Scientific experiments with documenting and archiving sound resulted in the creation of diverse techniques which were eventually used beyond the sciences, too. By addressing the poetics and politics of scientific sound archives an institution comes into focus which is at the intersection of art and science. While Viktoria Tkaczyk analyzed sound recordings from the perspective of cultural studies, Gill Aubry presented his artistic work with sound archives. Here, the evening is documented by photographs, documentation of Gilles Aubry's works and the transcription of Aubry's lecture.
Modern Kerala presents us with a paradox: the state, best known to the outside world for its association with communism, is also where communalism has, arguably, found its most complex political expression. This raises tantalizing questions about the part considerations of class and community have played in the evolution of state politics. The aim of this paper is shed light on a little explored aspect of the background to the Kerala conundrum—the way in which politicians before independence mobilized communal support in elections.
Recent work has identified new hierarchical relationships within international society. However, few scholars have provided a satisfactory account of what informs their formation, reproduction or constitutional effects for international society. We argue that underpinning the emergence of a more hierarchical international society is a new social logic of risk, which constructs illiberal and/or fragile states as potentially dangerous sites of instability and disorder that pose particular security risks for Western states. We proceed to argue that such risk-based hierarchies are transformative of both inter-state and intrastate relations, by stripping equal political agency from 'risky' actors within and without the state. We demonstrate these claims by drawing on examples of international state building in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific. Adapted from the source document.
The article considers the problem of the role of science in the processes of governing society and the state. Theoretical approaches to comprehend science as a driving force of social progress are analyzed. The ethical aspect of the relationship between science and politics as subsystems of society is highlighted. It is shown that one of the central themes in research, which is the foundation of the scientific ethos of modernity, is the collision of moral norms of the scientific environment and political realities of the XX-XXI centuries. Depending on the value of social knowledge and its moral authenticity from the connection of the principles of science and democracy, special problems of ethics of socio-political sciences as a separate branch of ethics of science are formulated. The points of intersection of politics and science as phenomena of social reality are determined. On this basis, the ethical specifics of their interaction are revealed on the example of the relationship "politician - scientist". M. Weber's position on the interpretation of the relationship between science and politics as life vocations and professional occupations is analyzed. The impossibility of autonomous existence of science and politics is proved, because in real life a scientist-humanist cannot be free from values, and politics is a sphere where economic, social, legal, historical, spiritual, ideological and cultural spaces intersect. It is shown that politics, like science, asserts its criterion of truth; aims to explain reality and is a means of its transformation; depends on the entity using it. And this subject, in both cases, is political authority. The problem of the interaction between the scientific community and the government is specified. The main tendencies of interpenetrationof science and politics are outlined: intensification of involvement of scientists in the political process and appeal of many politicians to scientific-expert practices. It is shown that most often scientists in politics realize their potential in the field of its expert support as advisers, analysts, consultants. The classification of experts involved in the political process is proposed: "ideologists", "reformers" and "service". The specifics of the formation of the national culture of policy cooperation are studied. It is shown that the Ukrainian market of consulting and expert services is dominated by the "service" type of scientist in politics. It is concluded that science, due to its rational methodology, is a space where policy is rationalizing. Although science cannot rid politics of conflict, the latter is its essential characteristic, but it is through science that conflict can be rationalized and policy made more effective and efficient. ; У статті розглянуто проблему ролі науки в процесах управління суспільством та державою. Аналізуються теоретичні підходи до осмислення науки як рушійної сили соціального прогресу. Висвітлено етичний аспект співвідношення науки та політики як підсистем суспільства. Показано, що однією з центральних тем у дослідженнях, які становлять фундамент наукового етосу сучасності, є зіткнення моральних норм наукового середовища та політичних реалій ХХ-ХХІ ст. Окреслено шкалу питань етики соціально-політичних наук як окремої галузі етики науки від питання цінності соціального знання та його моральної достовірності до зв'язку принципів науки та демократії. Визначено ареал перетинання політики та науки як явищ соціального порядку та розкрито