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The article investigates the role of the constructive informal institution of civil society in anticorruption counteraction. It emphasizes that the civic activism can become a driving force in preventing dishonesty in politics, while the inertia of civil society leads to "shadowing" of politics, causing a corruption "capture" of the state by interested political and economic actors. The potential of the civil society in the implementation of anti-corruption mechanisms is shown on the example of Poland. The author studies: the formation of the Polish civil society and factors that influenced its evolution; the scale of political and other types of corruption in this country; changes in the dynamics of corruption practices; the specific role of the civil society institutions in counteracting corruption in Poland.Attention is paid to the level of corruption in Poland and its main manifestation. The study investigates the activities of the Polish civil society institution as anti-corruption counteraction actors. It is noted that there are few associations and foundations focusing on the anti-corruption activity. The political parties and media pay more attention to the issue of corruption. It reports the projects of the Stefan Batory Foundation, Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights, Association of the Leaders of Local Public Groups, and Transparency International Poland. The successful anti-corruption projects of the civil society include the "Responsible State" program of the Stefan Batory Foundation (the "Barometer of corruption risk in government procurement" monitoring, "Monitoring of candidates for public offices" etc.). It is noted that the Polish "third sector" does not have stable funding; government funds dominate in the budgets of organizations, which is a disadvantage for anti-corruption NGOs. It is emphasized that the Polish citizens were rarely mobilized specifically against corruption, although some other issues (such as the judicial reform, tightening of the abortion law etc.) caused mass protests. The author notes a low level of involvement of the Polish "third sector" in the development of anti-corruption policy. At the same time, it is emphasized that Poland is a good example for Ukraine of how the vector of state development changes thanks to the active civil society and attention is drawn to the problems of good governance. ; Досліджується роль в антикорупційній протидії неформального конструктивного інституту громадянського суспільства. Акцентовано, що громадянський активізм може стати рушійною силою в запобіганні недоброчесності в політиці, а інертність громадянського суспільства тінізує політичну систему, зумовлює корупційне «захоплення» держави зацікавленими політикоекономічними акторами. На прикладі Польщі показано можливості громадянського суспільства в реалізації антикорупційних механізмів. Досліджено: як відбувалося становлення польського громадянського суспільства та які чинники вплинули на його еволюцію; якими є масштаби політичної та ін. видів корупції у цій країні; як змінювалася динаміка корупційних практик; якою є роль саме інституцій громадянського суспільства Польщі у протидії корупції.Звернено увагу на рівень корупції у Польщі та основні її прояви. Досліджено діяльність інституцій польського громадянського суспільства як акторів антикорупційної протидії. Відзначено, що антикорупційну активність характеризує лише одиничні з асоціацій, фондів у Польщі; більше уваги теми корупції приділяють партії та медіа. Відзначені проекти Фундації ім. С. Баторія, Гельсінського Фонду з прав людини, Асоціації лідерів локальних громадських груп та Transparency International – Polаnd. До успішних антикорупційних проектів громадянського суспільства віднесено програму «Відповідальна держава» Фундації ім. С. Баторія (моніторинги «Барометр корупційного ризику в державних закупівлях», «Моніторинг кандидатів на державні посади» та ін.). Відзначено, що польський «третій сектор» не має стабільного фінансування; домінують державні кошти у бюджеті організацій, що є певним недоліком для антикорупційних НУО. Акцентовано, що польські громадяни дуже зрідка мобілізовувалися саме проти корупції, хоча інші теми (реформа судоустрою, жорсткішання законодавства про аборти тощо) викликали масові акції протестів. Констатовано невисокий рівень залученості польського «третього сектора» до вироблення антикорупційної політики Водночас акцентовано, що Польща для України є добрим прикладом того, які завдяки активному громадянському суспільству змінюється вектор розвитку держави та привертається увага до проблем належного урядування.

Este artículo analiza el funcionamiento de los juzgados protectorios del Departamento Judicial La Plata, provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina. Su enfoque trasciende el análisis procesalista porque incluye los testimonios de las justiciables. Reflexiona sobre la administración de la justicia de familia y los nuevos diseños de políticas públicas que atienden la problemática de la violencia contra las mujeres, desde una perspectiva de género. Las observaciones están centradas en algunas de las etapas en que se despliega el acceso a la justicia de las mujeres: creación normativa, interpretación jurídica, ejecución de la resolución judicial por el órgano estatal competente. Destaca en este proceso la agencia de las mujeres organizadas y de los sectores sociales sensibles a esta problemática que con su accionar actúan sobre la producción legislativa al instalar temas en la agenda política, denunciar aquellas prácticas que se desvían del sentido que les dio origen, y monitorear las políticas públicas que las contienen. Es decir, este trabajo focaliza las funciones del derecho en un contexto social determinado, considerando que no solo es un sistema normativo, sino también un discurso social y un proceso que construye y reproduce significaciones sociales a través de actores sociales legitimados que forman opinión, como por ejemplo, los legisladores, los doctrinarios y los medios de comunicación. ; This paper analyses the performance of Precautionary Family Courts of the City of La Plata, in the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina. The chosen approach goes beyond the mere procedural aspects, as it includes the reports of the plaintiffs. This text is also a reflection upon the administration of justice at Family Courts and upon the design of public policies that deal with the issue of violence against women from a genre perspective. The observations focus on some features involved in the access to justice such as: the different phases of the proceedings at courts, the design of laws, the legal interpretations, and the execution of the verdict by the competent national authority. It is remarkable the active role of organized women and various social segments about: their commitment to the issue, bringing up new themes in the political agenda, their great influence on the work of Congress, their constant work as overseers of public policies and as keen critics of those practices which are deviations from the original intentions. Summing up, this paper focuses on the functions of Law in a specific and larger context comprising the legal framework, the social discourse and the process which recreates and mirrors social meanings by means of qualified social actors such as legislators and the media. ; Este artigo analisa o funcionamento dos tribunais de proteção do Departamento Judicial de La Plata, província de Buenos Aires, Argentina. Sua abordagem transcende a análise processualista porque inclui os depoimentos dos acusados. Reflete sobre a administração da justiça familiar e os novos desenhos de políticas públicas que abordam o problema da violência contra a mulher, numa perspectiva de gênero. As observações concentram-se em algumas das etapas em que o acesso das mulheres à justiça é empregado: criação normativa, interpretação legal, execução da resolução judicial pelo órgão estadual competente. Sublinhando neste processo a agência de mulheres organizadas e setores sociais sensíveis a este problema com as suas acções agir sobre a produção legislativa através da instalação de temas na agenda política, relatando práticas que se desviam do sentido que lhes deram origem e monitorar a políticas públicas que os contêm. Ou seja, este trabalho se concentra as funções da lei em um contexto social particular, considerando que não é apenas um sistema normativo, mas também um discurso social e um processo que constrói e reproduz significados sociais através de atores sociais legítimos que são opinião como exemplo os legisladores, os doutrinários e a mídia. ; Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

