after China. Based on eighteen months of ethnographic research from 2012 to 2013 this dissertation examines reform as not merely technocratic but as an innovative feature in Saigon's urbanism. Reform, I argue, is a mode of governing that can funnel future aspirations into the present, transpose beauty onto disarray, and suspend critiques of governance and growing inequality in its pitch of Saigon as part of Asia's world-class cities. I demonstrate how the Vietnamese state, which is itself made up of many agencies and individuals with competing aspirations, utilizes multiple and seemingly contradictory modes of reform to capture foreign investment and create the city anew.I examine one mode of reform under a category I call opacity to describe legal and regulatorypractices in urban development that are often foreclosed analytically when identified ascorruption. I argue that these practices are in fact flexible strategies capable of catering to themultiple and contradictory demands of foreign investor-builders from within the region (SouthKorea, Singapore, Taiwan) who are crucial to national economic growth. Often, these demands are for exceptions to urban regulation, predicated on these developers' experiences in real estate in their home countries. I trace a second mode of reform under a category that I call transparency. While investors from Asia are plentiful in the real estate development game in Saigon, western investors in contrast are visibly absent. I argue that this is largely due to the pervasive characterization of the late socialist state as an agent of crony capitalism and corruption. But other western institutions operate in the city to deal with corruption, framed as an issue of malfeasance requiring diagnosis and intervention. Corruption accordingly has spawned and legitimated interventions that fall under the rubric of "governance reform." The aim of western institutions is to create a more transparent system of urban development. Governance reform relies heavily on concepts of liberalism, including strong private property rights, greater citizen participation in urban planning, public administrative and bureaucratic reform, and the creation of the rule of law. The Vietnamese state participates equally in these reforms to capture and comply with multilateral development organizations like the World Bank who invest in urban infrastructure such as Saigon's subway lines and its national highways.The dissertation argues that these two modes of reform—opacity and transparency—allow the Vietnamese state to mobilize its governance over the urban environment in order to speculate on two very distinct urban futures, futures that are linked to speculative property capital from Asia on the one hand, and western development institutions on the other. These divergent futures appear at a moment when the referents of the world-class city are shifting from West to East, from New York, London and Tokyo to Shanghai, Seoul and Singapore. The dissertation theorizes that the future orientation of reform allows the state to juggle and suspend contradictions between these two modes of reform and benefit from multiple kinds of foreign investment into the city, essentially using these modes of governance to speculate, hedge and manage the promises of multiple futures.