Suchergebnisse

I study the influence of minimum quality standards in a partial-equilibrium model of vertical product differentiation and trade in which duopolistic firms face quality-dependent costs and compete in quality and price in two segmented markets. Three alternative standard setting arrangements are Full Harmonization, National Treatment and Mutual Recognition. Under either alternative, standards can be found that increase welfare in both regions. The analysis integrates the choice of a particular standard setting alternative by governments into the model. Mutual Recognition emerges as one regulatory alternative that always improves welfare in both regions when compared to the case without regulation. Under certain cost conditions, both regions will prefer Mutual Recognition over all available alternatives.

This book addresses an essential gap in the regulatory regime, which provides legislation, statements and guidelines on airlines, airports, air navigation services providers and States in the field of aviation, but is notably lacking when it comes to the rights of the airline passenger, and the average citizen who is threatened by military air strikes. It addresses subjects such as international resolutions on human rights and other human rights conventions related to aviation that impact both air transport consumers and people on the ground who are threatened by air strikes through drone attacks; disabled and obese airline passengers; compensation for delayed carriage and the denial of carriage; noise and air pollution caused by aviation and their effects on human health and wellbeing; prevention of death or injury to passengers and attendant compensatory rights; risk management; relief flights; and racial profiling. These subjects are addressed against the backdrop of real case studies that include but are not limited to instances of drone attacks, and contentious flights in the year 2014 such as MH 370, MH 17 and QZ 8501

Illegal, inhuman, and impervious to recession, there is one trade that continues to thrive, just out of sight. The international sex trade criss-crosses the entire globe, a sinister network made up of criminal masterminds, local handlers, corrupt policemen, willfully blind politicians, eager consumers, and countless hapless women and children. In this ground-breaking work of investigative reporting, the celebrated journalist Lydia Cacho follows the trail of the traffickers and their victims from Mexico to Turkey, Thailand to Iraq, Georgia to the UK, to expose the trade's hidden links with the tourist industry, internet pornography, drugs and arms smuggling, the selling of body organs, money laundering, and even terrorism. This is an underground economy in which a sex slave can be bought for the price of a gun, but Cacho's powerful first-person interviews with mafiosi, pimps, prostitutes, and those who managed to escape from captivity makes it impossible to ignore the terrible human cost of this lucrative exchange. Shocking and sobering, Slavery Inc, is an exceptional book, both for the colossal scope of its enquiry, and for the tenacious bravery with which Cacho pursues the truth

This article critically engages with the need for success, a deep structure influencing, as we will argue, not only the outcome of international peace interventions today, but the very ways we think, understand, and evaluate interventions. We engage with this deep structure through a deconstructive double reading of the representations it creates and the influence of those representations on the everyday life of those exposed to it in the city of Mostar, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract
Scholars researching international organizations' (IO) inclusion of transnational and local civil society organization (CSO) have provided compelling insights; however, according to their self-evaluation, many of these insights remain at a general level. Against this backdrop, I propose two complementary claims. First, I identify a bias in the literature that has focused on large, Western IOs. What non-Western or small IOs do and how their practices interact with CSO inclusion in different localities is often missed. Second, based on bourgeoning practice theoretical literature on IOs and CSOs, I claim that practice theory can add to research on IO-CSO. In spite of internal pluralism, practice theory refines constructivist methodologies for zooming in on IOs' internal dynamics, daily practices, and performances of the practice of CSO inclusion, including in IO country offices. On the basis of my own field research, I also suggest that the practice of CSO inclusion interacts with power, gender, and race dynamics. In sum, practice theory can inform research on marginalized and often power-ridden specificities among and within IOs in relation to IO-CSO interaction.