The aim of the article is to analyze the 1970 constitutional changes influence on the Buryat ASSR authorities functioning with the use of systematic and comparative approaches, and institutional method of research, and also unpublished archival materials. The text of the Fundamental Law of the autonomous republic was promulgated in mass media with a total amount of more than 170 thousand copies. Broad and purposeful explanatory work was carried out by members of the Constitutional commission of the republic, the ideological core group and editorial offices of newspapers, radio and television. The new Buryat ASSR Constitution was officially adopted on May 30, 1978 at the session of the supreme body of the government. Its text included new sections and chapters, and a number of articles were changed and added. The Buryat ASSR was proclaimed a socialist public state. The legal status was determined in detail, as well as the order and forms of activities of the Supreme Council, its Presidium and Council of ministers of the ASSR were regulated. People's Deputies of all levels constituted a single system of the government. The national statehood of Buryatia was limited. The declared and expanded political and social rights of citizens remained declarative in many respects. The unique political party won the constitutional status of leading and directing force of society denying all principles of separation of the authorities and turned into the main element of government institution. At the same time, the system of the state was not ideal. There followed a painful process of familiarizing working people with implementation of government and management. The local councils (sovjets) were supposed to represent workers' power but remained considerably the power over working masses. Bureaucratization of the councils' activities grew stronger, the councils were substituted by party committees, stability of personnel turned into their irremovability, stagnation and gerontocracy, Councils' control over the work of executive bodies required cardinal strengthening. A serious adjustment of the electoral system and democratization of political life of the society was needed. The considered materials can be used for a comparative analysis of activity of public organs of different levels. ; Целью статьи является анализ влияния конституционных изменений 1970-х гг. на функции органов власти Бурятской АССР с использованием системного, компаративистского подходов, институционального метода исследования, а также неопубликованных ранее архивных материалов. Текст проекта Основного Закона автономной республики был обнародован в печатных средствах массовой информации общим объемом более 170 тыс. экземпляров. Широкую и целенаправленную разъяснительную работу проводили члены Конституционной комиссии республики, идеологический актив, редакции газет, радио, телевидение. На сессии высшего органа государственной власти 30 мая 1978 г. была официально принята новая Конституция Бурятской АССР. В ее текст были включены новые разделы и главы, а ряд статей изменен и дополнен. Бурятская АССР объявлялась социалистическим общенародным государством. Подробно определялось правовое положение, регламентировался порядок и формы деятельности Верховного Совета и его Президиума, а также Совета Министров АССР. Советы народных депутатов всех уровней составляли единую систему государственной власти. Национальная государственность Бурятии была ограничена. Заявленные и расширенные политические и социальные права граждан во многом оставались декларативными. Единственная политическая партия обрела конституционный статус руководящей и направляющей силы общества и, отрицая все принципы разделения властей, превратилась в главный элемент государственной структуры. Вместе с тем система государственного устройства не была идеальной. С большими трудностями шло приобщение людей труда к осуществлению государственной власти и управления, благодаря чему Советы, являясь по своей сути органами власти через трудящихся, оставались в значительной мере властью над трудящимися массами. Нарастала бюрократизация деятельности Советов, подмена их партийными комитетами, стабильность кадров превращалась в их несменяемость, застой и геронтократию, требовал кардинального усиления контроль Советов за работой исполнительных органов. Все острее ощущалась необходимость серьезной корректировки избирательной системы, демократизации общественно-политической жизни общества. Рассмотренные материалы могут быть использованы для сравнительного анализа деятельности государственных органов различных уровней.

One of the most important problems of the Ukrainian economy is the formation of a civilized land market. We have to admit that the process of formation of private ownership of land in Ukraine entered into a protracted and uncertain nature. Another introduction in Ukraine of the moratorium on sale of agricultural land due to the lack of resolution of many land issues and not sformovat market infrastructure. Because for the majority of producers of agricultural products the sale of lease rights is an innovation. On the sale of lease rights still they are almost not heard, and especially not used in practice, although the possibility of disposal of property rights, which is owned and leasehold, provided by norms of the Civil code of Ukraine.The issue of land bidding (auction) is relevant, because the law of Ukraine set the priority of this method of trading in the sale or lease of land.The auction is open and transparent way the exclusion of land resources of the territorial community, that is, eliminates the influence of corruption and receipt of funds in local budgets adds the ability to invest in the economy of human settlements and agriculture. Among the economic benefits to the development industry is not only improving the investment climate, replenishment of budgets of all levels and approaching the level of EU countries in matters of land. Holding of auctions is very attractive from the point of view of filling the local budget, the sale of land has its advantages, namely a quick and significant revenue.The lease right may be alienated in accordance with the current legislation of Ukraine and some legislative solution is not needed.The procedure of land auctions includes the following steps:1. The organizer of land sales (public authority or local authority) determines the list of land plots of state or municipal property and rights thereto, which are exposed at the land auction as separate lots.2. The decision of a public authority or local authority on the land auction.3. Drawing of lots for the land auction includes: creation, coordination and approval of the project land for allotment of land (in case of changing the target purpose of the land plot and in case the boundaries of the land are not established in kind (on ground); state registration of the land plot; state registration of property rights to land; the receipt of the statement of regulatory monetary evaluation of land plot in case of sale of land auction the right to lease it; an expert monetary valuation of land, except in cases of sales of land auction the right to lease it; the establishment of the starting price sale of land, which on the lands of state and communal ownership cannot be lower than expert monetary valuation of land; the establishment of a starting annual rent of the lands of state and communal ownership may not be less than the amount of rent;4. A contract between the organizer of land sales and land auction administrator (business entity, which is licensed to conduct land auctions) for the tendering.5. Publication in print media and on the official website announcement indicating the date of tendering and list of lots. The absence of a land market is a rejection of the economic methods of land redistribution and, as a consequence, the introduction of administrative, which is a deviation from the formation of a market economic system. In all countries with a market economy with a high level of industrial development of agriculture and agribusiness was primarily achieved through the active participation of the state in providing legal and financial stability. This eliminates the preconditions of naturalization of agricultural production, and also introduced the principle of - land to those who it works better.Keywords: land, auction, lease, land market, the organization bidding. ; Проаналізовано досвід та особливості міжнародного регулювання ринку землі та встановлено, що кожна країна має свої особливості які направлені на оптимізацію сільськогосподарського землекористування. Оцінено результати проведення аукціонів на території досліджуваних об'єктів (Черкаська та Чернігівська області).Ключові слова: земельна ділянка, аукціон, оренда, ринок земель, організація торгів.

