This article falls into two parts: the application of policy network analysis (PNA) to UK women's networking activities; and exploration of the extent to which these activities are focused upon the European Union (EU) policy process. Evidence from three sources - trades union and local government equality officers, and women's voluntary organizations - demonstrates that women's networking is widespread, intense, politically oriented and inclusive. However, the concepts of PNA are found to exclude much of women's political activity and are here adapted to produce a more inclusive model. In terms of their focus, women's networks remain overwhelmingly oriented toward the UK policy process even where issues fall within EU competence. Impediments to more effective EU-focused networking are discussed. (Journal of Common Market Studies / FUB)
The correct settlement of a property taxation system is a topic of interest at the moment, which draws attention in economic or academic debates. One of the most convenient alternatives and easier to implement in order to raise revenues to the state budgetis the taxation of property. The comparative analysis of property tax systems in the European Union reveals the need to develop and modernize the property tax system in the new member countries. The tax paid by taxpayers who own property is considered thetax with the fewest negative effects on economic growth, given the immobility of the subject of taxation. This reduces the behavioural effects of this type of tax and minimizes economic distortions. For this reason, is considered necessary to be presented the recent European perspective regarding the taxation of property, be it buildings for housing or special purpose, owned by individuals or corporate. In these conditions, the paper aims to analyze the correlation between the purchasing power of citizens of EU28 countries and the level of property taxes and to perform a grouping of European Union countries according to these indicators. The findings can help governments of the new member countries of European Union to develop a property tax system that would lead to the economic development.
"Selbst wenn man die mögliche Kritik akzeptiert, der Lissabon-Prozess sei zu unverbindlich oder entbehre einer angemessenen Fundierung durch statistische Verfahren und Indikatoren, scheint doch das von EUROSTAT unterstützte Benchmarking-System effektiv genug zu sein, vor einem drohenden Fehlschlag zu warnen. Die Lissabon-Ziele verlangen sehr viel von den Mitgliedstaten. Das trifft schon zu, wenn man die einzelnen Ziele jeweils isoliert betrachtet. Aber die Anforderungen von Lissabon gehen darüber hinaus, weil sie die gleichzeitige und kombinierte Verwirklichung der Ziele beinhalten (BIP-Wachstum, Wachstum der Arbeitsproduktivität, beschäftigungsintensives Wachstum, höhere Qualität der Arbeitsplätze und Verbesserung des sozialen Zusammenhalts). Selbst für Länder wie Irland, das sich während des Untersuchungszeitraums im Bereich des Wirtschafts- und Beschäftigungswachstums als außergewöhnlich leistungsstark erwiesen hat, scheint es fast unmöglich, die potentiell konfligierenden Ziele gleichzeitig einzulösen. Der Benchmarking-Prozess der Europäischen Union ist eingebunden in den Kontext der Methode der Offenen Koordinierung (MOK). Damit wird der Benchmarking-Ansatz zum integralen Element einer umfassenden Philosophie, welche die Benchmarking-Indikatoren zueinander in Beziehung setzt und ihnen ihre Rolle zuweist bei der Verfestigung des zunehmend dominierenden Projekts eines 'eingebetteten Neoliberalismus'. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist der Beitrag auf folgenden Punkt ausgerichtet: Angesichts des Sachverhalts, dass das Benchmarking-System effektiv genug ist, den drohenden Fehlschlag klar ersichtlich zu machen, besteht die Gefahr einer Enttäuschung oder gar Erschöpfung ('benchmarking fatigue'), die eine ideologische Krise auslösen kann. Angesichts der tiefen Verwurzelung des dominanten Projekts ist die Wahrscheinlichkeit groß, dass diese Krise immanent im 'eingebetteten neoliberalen Ansatz' gelöst wird, und zwar durch eine Verstärkung der neo-liberalen Strömung. Die Untersuchung greift auf die EUROSTAT-Datenbasis der Strukturellen Indikatoren zurück. Sie ist auf das Europa der Fünfzehn beschränkt." (Autorenreferat)
The main objective of European Union (EU) employment and social policies is to promote a decent quality of life and standard of living for its member states. At present, the four key strands of employment and social policy in the European Union are: - The European Employment Strategy - Improving working conditions and standards - Social Inclusion and social protection - Equality of men and women (.).
The main objective of European Union (EU) employment and social policies is to promote a decent quality of life and standard of living for its member states. At present, the four key strands of employment and social policy in the European Union are: - The European Employment Strategy - Improving working conditions and standards - Social Inclusion and social protection - Equality of men and women (.).