на цій основі етичну специфіку їх взаємодії на зрізі співвідношень «політик - науковець». Аналізується позиція М. Вебера щодо трактування співвідношення науки та політики як життєвих покликань та професійних занять. Доведено неможливість автономного існування науки і політики, оскільки в реальному житті вчений-гуманітарій не може бути вільним від цінностей, а політика є сферою, де перетинаються економічний, соціальний, правовий, історичний, духовний, ідеологічний та культурний простори. Показано, що політика, як і наука, утверджує свій критерій істинності, ставить собі на меті пояснення дійсності і є засобом її перетворення, залежить від суб'єкта, який її використовує. І цим суб'єктом в обох випадках є політична влада. Висвітлено питання взаємовідношення наукового товариства та влади. Окреслено магістральні тенденції взаємопроникнення науки та політики як соціальних практик: активізація залучення науковців у політичний процес та звернення багатьох політиків до наукових інтелектуальних практик. Показано, що найчастіше вчені в політиці реалізують свій потенціал у сфері її експертного супроводження як радники, аналітики, консультанти. Запропоновано класифікацію експертів, що беруть участь у політичному процесі: «ідеологи», «реформатори» та «сервіс». Досліджено специфіку формування вітчизняної культури співпраці політики та науки. Показано, що на українському ринку консультативно-експертних послуг домінує «сервісний» тип вченого в політиці. Робиться висновок, що наука з огляду на її раціональну методологію є простором, де відбувається раціоналізація політики. І хоча наука не може позбавити політику конфлікту, оскільки останній є її сутнісною характеристикою, саме завдяки науці конфлікт можна раціоналізувати і зробити політику більш результативною та ефективною.
The process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today. Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has so far been paid to the transition process gowing on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes
The 2015 Paris declaration obligated international development organizations to assess the climate compatibility of their projects. For irrigation projects, like those negotiated between the Agence Française de Développement, and the Cambodian government in the early 2020s, calculations of estimated greenhouse gas emissions have become important requirements. But how to estimate emissions from future rice fields and the effects of irrigation infrastructures that do not exist? To address this issue, emissions calculators have been developed as a means to bridge climate science and development knowledge infrastructures, so that data and forms of calculation from climate science can easily enter the world of development. However, by engaging in an infrastructural inversion, we argue that this understanding is flawed. Drawing on a case study of an irrigation project in Cambodia, we show that heterogeneous data concatenations are continuously transformed in the movement across infrastructures until referentiality breaks down. Emission calculators operate as a data wormhole, emitting extremely uncertain numbers that contribute to a problematic and speculative politics of anticipation. In contrast with the dominant politics of anticipation, which depends on futile efforts to neutralize uncertainty, infrastructural inversion makes it possible to envision a decentered politics attentive to distributed agency.
[first revision] The financial crisis of 2008 raised the politics of regulation to a new level of practical as well as scholarly attention. This paper argues that the post - enactment politics of implementation matter as much to the success of regulatory reform as the politics of passing legislation. In contrast to the prevailing concepts of regulatory capture and business power, we find that recent reform s in U.S. financial markets hinge on intellectual resources and new organizational actors that are missing from existing theories of regulatory change. In particular, small advocacy groups have proven significantly more successful in opposing the financial - services industry than the existing literature predicts. By maintaining the salience of reform goals, elaboratiung new analytic frameworks, and deploying specialized expertise in post - enactment debates, these small organizations have contributed to a diffuse but often decisive network of pro - reform actors. Using empirical material from the rule - writing process for macroprudential supervision and for derivatives trading, we show that these small organizations coalesce with other groups to form a new stability alliance that has prevented industry groups from dominating financial regulation to the degree that occurred in earlier cases of regulatory reform.
The mission of social work includes implementing positive changes in the structures of society to enhance social justice, not simply assisting individuals and families to achieve personal growth and better adaptation to our existing society. This theoretical article explores a basis for social workers in Aotearoa to implement this mission in the current political context of our country. It aligns with the values-based politics promoted by author Max Harris in his recent book The New Zealand Project (2017), and draws on structural social work as a specific social work theory that can inform this mission. The election of a more progressive government may provide the social work profession with an alliance that can implement positive social change.