In the wake of 2007's "Environment conference of Grenelle",French authorities decided to instate the Green and Blue Ecological Framework (Trame Verte et Bleue - TVB). This new type of environmental policy is design like a network and aims at reducing "biodiversity erosion" (law nr 2009-967, aug 2009). Deploying such frameworks on the national French territory requir to identify ecological continuities within urban planning documents. Integrating such new operational concepts inside urbanism documents triggers plenty of interrogations. Specifically, it calls into question the unlikely couple cartography and participation. While these terms may seem incompatible on a first sight, we argue that the two practices can be articulated, following a set methodology. By being rooted in a participative approach, our methodological proposal allows to pluralize knowledge sources. It is characterized by a scientific posture that is qualitative, exploratory and inductive. The methodological setting is based on the grounded theory. Through implementing our methodology, workshop participants were progressively led to produce and work on the basis of photograph and maps, both decontextualized and regular. Changing media implied a shift from a "tangential" point of view to a "zenithal" perspective. We understood a qualitative difference between "group work" on the one hand and "collective work" on the other hand. In order to facilitate the shift from individual- to collective–grade work, we allowed the participants to conceive and test their argumentative narrative prior to entering the public arena. Our field of study was the region "Poitou-Charentes", where we observed the deployment of the Regional Ecological Coherence Framework (SRCE in French - Schéma Régional de Cohérence Écologique). Our observations led us to conceive an innovative and participative approach merging plurality of knowledge sources, to identify the ecological continuities in the Bressuire hedgerow. Hinging on participative conception, the various workshops organized resulted in producing a series of maps that expand the scope of spatial representations of ecological continuities, instead of producing a single synthetic map. ; En 2007, lors du Grenelle de l'environnement, la France décide de mettre en place la Trame Verte et Bleue (TVB). L'approche réticulaire retenue pour cette politique environnementale d'un genre nouveau doit faciliter la lutte contre « l'érosion de la biodiversité » (loi n°2009-967 août 2009). Le déploiement de la TVB sur le territoire français passe par l'identification des continuités écologiques dans les documents d'urbanisme. Leur intégration dans les documents d'urbanisme suscite de nombreuses interrogations et nous permet de renouveler les questionnements dialectiques associant cartographie et participation. Alors que ces deux termes peuvent a priori sembler inconciliables, nous proposons dans cette étude un cheminement qui permet de les articuler. Nous formulons une proposition méthodologique permettant de pluraliser les sources de connaissance au sein d'une démarche de conception participative. Cette dernière se caractérise par une démarche qualitative, exploratoire et inductive qui s'appuie sur le cadre méthodologique de la théorie ancrée. L'itinéraire méthodologique emprunté amène progressivement les participants aux ateliers à produire et à travailler à partir de photographies et de cartes, décontextualisées ou classiques. Ces changements de support traduisent une bascule de la vue tangentielle à la vue zénithale. Le travail en groupe ne constitue pas de fait un collectif. Alors pour faciliter le passage de l'individuel au collectif, nous avons permis aux participants d'élaborer et de tester leur argumentaire avant leur entrée dans l'arène publique.Le terrain d'étude mobilisé est la région Poitou-Charentes, où nous avons observé la mise en place du Schéma Régional de Cohérence Écologique (SRCE). Nos observations nous ont permis de proposer et de mettre en application une démarche participative innovante associant une pluralisation des sources de connaissance pour l'identification des continuités écologiques dans le bocage bressuirais. Les différents ateliers de conception participative nous ont permis, non pas la production d'une carte de synthèse, mais la production d'une série de cartes qui viennent enrichir les représentations spatiales des continuités écologiques.

In the wake of 2007's "Environment conference of Grenelle",French authorities decided to instate the Green and Blue Ecological Framework (Trame Verte et Bleue - TVB). This new type of environmental policy is design like a network and aims at reducing "biodiversity erosion" (law nr 2009-967, aug 2009). Deploying such frameworks on the national French territory requir to identify ecological continuities within urban planning documents. Integrating such new operational concepts inside urbanism documents triggers plenty of interrogations. Specifically, it calls into question the unlikely couple cartography and participation. While these terms may seem incompatible on a first sight, we argue that the two practices can be articulated, following a set methodology. By being rooted in a participative approach, our methodological proposal allows to pluralize knowledge sources. It is characterized by a scientific posture that is qualitative, exploratory and inductive. The methodological setting is based on the grounded theory. Through implementing our methodology, workshop participants were progressively led to produce and work on the basis of photograph and maps, both decontextualized and regular. Changing media implied a shift from a "tangential" point of view to a "zenithal" perspective. We understood a qualitative difference between "group work" on the one hand and "collective work" on the other hand. In order to facilitate the shift from individual- to collective–grade work, we allowed the participants to conceive and test their argumentative narrative prior to entering the public arena. Our field of study was the region "Poitou-Charentes", where we observed the deployment of the Regional Ecological Coherence Framework (SRCE in French - Schéma Régional de Cohérence Écologique). Our observations led us to conceive an innovative and participative approach merging plurality of knowledge sources, to identify the ecological continuities in the Bressuire hedgerow. Hinging on participative conception, the various workshops organized resulted in producing a series of maps that expand the scope of spatial representations of ecological continuities, instead of producing a single synthetic map. ; En 2007, lors du Grenelle de l'environnement, la France décide de mettre en place la Trame Verte et Bleue (TVB). L'approche réticulaire retenue pour cette politique environnementale d'un genre nouveau doit faciliter la lutte contre « l'érosion de la biodiversité » (loi n°2009-967 août 2009). Le déploiement de la TVB sur le territoire français passe par l'identification des continuités écologiques dans les documents d'urbanisme. Leur intégration dans les documents d'urbanisme suscite de nombreuses interrogations et nous permet de renouveler les questionnements dialectiques associant cartographie et participation. Alors que ces deux termes peuvent a priori sembler inconciliables, nous proposons dans cette étude un cheminement qui permet de les articuler. Nous formulons une proposition méthodologique permettant de pluraliser les sources de connaissance au sein d'une démarche de conception participative. Cette dernière se caractérise par une démarche qualitative, exploratoire et inductive qui s'appuie sur le cadre méthodologique de la théorie ancrée. L'itinéraire méthodologique emprunté amène progressivement les participants aux ateliers à produire et à travailler à partir de photographies et de cartes, décontextualisées ou classiques. Ces changements de support traduisent une bascule de la vue tangentielle à la vue zénithale. Le travail en groupe ne constitue pas de fait un collectif. Alors pour faciliter le passage de l'individuel au collectif, nous avons permis aux participants d'élaborer et de tester leur argumentaire avant leur entrée dans l'arène publique.Le terrain d'étude mobilisé est la région Poitou-Charentes, où nous avons observé la mise en place du Schéma Régional de Cohérence Écologique (SRCE). Nos observations nous ont permis de proposer et de mettre en application une démarche participative innovante associant une pluralisation des sources de connaissance pour l'identification des continuités écologiques dans le bocage bressuirais. Les différents ateliers de conception participative nous ont permis, non pas la production d'une carte de synthèse, mais la production d'une série de cartes qui viennent enrichir les représentations spatiales des continuités écologiques.