International audience ; Citizenship legislations of the Member States of the European Union are the result of common principles, shared influences and various constitutional identities. Altogether, they revolve around a set of international rules and converge on a general status: European citizenship. Building on this tension between unity and diversity, this report aims to describe the rules regarding loss of citizenship within the Member States (adding the United Kingdom), compare legislations and analyse both recent trends and ancient origins from a legal perspective. The six main categories that this report follows in order to examine citizenship loss in the European Union are divided between voluntary (renunciation) and involuntary loss of citizenship (possession of another nationality; residence abroad; disloyalty or lack of merit; fraud and similar acts; loss linked to family relationship).
International audience ; Citizenship legislations of the Member States of the European Union are the result of common principles, shared influences and various constitutional identities. Altogether, they revolve around a set of international rules and converge on a general status: European citizenship. Building on this tension between unity and diversity, this report aims to describe the rules regarding loss of citizenship within the Member States (adding the United Kingdom), compare legislations and analyse both recent trends and ancient origins from a legal perspective. The six main categories that this report follows in order to examine citizenship loss in the European Union are divided between voluntary (renunciation) and involuntary loss of citizenship (possession of another nationality; residence abroad; disloyalty or lack of merit; fraud and similar acts; loss linked to family relationship).
European Union Law in a Global Context is a comprehensive introduction to European law in its international context. Trevor Hartley provides an explanation of the basic principles of each topic covered. He examines the institutions of the EU and the law-making process; the European Court and international adjudication; EU law (and international law) in national courts; human rights, especially under EU law and the ECHR; the international relations of the EU; remedies under EU law; and the elements of the free movement of goods, persons and services. The coverage of the practical application of EU law in British courts will meet the requirements of those intending to become practitioners, and the inclusion of extracts from leading cases, as well as from the EC treaties and other instruments, ensures that everything the reader will need is contained in a single volume
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Fotios Moustakis is senior lecturer in strategic studies at the Britannia Royal Naval College, Dartmouth. Rudra Chaudhuri is a researcher at the Department of Politics, University of Exeter.
Роботу виконано на кафедрі міжнародної інформації факультету міжнародних відносин ВДУ ім. Лесі Українки ; Розглядається регіональна політика Польщі в контексті її інтеграції в ЄС. Досліджено зміни законодавчої та інституційної бази регіональної політики Польщі. Зосереджується увага на розподілі структурної допомоги ЄС.
Critics of the EU's democratic deficit standardly attribute the problem to either sociocultural reasons, principally the lack of a demos and public sphere, or institutional factors, notably the lack of electoral accountability because of the limited ability of the European Parliament to legislate and control the executive powers of the Commission and the Council of Ministers. Recently two groups of theorists have argued neither deficit need prove problematic. The first group adopts a rights-based view of democracy and claims that a European consensus on rights, as represented by the Charter of Fundamental European Rights, can offer the basis of citizen allegiance to EU wide democracy, thereby overcoming the demos deficit. The second group adopts a public-interest view of democracy and argues that so long as delegated authorities enact policies that are 'for' the people, then the absence of institutional forms that facilitate democracy 'by' the people are likewise unnecessary—indeed, in certain areas they may be positively harmful. This article argues that both views are normatively and empirically flawed. This is because there is no consensus on rights or the public interest apart from the majority view of a demos secured through parliamentary institutions. To the extent that these remain absent at the EU level, a democratic deficit continues to exist.
Examines the ideas & policy prescriptions associated with the proliferation of small- & medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the European Union (EU) in the context of the pervasive changes taking place in international industrial development. A model of flexible specialization is presented to explain why craft principles associated with SMEs can provide a dynamic & efficient alternative mode of organization to the traditional Fordist mass production model. This model is based on three ideas: (1) clusters of SMEs can produce goods in a highly differentiated market; (2) SMEs can take advantage of flexible technologies of production; & (3) SMEs can implement microregulation designed to enhance cooperation & balance competition. Arguments in favor of SMEs & their critics are briefly reviewed. It is suggested that the development of SMEs in the EU is contingent on a series of factors, including overall socioeconomic conditions, & EU policy measures & tools designed to assist SMEs. Extant policy prescriptions are described as either trying to alter the market conditions for, or the amount of, assistance to SMEs. While it is conceded that SMEs are so heterogeneous that it is unlikely that a single policy package would uniformly help or hinder every SME, two basic requirements seem to be universal: the provision of common services that SMEs cannot supply themselves; & a mechanism for resolving conflicts among local actors. 1 Table, 78 References. D. M. Smith