Abstract Scholarship drawing from a wide array of perspectives including field theoretical and functional differentiation approaches has shed increasing light on the sectoral dimensions of world politics. In contrast to dominant approaches emphasizing hierarchy and power in relations between global fields, this article offers a novel interpretive framework for understanding how diverse fields, systems, or sectors may interact and facilitate change in world politics beyond the operation of established hierarchies and power dynamics. Taking forward the previously underutilized concept of symbolically generalized media of communication, this article elucidates two processes of international political change by which different fields, systems, or sectors may transform world politics. The first process, lateral retreat, is illustrated with reference to the case study of the Protestant Reformation, in which internal changes in the religious field facilitated the development of an increasingly autonomous political domain. The second process, lateral penetration, is illustrated with reference to the international political response to the climate change and Covid-19 crises, in which the scientific sector contributed toward transformed political priorities and associated hierarchies, at least in the short term. These diverse cases are used to indicate the broad potential scope of application of the concept of symbolically generalized media of communication to enrich relational theorizing in the study of international relations, and to improve understanding of diverse dynamics of international political change missed in traditional power- (and anarchy-) centric accounts.
For generations, debating the expansion or contraction of the American welfare state has produced some of the nation's most heated legislative battles. Attempting social policy reform is both risky and complicated, especially when it involves dealing with powerful vested interests, sharp ideological disagreements, and a nervous public. The Politics of Policy Change compares and contrasts recent developments in three major federal policy areas in the United States: welfare, Medicare, and Social Security. Daniel Béland and Alex Waddan argue that we should pay close attention to the role of ideas
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While organised crime comes in a variety of guises, in this paper we argue that organised crime in the Pacific can be best framed as a nexus between political elites and seemingly licit actors. We argue that three changes over the past two decades have made it increasingly likely that the relationship between politics and organised crime is likely to strengthen. The first is the systematic weakening of crime prevention and oversight institutions - which is often contributed to by powerful politicians. The second is the increasing and often unregulated transnational movement of goods (including contraband), money and people associated with deepening globalisation, including intensified levels of extractive enterprise in some countries. The shifting nature of politics and international diplomacy across the Pacific is the third key trend we identify. We argue that these factors in combination are making it more difficult for elements of the political class to resist, and be investigated for, links to organised criminals ; This report was commisioned by Development Policy Centre
From academic years 2011–2012 until 2015–2016 (inclusive), the authors developed an innovative formative peer review assessment strategy to build undergraduate students' academic writing skills within the framework of a second year introductory International Politics module. This involved students anonymously reviewing assigned fellow students' draft essay introductions and indicative bibliographies, supported by a bespoke rubric delivered via Turnitin Peermark. This article recounts the educational research-driven rationale underpinning the peer review educational design and implementation in the International Politics module, before qualitatively exploring its perception and reception by learners through key "student voice" data, complemented by commentary from learner focus groups. Following the best traditions of learning and teaching articles in this journal, we conclude by sharing the challenges and benefits of implementing such a formative assessment strategy. We also offer practice-based advice, drawn from our experiences, for colleagues who may want to emulate our approach, and we acknowledge the limitations of our qualitative practice-based study alongside a potential avenue for expanding on this study.
Well-being has recently risen rapidly up the political agenda in Britain and beyond, signalled most clearly by Prime Minister Cameron's announcement in 2010 that well-being measures developed by the Office for National Statistics would be used to guide public policies. Here we seek to explain why well-being has risen up the British political agenda, drawing on Kingdon's multiple streams approach. While this approach has considerable merit, it does not acknowledge the complexity of multi-level governance in which policy, politics and problem streams can operate at different territorial levels. As such, we argue that the match between policy, politics and problem streams has to be not only temporal, but also spatial. The consequence is that, while in relation to measurement a paradigm shift may be taking place, in terms of decisive action there is some way to go before well-being can be described as 'an idea whose time has come'.
AbstractThis article examines the implications of the multi-scalar politics of Mexican anti-poverty policy for the long-term process of democratization. The federal anti-poverty policy, Progresa/Oportunidades, was designed to eliminate traditional clientelistic practices. While more obvious practices of pork-barrel politics have been eliminated in poverty alleviation programs, continued practices of top-down processes of program design and implementation strategies have resulted in the emergence of semi-clientelism. Argued in this paper is that municipal and state political actors have responded to these federal policies in ways that may or may not promote deeper levels of democracy, and which have led to the reconstitution of semi-clientelism. The paper draws upon recent revisionist approaches to political clientelism, and introduces a multi-scalar approach borrowed from political geography. Based on this theoretical approach, the article examines the role of state and municipal authorities in the delivery of federal anti-poverty benefits within the Oportunidades conditional cash transfer program.
