Suchergebnisse

Migration in Sub‐Saharan Africa features a variety of movements, mostly intraregional: migrant workers, undocumented migrants, nomads, frontier workers, refugees, and highly skilled professionals. Changing patterns and especially the increase in irregular migration, diversification of migratory routes and trafficking in migrants result from worsening socio‐economic and political conditions in the region. Sponsored, selective male migration and increasing female autonomous migration are manifestations of migration as survival strategies. Brain circulation within the region, especially to core areas of rapid economic growth, has intensified; increasingly, labour migration is being replaced by commercial migration. Migrants are also exploring alternative destinations within the region in response to the tightened immigration laws in the North. Rapid population growth, economic depression, conflicts, political instability, widespread poverty and deepening unemployment signal the possibility of increased migration, including refugee flows, in the coming years. Sub‐regional economic unions could help promote intra‐regional labour mobility if concerted efforts are made to harmonise national laws with regionaland sub‐regional treaties.

Successful negotiation of multilateral environmental treaties poses a formidable challenge to the diplomatic community. The spread of environmental concerns through domestic and international politics has been steady since the late 1960s. Often, efforts to implement measures to protect the natural environment have pitted traditional sources of economic strength and political power against popular demands of active constituents and local communities. For the politically disenfranchised, the environment has provided access to discussions concerning industrial growth and the adverse impacts on communal living.[1] Many of the impacts felt from environmental politics stem from local affairs, but they have implications for global politics that are increasingly audible, specifically among developed nations.

How and when do intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) promote incorporation of international norms in domestic politics? In this article, I assess the impact of the International Labour Organization (ILO) on national labour regulations. I advance a new argument regarding how and when labour regulations are shaped by the ILO. More specifically, I argue that the ILO can shape labour regulations during the preparatory process of international labour standards. I theorize that the preparatory period of international labour conventions constitutes a propitious condition for mechanisms of elite socialisation, learning and domestic mobilisation. To test our argument, we focus on national dismissal regulations covering the period 1970-2013. The findings provide evidence in line with my argument that states improve their regulations during the adoption process. However, I find no evidence that states improve their regulations after formal adoption. The results have substantive implications for our understanding of IGOs and labor standards in particular.

В статье проведен анализ влияния кризиса на объемы и темпы роста торговли фьючерсными контрактами на международных товарных биржах, в частности на деятельность Лондонской Биржи Металлов, крупнейшей мировой биржи металлов, а также изучены возможности создания биржи цветных металлов в России.

When analyzing the impact of international organizations on the environment, two main issues arise. First, we have to quantify the participation of the organizations on countries they deal with. Second, the environmental impact of this involvement has to be measured. This paper attempts to do this. We employ panel data to empirically analyze whether and to what extent the presence of IMF, World Bank, regional Multilateral Development Banks, WTO and Global Environmental Facilities has an impact on environmental governance and outcomes. Our results for a large number of countries and years show that the international organizations affect the environment directly via their impact on CO2 emissions. Projects financed by World Bank, ADB, UNDP, and membership in the WTO increase emissions, while IADB projects reduce emissions. EBRD and UNEP do not significantly affect CO2 emissions, while the AfDB increases emissions after 1985 only. Taking the indirect impact through trade liberalization into account, however, the WTO reduces emissions, while the IADB increases emissions. There is some evidence that the international organizations investigated here also influence SO2 emissions, water pollution, and round wood production; environmental governance is not affected.