Public diplomacy presents a unique challenge to the Syrian Arab Republic, whose public image in the international arena has been tarnished in a post-9/11 climate where 'Middle East' is all too often synonymous in Western media with 'lslamist extremism', 'radicalism', 'intolerance'. Attempts by the Syrian government and its embassies overseas to counter negative perceptions have largely centered on one of Syria's key strengths: its significant cultural and historical tradition. To this end, Syria has been promoted as a 'Cradle of Civilisation', with emphasis placed on its scenic landscapes, as well as historical and archaeological landmarks. While this has been important in advancing a more positive image of Syria in the international domain, there is scope to build on these efforts in order to further Syria's interests overseas. This paper examines one aspect of Syrian society that defies existing negative perceptions: its thriving Christian population. It raises the question: can the religious tolerance enjoyed by Syrian Christians under a secular framework of government be used as a public diplomacy tool to enhance Syria's international reputation? Syrian Christians constitute roughly 10 per cent of a country characterised by significant religious and ethnic diversity. Along with Sunni Muslims that represent the majority of Syria (74 per cent), Christians live alongside Shi'i Muslims (16 per cent) and a very small Jewish population. The majority of Christians are ethnically Syrian; however, a number have immigrated to Syria escaping religious persecution from neighbouring countries, including Iraq and Turkey. Christians appear to enjoy a high degree of religious freedom under the secular Syrian government, unusual for a country in a region often marred by religious conflict. The Syrian Constitution guarantees freedom of religion, and does not specify a state religion (though it does specify that the president be Muslim). Christians are well-respected and are well-represented in liberal professions, are not precluded from public worship, and Catholics are governed by a separate legal system in relation to family law matters. Overall, then, Christians occupy a significant social and legal position in modern Syrian society. Part of this is due to Syria's significant Christian heritage, and the importance of Christianity to Syria's historical development. Syria's Christian heritage has been used in the government's public diplomacy campaigns as part of its efforts to promote Syria's significance to world history. Three main aspects of Syria's history have regularly featured in public diplomacy campaigns: that Syria is the only country where Aramaic is still spoken, that St. Paul was converted 'on the road to Damascus', and that it is home to the first alphabet (Ugarit). Clearly, Christianity plays an important role in Syria's national identity, and there are clear signs that it is already starring in its cultural public diplomacy campaign. However, greater emphasis can be played on the modern picture of Syria as an 'Island of Religious Tolerance' rather than the historical image of 'Cradle of Civilisation'. This paper examines the utility of such an approach, with particular focus on the Syrian Embassy in Australia as representative of the Syrian government overall. It examines the Embassy's existing efforts at cultural diplomacy, and ultimately concludes that greater steps should be taken to emphasise Syrian Christians as evidence of religious tolerance. This would help to raise Syria's international profile by distinguishing it from other countries in the Middle East and providing a platform from which Syria can engage with Australia. Ultimately, several recommendations are made about how such an approach could be best achieved. While not exhaustive by any means, they provide strategies to use the equality between Syrian Christians and Muslims as a public diplomacy tool, including: • Attracting more journalists to Syria to write and report on the region, with the aim of providing a more accurate picture of modern Syrian society, especially in relation to Christians. • The possibility of establishing greater ties between the Embassy and Australia's Christian community, in particular heads of religious institutions. • Encouraging tourism by promoting Syria as a safe tourist destination due to the government's general practice of religious tolerance.

Феномен терроризма сделался неотъемлемой частью общественно-политического и научного дискурса. При этом у соответствующего термина отсутствует четкое определение. Актуальная идеология и связанные с ней понятия эксплицируются в словах текущего момента, или актуальных словах, или словах-хронофактах. В последнее время в этом качестве активизировались слова «экстремизм» и «терроризм», семантические вариации которых рассматриваются на примере материалов СМИ. Семантически эти лексемы связаны: в международном праве о терроризме говорится как об одном из проявлений экстремизма. При нетерминологическом использовании эти лексемы часто включаются в состав сочинительного словосочетания, что приводит к прагматическому эффекту, поскольку употребление имен отрицательной семантики в однородном ряду приводит к усилению отрицательных смыслов. В толковых словарях рассматриваемые слова имеют аналогичные дефиниции и предстают однозначными. Как ключевым словам текущего момента, единицам «экстремизм» и «терроризм» присущи определенные черты. В газетах они часто занимают центральную позицию, т. е. оказываются в заголовках. Эти лексемы регулярно включаются в предложения-дефиниции. Кроме того, рассматриваемым словам свойственна словообразовательная активность. У слова «терроризм» сформировалось богатое словообразовательное гнездо, включающее дериваты разных частей речи. Слово «экстремизм» обладает меньшей словообразовательной активностью. Для лексем «экстремизм» и «терроризм» характерно расширение сочетаемости. Нейтрализуется семантический признак 'деятельность, направленная на физическое и моральное уничтожение человека', актуализируется признак 'крайняя степень'. Терроризм представляется не только как физическое действие, а как речевое сообщение, содержащее угрозу о возможном террористическом акте. Источником терроризма могут быть вербальные средства, которые оказывают сильное воздействие на человека. Кроме того, изменяется сфера функционирования слов. Они употребляются по отношению не только к политике, но и к другим общественным сферам. У значений этих слов появляются новые оттенки: экстремизм «поведение личности, выходящее за рамки обычного; действия, не соответствующие норме», терроризм «психологическое подавление противника». ; The phenomenon of terrorism has become an integral part of socio-political and scientific discourse. Still there is no clear cut definition of this term. Urgent ideology and the notions connected with it are explicated in the words of the present time, or urgent words, or chrono-words. The Russian words "ekstremizm" and "terrorizm " have been actively used recently as such words; semantic variations of these words are studied in the given article on the material of mass media texts. These lexemes are semantically close to each other: international law treats terrorism as a manifestation of extremism. In non-terminological usage, these lexemes are often included in coordinating phrases, which produces a pragmatic effect, because the use of words with negative meanings in a homogeneous sequence brings about intensification of the negative semantics. In explanatory dictionaries the words under study have similar definitions and are referred to as close in meaning. As words of the present time, the units "ekstremizm" and "terrorizm" possess certain characteristic features. In papers, they often occupy the key position, i.e. they are found in headlines. These lexemes are often included in sentences-definitions. What is more, the words under consideration display high word-building activity. The word "terrorizm" has developed a rich word-building paradigm, including derivatives in various parts of speech. The word-building activity of the lexeme "ekstremizm" is not so high. The lexemes "ekstremizm" and "terrorizm" are characterized by expanding combinability. The semantic mark "activity aimed at physical and moral destruction of a person" is neutralized, and the semantic property of "the highest degree" is actualized. Terrorism is presented not only as a physical action, but also as a speech communication, containing a threat of a possible terroristic act. Verbal means, which have a strong impact upon a person, can be a source of terrorism. Above all, the sphere of functioning of these words is also changing. They are being used not only in relation to politics, but to other social spheres as well. The meanings of these words develop new shades: with "ekstremizm" these are "person's unconventional behavior; actions not conforming to the norm " and with "terrorizm" "psychological suppression of the opponent".

