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La tentation est grande d'appliquer une interprétation téléologique à la «solution finale». Mais le génocide technique n'est pas le résultat d'un plan a priori, la conséquence logique et inévitable de l'idéologie raciale. La progression de la politique antisémite a été l'enjeu de conflits entre une multitude d'administrations et d'instances du parti ; tributaire des rapports de force au sein du Reich, elle a dépendu aussi de la situation internationale. L'ambiguïté de la plupart des mesures antisémites d'avant-guerre a permis au régime à la fois de renforcer l'adhésion de groupes sociaux qui en tiraient directement profit et de maintenir des illusions et des espoirs dans la communauté juive. Élément de la guerre totale, la «solution finale» n'a pu s'imposer qu'à un moment où aucun frein ne pouvait plus arrêter la barbarie.

El Centro audiovisual de la Cruz Roja Internacional se inauguró oficialmente el 30 de septiembre de 1981 en Ginebra.Fundado por el Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja y la Liga de Sociedades de la Cruz Roja, este Centro produce y distribuye material audiovisual relativo a la historia y a las actividades de la Cruz Roja. Sus servicios están a dispositió0n de todas las Sociedades nacionales, de los medios de informacián y del público.La inauguratión de este Centro, instalado en el edificio de la Liga de Sociedades de la Cruz Roja, es el comienzo de una importante etapa en la colaboración entre las dos Instituciones Internationales de la Cruz Roja que, por primera vez, emprenden la administratión de un servicio permanente común.

This article traces the shift in Soviet national economic priorities from civilian uses, primarily consumption, to support of the Soviet military establishment since the late 1950s. It treats certain methodological issues involved in international comparisons, outlines the methodology used to estimate Soviet defense expenditures from published Soviet economic data, and compares the results with the CIA's estimates before and after the CIA was forced to double its estimates by new information which confirmed my estimates. A brief list of some of the major weapons systems whose development, procurement, and operations have driven the shift in Soviet national priorities from civilian to military uses is provided and the article concludes on the prospects for further increases in the military burden on the Soviet economy in the 1980s.

Ever since the early days of Bolshevik rule, Soviet leaders have promised to equalize socioeconomic development among the union republics. Their reasons, as I. S. Koropeckyj notes, have ranged from the ideological to the purely political. Equality is deemed an ideological necessity: every region must achieve a similarly advanced stage of development in order to pave the way for communism. Regional equality is also viewed as a way to defuse the nationality issue—in the short run by minimizing the socioeconomic disparities inherited from tsarist days and in the long run by creating a new climate in which local nationalism will disappear. The benefits of equalization should also spill over into the international arena, where the advances of traditionally underdeveloped Soviet regions highlight the "appeals of the Soviet development model for impatient revolutionary modernizes."

Accepting the fact that the growing world energy demand cannot be met in the long term without an increasing use of nuclear energy one has to pay more attention to its possible expansion and consequently also to the geographical distribution of nuclear plants in the world. Due to future large scale deployment problems may arise in the areas of uranium supply, waste disposal, nonproliferation, safeguards, acceptability, and nuclear transfer. Based on the World Energy Conference (1977) global energy scenario a country - by - country analysis has been made to evaluate the possible contribution of nuclear energy in each country within the next 40 years. Against this background the problems of the head- and tail-end of the nuclear fuel cycle are discussed in detail and compared with the international trade of nonnuclear fuels.

Characteristics of the rapidly growing US Muslim community are summarized. Lack of prior research on this group is attributed to its small numbers prior to the 1965 liberalization of immigration laws & to its international heterogeneity; of the estimated 1.2 million now resident, the majority are of Asian descent, with many other areas also represented. The pan-Muslim character of the US community is analyzed, with particular attention given to the role of the Muslim Student Assoc in organizing cultural, religious, & political activities. Concentration of Muslims in the three major metropolises, high levels of education, & UMc or Mc SS are cited as key elements in assimilation. The impact of Mideastern events, particularly the Mecca attack in 1979 & the Iranian revolution, on Muslim-American pride & unity is stressed. 1 Table. Modified HA.

In the early twentieth century, British pharmaceutical manufacturers produced a massive amount of morphia, almost all of which ended up as a part of the illicit traffic in narcotic drugs between Europe and the Far East. This traffic became so immense that a reluctant British government was embarrassed into placing the manufacture and trade of narcotic drugs under regulation in the Dangerous Drugs Act (1920). The DDA reduced, but did not halt, the flow of drugs between Britain and the Far East. The trial and conviction of an international drug smuggler, H.M.F. Humphrey, in 1923, revealed some of the details of this illicit traffic, as well as the links between the smugglers and the drug manufacturers. The issues raised by this study have significance for a number of contemporary drug issues.

La Asamblea del Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja eligió a dos nuevos miembros, señores Olivier Long y Dietrich Schindler, que asumieron sus funciones el 1 de diciembre de 1980.El señor Olivier Long nacío en Ginebra el año 1915. Cursó estudios de derecho, de ciencias económicas y de ciencias políticas. Es doctor en derecho por la Universidad de París, titulado de la Escuela de Ciencias Políticas, en París, y doctor en ciencias políticas del Instituto Universitario de Altos Estudios Internationales, en Ginebra.Fue, durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, miembro de la Secretaría del CICR; después, en 1943, jefe del Servicio Económico en la Comisión Mixta de Socorros de la Cruz Roja Internacional, que se ocupaba de las personas civiles victimas de la guerra.