Mit Beginn der 2000er Jahre traten Kasachstan, Russland und die Ukraine (KRU), also Länder, die traditionell eher nicht als Weizen-Exportländer bekannt waren, als bedeutende Exporteure auf dem Weltmarkt für Weizen auf. In Folge dessen vergrößerte sich der Wettbewerb auf dem internationalen Markt für Weizen. Mit dem Anstieg der Marktanteile der KRU-Länder für Weizenexporte (und sie haben Potential für weiteres Wachstum), erlangte deren Preispolitik eine zunehmende Bedeutung für bestimmte importierende Länder. Vor diesem Hintergrund habe ich in dieser Arbeit drei verschiedene Modelle angewendet, um Preisdifferenzierungen und Aspekte der Marktmacht zu untersuchen. In der ersten Studie habe ich das "Pricing-to-Market" Modell eingesetzt, um zu untersuchen, ob die KRU-Exportländer in der Lage sind, Preisdiskriminierungen in den meisten Abnehmerländern durchzusetzen. Meine Ergebnisse zeigen auf, dass die KRU-Exportländer nur in wenigen Importländern Preisdiskriminierungen bewirken konnten. Die zweite Studie basierte auf dem "residual demand elasticity" Ansatz, um zu untersuchen, ob kasachische und russische Weizenexporteure Marktmacht in der südlichen Kaukasusregion ausüben. Wir konnten beweisen, dass Kasachstan Marktmacht in Georgien hat, während Russland seine Marktmacht vor allem in Armenien und Georgien ausübt. Allerdings verfügen weder kasachische noch russische Exporteure über Marktmacht auf dem aserbaidschanischen Weizenmarkt. Die dritte Studie dieser Arbeit wendet den neuen "empirical industrial organisation" Ansatz an, mit der Zielstellung den Grad der Marktunvollkommenheit auf den aserbaidschanischen und georgischen Weizenimportmärkten zu untersuchen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass diese beiden Weizenimportmärkte vollkommen wettbewerbsfähig sind. ; Starting from the 2000s, Kazakhstan, Russia and Ukraine (KRU), also known as non-traditional wheat exporters joined into the world wheat market as important exporters. As a result, the world wheat market became more competitive. As the market shares of the KRU wheat ...

Literacy plays such an important role in our lives that being able to know who we are as literate individuals is paramount to live and thrive in a complex literate society in the 21st century. Understanding the relationship between an individual's background (cultural, linguistic, social, political, familial, educational, communal and economic) and his/her literacy development is crucial to continue to evolve as a literate individual. This self-study examines the literacy development of the author as an international scholar by examining the convergence of two different but equally important literacy experiences in two languages (Italian and English) as a blueprint for becoming a scholar in the US. The author will explore two main questions related to his interlingual and intercultural literacy roadmap: (a) how did my experiences in literacy in my L1 supported a literacy development in L2 as a scholar? (b) When did the two different but equally important trajectories merged to further deepen and refine my literate persona as a scholar? Implications for further research in interlingual and intercultural literacy development as a scholar will be discussed in this paper.

According to feminism, the discipline of international relations (IR) a decade ago had, and indeed still has, connotations similar to 'maleness'. This maleness is not based strictly on individual personalities, but on a 'hegemonic masculinity' that expresses what masculine men should be in opposition to femininities, which are less valued. Women are not a strong factor in the discipline, and knowledge gained from women's experiences also remains at the periphery of the discipline's analysis. It is clear to Professor J. Ann Tickner that there are gendered perceptions in IR, hidden by purported 'gender neutrality' and 'objectivity'. In other words, although women and gender are both important parts of the daily operation and scholarship of IR, this presence is neither debated nor analysed by most theorists. The goal then of feminist IR is two-fold: to recognise gender where it exists in IR, and to move beyond gendered ideas into collaborative scholarship. In this way, feminist IR theory challenges other strands of IR theory on a number of levels, contributing to the major theoretical debates in the discipline and raising new areas of analysis.

A major problem of system theories of international politics is the tendency to ignore state preferences altogether. Alternatively, system theories tend to impute preferences to states on the basis of assumptions based on tenuous empirical or logical foundations. Such, for example, is the prevalent notion in the realpolitik literature that states are engaged in a blind pursuit of resources because those are the chief ingredient of national power, and hence of survival in an anarchic system. The present study attempts to develop a balance-of-power theory which incorporates state preferences into the more traditional aspects of the theory. Propositions about the dynamics of balance-of-power systems are deduced from a new conception of power that combines preferences and resources. The theory explains which alliances would form and which alliances would not; when, and under what conditions certain states would become extinct; and the general properties of stability and instability in such systems. Some parallels between the propositions of the present theories and other studies addressing similar questions are discussed. Some of the implications of domestic politics for systemic changes are also considered.