This report provides a synthesis of argumentation analysis in real-world cases in "multi-level biodiversity governance", investigated within the BESAFE project. The following broad research questions guided the synthesis of argumentation analysis in the case studies: • Which (different types of) arguments can be identified at different levels and units of biodiversity governance? • How are these arguments exchanged and put to work in multi-level and networked interactions (i.e. within and across different levels and units of biodiversity governance)? • How are these arguments rooted in and how do they feed into different perspectives, worldviews and functioning of social groups or institutions at the different levels and units of biodiversity governance? The study's approach to answering these questions is guided by a three layer analytical framework. This framework comprises three different perspectives to argument-making practice. Together these enable a comprehensive understanding of the role of argumentation in multi-level biodiversity governance. The first layer takes the perspective that arguments are "products" of communication. The analysis focuses on the verbal content of arguments, i.e. what these arguments "say". By comparing argument contents between global, European, national, regional and local governance levels, it was revealed that at both global and regional level, social arguments were most dominant, while at the European level economic arguments were more prominent. Comparison between European and national governance levels revealed little differences. Comparison between types of actors showed some differences of emphasis. Whereas most actors use the argument that biodiversity should be protected because of its inherent value, regional authorities more often referred to social wellbeing and national authorities to legal obligation. The analysis also considered variety of arguments. In general, variety was very limited. Politicians used the smallest variety of arguments, while the largest variety was found in the science actors. Furthermore, variety depended on communication channels (e.g. internet forums showed much variety). Lastly, arguments do change over time. Arguments on ecosystem services, for instance, became prominent at both global and European levels, but they often do not reach or persist at local levels of governance. The second layer of the framework uses the perspective of arguments being transactions between arguers and audiences. The focus here is on what actors "do" D3.1 Final report synthesising the analysis of argumentation in multi-level governance interactions in case studies with arguments, that is, what they aim to achieve with the arguments and what strategies they use. Plenty of strategies were identified, such as particularisation (e.g. stressing the uniqueness of a natural area to increase policy attention), upscaling (e.g. situating a biodiversity problem at a higher level of space or time to make it more important), dichotomisation (e.g. polarising between two alternatives to exclude the possibility of an intermediate solution) and aligning arguments to the goals and interests of others to affect policy outcomes in a way that suits own interests. Finally, actors used various channels to transmit argument. Main examples were local politicians, NGOs and mass media. The third layer takes the perspective of arguments as being conditioned by the social-institutional networks in which they are transmitted. The analysis focuses on how the arguments and the reasoning they communicate "fit" into the different perspectives, worldviews and functioning of social groups and institutions. It was shown that argumentation was highly conditioned by law and regulations, institutional roles and established practices. International obligation, in particular, empowered member states to implement biodiversity policy and to finish disputes. But legislation (and uncertainty about it) also hampered conservation efforts. Furthermore, established criteria used in conservation practice (e.g. rarity, threat and species richness) supported justification of the need for implementing biodiversity conservation measures. Finally, what actors considered as their interests and what they valued as a legitimate policy process (democratic, science-based and sufficient societal support) conditioned the argumentation.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Güç Yönetimi, Teknolojik Gelişmeler, Dijital Televizyon, Televizyon Yayıncılık Sistemleri, Televizyon Yayıncılığı, Dijital Teknoloji, Yakınsaklık, Geniş Bantlı Şebekeler, Yeni Medya, İnternet Protokolü Televizyonu, Yönetim, Yönetişim, Teknoloji, Yakınsama, IPTVÖZETTELEVİZYON İÇİN YENİ YAYIN TEKNOLOJİLERİ VE IPTVToplum sözleşmesi kuramları yönetenlerle yönetilenlerin karşılıklı sözleşme yaptıklarını varsaydıkları için "kurgusal" kuramlardır. 17. ve 18. yüzyıllarda ortaya çıkan bu teoriler bireyi toplumun temeline oturtmuştur. 20. yüzyılda dünya savaşları yani modernizim sonrası şekillenen yenidünya düzeni ve demokrasi anlayışının temeli olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. Yönetime katılan birey kamusal alanda etkileşim iletişim ve eylem halinde olan bireydir. Bu bireyin toplumsal faaliyetlere ve dolayısıyla yönetime katılımı esas alınarak yeni toplum formlarının oluştuğunu söyleyebiliriz. Hızlı bir şekilde ortaya çıkan bilimsel ve teknolojik gelişmeler tüm politikaların ve alışılagelmiş yönetim anlayışlarının kökten değiştirilmesi ihtiyacını doğurmuştur.1990'lı yıllardan bu yana Uluslararası hukuk ve insan hakları alanına yapılan vurgu ile "egemenlik tek başına demokrasiden aldığı güçle en yüksek devlet gücü olarak görülmemektedir. Ülkeler teknoloji öngörü çalışmaları yürüterek yeni bilim ve teknoloji politikaları tasarlayarak gelecekteki dünya beklentisi kaygılarını ortadan kaldırmayı hedeflemektedirler. Birleşmiş Milletler, Dünya Bankası, IMF ve OECD gibi kurumların raporlarında sıkça rastlanan "iyi yönetişim" kavramı son 20 yılın en çok irdelenen kavramı olmuştur. Bu noktada demokrasilerin önkoşulu olan güçler ayrılığı ilkesinin korunması yani yasama yürütme ve yargının bağımsız işleyişi konusunda bağlayıcılık ve sınırlılık esastır. Her ne kadar teknoloji insanoğlunu değiştirse de ve insanoğlu bu değişimlere uyum gösterse de aslında demokrasi ışığında insanoğlunun mülkiyet hakları özgürlükleri güvensiz ortamlar oluşturmadıkça değişimden söz etmemiz doğru olmayacaktır. Özgürlüklerin, mülkiyet haklarının ve kişilerin toplumsal güvencelerinin ortadan kalkması durumunda teknoloji değişimleri insanoğlunun temel davranışlarına etki göstermeyecektir. En temel haklar ışığında insanoğlu toplumsal hareketini her ne koşulda olursa olsun gösterecek ve demokrasiden uzaklaşan yönetimler yönetişim noktasında büyük kayıplar görecektir. Zaman bu noktada önemli bir belirleyici olup modern,çağdaş bir toplum arzusundaki toplumlar için bu değişkenler asla değişmeyecektir. Keywords: Power Management, Technological Developments, Digital Television, Television Broadcasting Systems, Television Broadcasting, Digital Technology, Almost Convergence, Broadband Networks, New Media, Internet Protocol Television, Management, Governance, Technology, ConvergenceABSTRACTTELEVISION FOR NEW BROADCAST TECHNOLOGY AND IPTVSocial contract theories are "fictional" theories in that they presume that the governors and the governed make a reciprocal contract. These theories came upon on 17th and 18th centuries and predicate the individuals on society. 