In dem folgenden Beitrag ist eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit dem wirtschaftspolitischen Alternativprogramm der Sozialistischen Studiengruppen beabsichtigt. Seitdem das Memorandum im Krisenjahr 1975 erstmals Vorschläge für eine »alternative Wirtschaftspolitik« vorgelegt hatte, die sich in einen deutlichen Widerspruch nicht nur zu den von neoklassisch-konservativem Denken geprägten Empfehlungen des Sachverständigenrats, sondern auch zu der von der Schmidt-Regierung primär an Inflationsbekämpfung und Sicherung der internationalen Konkurrenzfähigkeit ausgerichteten Restriktionspolitik begaben, ist innerhalb der gewerkschaftsorientierten Linken eine lebhafte Debatte um die Möglichkeiten einer Veränderung der Wirtschaftspolitik im Interesse der lohnabhängigen Bevölkerung entflammt. Der Beitrag der SOST zu dieser Diskussion, die auch in den Gewerkschaften verstärkt Eingang gefunden hat, zielt in erster Linie auf eine Verständigung der Linken auf eine sozialistische Alternative. An diesem Anspruch soll daher in den nachstehenden Ausführungen ihr Programmvorschlag gemessen werden. Unsere Kritik vollzieht sich in drei Schritten. Zunächst fragen wir, wie die SOST das zentrale Problem der Verknüpfung von Kurz- und Langfristforderungen in der Konzipierung einer alternativen Wirtschaftspolitik zu lösen versuchen. Anschließend beschäftigen wir uns mit der Hauptthese des von den Autoren entwickelten Transformationskonzepts, daß eine sozialistische Wirtschaftspolitik maßgeblich den Ausbau der »produktiven Basis« der Gesellschaft bzw. der »materiellen Produktion«, der sog. Industrie, zu betreiben habe. Im dritten und letzten Schritt gehen wir auf die strategisch-politische Option ein, die die SOST auf Basis einer Einschätzung der sozialen Einflußchancen der Linken mit ihrem programmatischen Verständigungsvorschlag verbinden.

In this paper, control policies refer to governmental strategies aimed at influencing the availability of alcohol and drugs. The Nordic countries have a long tradition of control policy which has also had an impact internationally. Central characteristics of the developement of the control of alcohol, narcotics and psychotropics are described. Attention is paid especially to similarities and differences between the Nordic countries. Denmark differs most from the other Nordic countries and the differences are clearest in alcohol control. In Finland, Norway and Sweden a tendency toward more stringent alcohol control has recently emerged after an era of liberalization in the 50's and 60's. Narcotics policy is characterized by support for existing international agreements regarding criminal-political measures. As to psychotropics, no clear-cut control policy has so far been developed.

The notion of a great power triangle composed of the U.S., U.S.S.R. and PRC, and the "card games" played within this geometric configuration, are now particularly prevalent in the field of international politics. It is the purpose of this analysis to study the relevance of the great power triangle concept for Chinese foreign policy. A primary assumption will be that an understanding of Beijing's previous policies in a tripolar system will be a useful guide to the policies and problems of the present. Therefore we will begin with a review of the development of tripolarity and China's past attitudes. We will then concentrate on some crucial aspects of the triangle, the difficulties facing the Chinese leaders, and some possible policy options derived from our focus on the great power triad.

Though largely neglected by researchers & planners, intercropping is a key element of traditional farming systems. Its superiority in several respects over sole cropping has been indicated by various studies. Farm-level data for 3 years, collected in the ongoing village-level research programs of the International Crops Instit for Semi-Arid Tropics, reveal the following: (1) Intercropping is essentially a system of small & dry land farmers; hence, research resource allocation that favors intercropping can help serve equity goals. (2) Traditional intercropping is highly complex & diverse, designed to meet the farmer's multiple objectives simultaneously. Scientists cannot & need not generate equally complex systems. They can help by generating more & better options regarding the components of intercropping systems, leaving their selection to the farmer. 7 Tables. Modified HA.

Summaries in English and French.

Examined are the institutional aspects that characterize the interactions between technology & public policy. Although there are numerous case studies examining these aspects, they are hardly comparable, &, as a result, theory is sorely lacking. Six papers analyzing related issues presented at a Massachusetts Instit of Technology Workshop on Technology & Public Policy are prefaced (see abstracts elsewhere in this issue). Common threads among the essays are identified, eg: the question of interorganizational coordination, stages in a technology's development that need to be matched to appropriate institutional agendas, & the genuine problems raised by the juxtaposition of technology & public policy. The essays provide evidence to these observations from the fields of solar energy, nuclear energy, the construction industry, international weapons acquisition, technology for public services, & health services. Modified AA.

Vivian Halinan describes traveling with her friend, Jeannette Rankin, to Czechoslovakia (now the Czech Republic) in 1968 when they were both members of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. Halinan talks about Rankin's non-political interests and activities, noting that Rankin was not the political animal that people thought her to be. Halinan shares her experience helping Rankin with the Jeannette Rankin Brigade, an organization that coordinated women's protests against the Vietnam War across the United States. Halinan goes on to discuss Rankin's decisions to vote against both World Wars. She also recalls Rankin's close friendships and family ties as well as her sense of duty towards her siblings and her attitudes towards marriage which influenced her decision not to marry. ; https://scholarworks.umt.edu/jeannetterankin/1001/thumbnail.jpg