20th century world wars that shaped post-modernism are the foundation of the new world order and the concept of democracy.The individuals involved in the governance process are in communication, interaction and in the action within the public domain. We can say that the new forms are shaped on the basis of the involvement in the social movements and the governance of the individuals. Rapidly emerging scientific and technological developments led to the need for a radically revised understanding of all policies and conventional governance. Since 1990s, sovereignty is not considered as the strongest power of the government while there is the emphasis on the international law and human rights. Countries aim to eliminate the concerns on the expectations of future world by both realizing technology prediction studies and designing new scientific and technological policies. The term "good governance", which is mentioned frequently in the reports of the institutions like United Nations, World Bank, IMF and OECD, has become the most examined term within the recent two decades.At this point, dependency and the limitedness are the essentials on protecting the principle of separation of powers, which is a prerequisite of democracies. Even if we could say that the technology shapes and changes the actions of the individuals and the individuals can adapt to these changes, it would not be right/realistic to talk about real changes unless the property rights and the freedom of the human beings become insecure in the light of the democracies.To sum up, no matter how, human being will demonstrate his social movements in any case and the governments getting away from the democracies will experience great losses. Time will be one of the most important determinants at this juncture and for the societies having the desire to become more modernized these variables will never change.

Football has become an integral part of the cultural life of mankind, its heritage and most popular game on Earth, number 1 sport, Sports Without Borders while with bright national characteristics. And in conjunction with the European Football Championship in Ukraine, more people pay attention to football, at least in our country not just those that have not heard of this action. But at the same time, along with positive emotions to arise and euro issues and problems are serious. In particular, the problem of football hooliganism. In recent decades the tendency to increase the elements of aggression, violence and ignorance on the football field, bleachers and beyond. The problem of football hooliganism as a social and cultural phenomenon investigate into the middle of XX century. such scholars as D. Harinhton, P. Marsh, L. Lang, M. Bassili, R. Folk, R.Raytner, N. Pilz, J. Taylor, B. Russell, D. Brimson and others. From a legal point of view of the problem considered P.O.Artomov, SP Shelukhin, V.V.Senchuk, D. Heytmeyer, V. Fatkhutdinov, D. Williams, N. Armstrong, G. Hall. The main purpose of this paper is to determine the characteristics of maintaining order during football matches and fighting football hooliganism. We emphasize that the majority of early research in this area saw the hooliganism is not a new phenomenon, but continuing patterns of behavior of young people, drawn in such subcultural groups as tedy, fashion, rockers and skinheads. For others, the same approaches football hooliganism was largely fiction - sensation created by the media, not the actual behavior of football fans that needs explanation. The process of preventing crimes by football fans, is complicated by the lack of legal framework regulating this issue, lack of elaboration and efficient methods to control hooligans, low organizational and technical provision of sports facilities, weak preparedness of employees to ensure order during the matches. The democratization of state and public life in the absence of restraining mechanisms criminalization of society entails the possibility of violent methods of conflict resolution, legal nihilism, ignoring the rules and norms of behavior. Against this background, strengthened the position of crime, increase the level of its organization, increasing the number of informal groups of juveniles and young people, including association football fans who cultivate aggression and violence. All this sets the science and practice problem-depth study of the problem and develop effective measures to combat them. Thus, the problem of football hooliganism in Ukraine is quite relevant, but this problem can be solved. Analyzing the above material can offer the following steps to solve this problem in Ukraine:1. Using international experience against football fans;2. Implementation of a database of fans that will allow control of dangerous fanatics, such as Poland have a database of dangerous fanatics, and during the matches of his team they must appear in the police department to the mark, which automatically stops the fan from the march to the stadium in England is a list of fans who denied access to the stadium and travel outside the country;3. Surveillance for fans at the stadium and next to it, which will detect offenders and attract them to justice;4. Creation of the National Academy of Internal Affairs (or other specialized institution) special branch, training specialists in this field;5. Creation of a special department in law enforcement agencies that deal with just this problem in the leading countries of the world there are special forces;But this is impossible without legal ground, so you'll first need to approve this activity at the legislative level, and learn from foreign experience, to adopt the best and use it in preparation for the European Football Championship 2012. ; В статті розглянуто особливості розвитку футбольного хуліганізму як соціо-культурного явища та досліджено питання підвищення рівня правової культури футбольних вболівальників в Україні.

The central themes in the life-thoughts-thesis of Norma Mejía. PhD in Social Anthropology and postoperative transsexual woman, are presented here in interview format. Mejía describes and analyzes everything she has seen and experienced from the perspective of extreme ethnography, in which object and subject become one, as well as the etic and emic visions, and the person who observes is part of the observed group. The peculiarity of her case resides in the strong autobiographical content of her discourse, which renders imposible the intended subject/object separation, so characteristic of social sciences. Mejía explains that when she was an eight-year-old boy living in Bogotá. his home town. The case of a male to female transexual person after going through Sex Reassignment Surgery (SRS) was widely covered by the mass media. It was then that he realized he wanted to be a transsexual person. Forty years later, when she was a transsexual prostitute living in Barcelona, she decided to write an Anthropology PhD thesis on the gods of traditional societies. but she ended up writing it about transsexualism. In the university, she learned that biology and genetics do not influence psychology due to the fact that human beings are social constructs. She had health problems in 2001 and quitted prostitution and anthropology. She got herself a modest job and a loan. She traveled to Thailand, underwent SRS and when she returned. she finished and presented her thesis, titled Transgenderisms. She then noticed that SRS had changed her, and not only physically speaking, so she reached the conclusion that, contrarily to what she had declared in her thesis, biology does influence people's personalities. That is why, when the Government passed a law to make non-surgical sex change legal, she was against it. The article tackles this issue and several others that are offered here in an exercise of what Mejía defines as extreme ethnography. ; En formato de entrevista, se presentan aquí los ejes principales que atraviesan la vida-reflexiones-tesis de la doctora en antropología social y transexual operada Norma Mejía. Mejía narra y analiza lo que ha visto y lo que ha vivido a través del prisma de la etnografía extrema, en la cual se funden el objeto y el sujeto, la visión etic y la emic, y la persona que observa forma parte del grupo observado. La peculiaridad de su caso es el fuerte contenido autobiográfico de su discurso, que convierte en indistinguible la pretendida separación sujeto/objeto característica de las ciencias sociales. Mejía cuenta que cuando era un niño de 8 años residente en Bogotá, su ciudad natal, los medios de comunicación se hicieron amplio eco del caso de un transexual de hombre a mujer después de su Cirugía de Reasignación Sexual (CRS). Entonces fue cuando se dio cuenta de que deseaba ser transexual. Cuarenta años después, siendo prostituta transexual en Barcelona, decidió hacer una tesis de doctorado en antropología sobre los dioses de las sociedades tradicionales pero finalmente la hizo sobre transexualismo. Aprendió en la Universidad que la biología y la genética no tienen influencia en la psicología porque los seres humanos son construcciones sociales. En 2001 tuvo problemas de salud y dejó la prostitución y la antropología. Se consiguió un trabajo modesto y un crédito. Se fue a Tailandia, se sometió a la CRS y cuando volvió terminó y presentó su tesis, llamada Transgenerismos. Entonces observó que la CRS la había cambiado, y no solo físicamente, y llegó a la conclusión de que, contrariamente a lo que había afirmado en su tesis, la biología tiene influencia en la forma de ser de las personas. Por ello, cuando el gobierno hizo una ley para permitir el cambio legal de sexo sin CRS ella estaba en contra. Estos y otros temas atraviesan el artículo que se ofrece aquí en un ejercicio de lo que Mejía denomina etnografía extrema.

Desde hace varios años los miembros del equipo de investigación vienen desarrollando estudios y análisis de la policía y la seguridad pública bajo la perspectiva paradigmática de la autoorganización y las ciencias de complejidad. A lo largo de los mismos y también desde la experiencia de consultoría en policía y seguridad, así como de la compulsa de una vasta bibliografía sobre el tema, parece advertirse un claro desfase entre el funcionamiento real de nuestras instituciones de policía y las expectativas que la población y el gobierno colocan sobre ella respecto a la atención y contención de la problemática de la inseguridad. El alto nivel de delitos, persistente en nuestro medio desde hace casi dos décadas, acentúa la percepción disvaliosa del funcionamiento policial lo cual no sólo afecta de manera central la calidad de vida de la población sino que lastima también la legitimidad de los gobiernos y del propio sistema democrático ante tentaciones de facilismo autoritario. ¿Cuáles son las razones de este desfase? Respecto de las mismas se han sostenido diversas tesis: falta de recursos; obsolescencia de marcos legales; deficiente capacitación del personal; benignidad de las leyes penales; colapsamiento del sistema de justicia criminal; no erradicación de la doctrina de la "seguridad nacional"; etc. En muchos casos estas respuestas se han traducido en concretas decisiones de carácter político. Nuestra hipótesis postula que el desfase responde al cambio de las dinámicas de la sociedad globalizada y cibernetizada del siglo XXI frente a las cuales los sistemas mecánicos, rígidos y jerárquicos propios de la sociedad industrial carecen de capacidad de respuesta adecuada. El proyecto propone un análisis de la literatura más actualizada sobre el tema del cambio paradigmático en su aplicación a organizaciones, así como una evaluación del funcionamiento concreto de tres departamentos de policía de Argentina a fin de verificar la correspondencia de los mismos con los modelos organizacionales propios de la sociedad industrial. También se analizará la problemática del funcionamiento de las policías desde la óptica de la percepción ciudadana y las estadísticas delictivas. De acuerdo a los resultados se elaborarán una serie de lineamientos de las bases para una posible reconversión de estos cuerpos con el modelo de "organización inteligente" a la vez que se contribuirá a la formación de investigadores en este complejo tema, lo cual redundará en beneficio de los decisores políticos interesados en formalizar medidas de intervención sobre la materia. ; Police crisis is a common issue in the media in Argentina. The explanations of the crisis are usually related to the lack of funding, the shortage of police officers, the softness of the criminal law, the slow answer of trials, the prison overcrowding, etc. We suggest that the gap between the ways our police departments behave and the expectations of citizens and governments on them are probably related to the fact that police departments are still organized under the prevailing paradigm of mechanistic, hierarchical organizations. These kind of organizations were usual and common in the industrial era, but they cannot deal with the growing complexity and interconnection of current world. An analysis and review of the most updated bibliography on this issue, as well as an empirical evaluation of the way that three selected police departments of Argentina (Mendoza, La Rioja, Buenos Aires) currently operate is proposed through this project. This would allow a verification of the correspondence between the organizational patterns of industrial society and the current operation of the selected police departments. The problem of the police operation from the point of view of the citizens and criminal figures will be also analyzed. In accordance with the results, some guidelines on the conditions for the restructuring of the forces will be drawn up with the "intelligent model" pattern. The guidelines will also contribute to the formation of investigators in this complex topic, resulting this in benefit of the political decision makers politicos who are interested in formalize intervention forms.

On this shaky foundation they propound a thesis at least a little more promising. It is that America's elites have lately learned that they can conquer the world without bothering about citizens at all. 'In one public setting after another,' Crenson and Ginsberg write, 'government disaggregates the public into a mass of individual clients, consumers, and contributors,' leading to 'new and nonparticipatory ways of doing business.' Elites have exploited that development to counter a structural flaw within the old model: namely, that a mobilized citizenry cannot be controlled. With pesky citizens out of the way, the powerful can defend their interests in less risky ways--in courtrooms, 'by manipulating administrative procedures,' through privatization. Citizens are left subject to a 'personal democracy' of individual access to government services and redress--which is, to these authors, always bad. This is a bit of a creepy theory as well. Because personal democracy is not all bad, any more than their golden age was all good. Not as ridiculous as when they move on to the true villains of the piece: you and me. Their account of the post-Progressive progressives begins with a mangled and bizarre genealogy of what they think describes the 'New Politics' of the late sixties and after. In actuality, the New Politics was a failed attempt at electoral realignment--the recognition and mobilization of a potential new political majority in which a new class of humanistic professionals made up but one part, alongside minorities, disillusioned youth, the new public service unions, and so on. Crenson and Ginsberg instead remember the New Politics as a greedy, antidemocratic cartel. Post-sixties, the American government become more and more the plaything of issue-driven ideological entrepreneurs, funded by the Ford Foundation, whose only true constituency was a media elite that disastrously fell for their specious claim to speak for the 'public interest,' and whose only accomplishment was 'the delegation of government tasks and public funds to nongovernmental institutions likely to be staffed by fellow practitioners of the New Politics--nonprofit social service agencies, legal services clinics, public interest law firms, and the like.' These are today's democracy-downsizing elites: 'Having established their political influence ... the liberal heirs of the New Politics were understandably reluctant to place it at risk by issuing appeals for mass activism. They were likely to flourish politically in a low-turnout environment.' Other parts of his research focus on the United States. The stuff on the effect of negative ads is great. The favorite plaint among politicians is that such ads depress turnout (the bromide serves them well because it focuses attention away from the cracks in the political system itself). Wattenberg proves that the very premise is drivel: The most-cited work on the subject is based on controlled experiments, not actual election data--which in fact shows that the more respondents remember ads, the higher their turnout is. Also impressive is his debunking of the argument, presented, among other places, in these pages by Ruy Teixeira, that greater turnout wouldn't help the Democrats and the left generally. The problem with studies propounding this conclusion, Wattenberg demonstrates, is that they overgeneralize from presidential election years, where a big electorate more closely matches the actual opinions of the general population. But it is the low-turnout ones in between where non-voting distorts ideology the most. In 1994, 30 percent of people without high school diplomas voted compared to 62 percent with college degrees; 'If turnout rates had been equal among all education categories,' Wattenberg concludes, 'the Republican share of the vote would have fallen from 52.0 percent to 49.2 percent'--for 'registered nonvoters in 1994 were consistently more pro-Democratic than were voters on a variety of measures of partisanship.' It's an argument with a bonus: armed with it, you get to credit not Dick Morris for Clinton's 1996 reelection but simply a routine increase in turnout from 1994.

In an article summarizing his career, one newspaper characterized him as the "great graying grizzly bear of California politics," an old-style moderate Democrat whose career was animated by his dedication to his local district and his tireless efforts in behalf of its economic welfare. GOP legislator Bill Campbell once described Mello as "the only Democrat in the Senate with any experience as an entrepreneur," and one of the last of a dying breed of citizen legislators. Mello claims his approach to politics was derived partly from his mother--an openhearted, socially liberal Democrat, and partly from his father--a fiscally conservative Republican. The volume is divided into four sections, including Mello's early family life; his experiences in local politics as a member of the Santa Cruz County Board of Supervisors; his election to the State Assembly; and his tenure as state senator from the 15th District. He begins the narration with anecdotes about the local Portuguese community in Watsonville, his high school years, and work in his family's apple-farming and cold-storage business. His initial foray into politics began in 1950 when he was a Democratic volunteer during the senate campaign between Richard M. Nixon and Helen Gahagan Douglas. His local public service career began when he served as a member of the California Agricultural Advisory Board and as a fire commissioner. His discussion of his early political career covers his tenure on the Santa Cruz County Board of Supervisors and the issues that faced that body, including the preservation of agricultural land and related environmental issues; the founding of the UC Santa Cruz campus; town-gown relations; and his relationship with UCSC's founding Chancellor Dean E. McHenry. Mello's progressive agenda has included such issues as land preservation, gay rights, an assault-weapons ban, senior citizens rights, and the environment. His reputation for "bringing home the bacon" to his district has engendered both praise and condemnation; notwithstanding the criticism, he discusses how he paid scrupulous attention to his constituents' needs, never took anything (or any election) for granted, and in a Republican district, never faced a serious election challenge. Mello served two terms in the State Assembly, where he began his long involvement in senior issues as chairman of the standing Committee on Aging and also became an influential member of the Ways and Means Committee. During his tenure as state senator, Mello had a distinctive legislative record, frequently having more bills signed into law than any other senator. His legislative legacy includes a remarkable record of initiating senior citizen programs. He authored over 120 bills dealing with seniors, including the establishment of the California Senior Legislature; the first programs focusing on Alzheimer's, including respite care, adult day health care, and multipurpose senior service programs; important changes in laws affecting conservatorship and elder abuse; funding for senior meals programs; and nursing-home reform. Seniors throughout the state hold him in high regard for his work in their behalf. He describes his role in obtaining assistance for his district after the l989 Loma Prieta earthquake, in creating a visionary plan for the conversion of Fort Ord, and his efforts in behalf of UCSC--all of which demonstrate his consensus-building skills and his great imagination in crafting bills. During his tenure, Mello carried 727 bills and resolutions, 456 of which the governor signed; many of the others were integrated into other bills. The volume also includes Mello's thoughts on the legislative process; the role of lobbyists; the use of media in campaigns; the culture of the State Senate; and his reflections on the governors with whom he worked, from Edmund G. Brown to Pete Wilson. Mello also discusses his relationship with United Farm Workers founder Cesar Chavez, Chavez's historical legacy, and his own views on relations between growers and migrant farmworkers.