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This article examines the staging of sexuality and femininity in Japan Pop (J-Pop) and its related club-cultural scenes. While historical research on many aspects of gender in Japan has been extensive, the relationship between popular music culture, gender, and urban space has been given little recognition. Based on extensive field research in Japan, the article provides an analysis of not only how present-day female stars, Ayumi Hamasaki, Shina Ringo and Misia reproduce and enact prescribed gender and sexual roles, but also reveals how, in many instances, they transgress those. These female performers managed to carve out a representational space by highlighting girl themes that energized girl solidarity, and held up the possibility for rearticulating young femininity. They represent different angles of Tokyo's current music and style scenes, and cultural geography. These are scenes and geographies shaped by and inseparable from urban markers that female fans follow night after night in Tokyo in order to reach clubs playing the music of their favorite stars. Girls' active engagement in clubs with commercialized media texts that J-Pop performers produce assists them with the development of their identity and formation of relationships with other young females. The study argues that from trans-ethnic 'white'-style scenes, 'black' soul, and rhythm and blues (R&B)-oriented clubs in Shibuya to Shinjuku's 'seedy' disco bars, young women explore possibilities for new ethnic (trans-Asian, 'Asian black'), gender and sexual, and generational identities. The essay hopes to contribute to applied, transnational gender and cultural studies as well as music criticism.

AbstractThe last decade saw a 32 percent increase in the number of immigrant children and youth in Japan and the educational difficulties they experienced. Part‐time high schools have played a critical role in furthering equity and inclusion by securing ibasho (places where one feels comfortable, safe, and accepted) toward these students. Drawing on the participatory action research approach, we collaborated with a part‐time high school and a nonprofit organization, and developed an afterschool program that aimed to nurture ibasho among immigrant youth through intercultural and language exchanges. This article, collaboratively written by a faculty member and former university students, explores the possibilities and challenges of the "ibasho creation project" which took place from 2017 to 2018 in Tokyo. Specifically, it reflects on how we attempted to develop ibasho that responded to the needs and strengths of high school students and dealt with the dilemmas associated with ibasho creation.

This article explores the reasons for the vertical expansion of cities till the 2020s by analyzing the history of urban space production for about half a century, using Tokyo as an example. As a concept, gentrification partially explains the changes in Tokyo. However, summarizing the entire urban transformation as a gentrification trend can lead to some misunderstandings. Most of the development took the form of simply rebuilding skyscrapers in limited areas, rather than the displacement of an entire class in the whole district. Consequently, the sharp contrast between island‐like skyscrapers and the densely populated small houses surrounding them became the typical landscape of current semi‐gentrified Tokyo. Instead of gentrification, "gentrification without gentry" would be a better expression for describing most cases in Tokyo. Alliances for urban speculation are always embedded in multi‐scale conditions in a globalizing world along with the inherent historical and structural constitution of the city. Through dynamic but contingent processes, a structure was constructed to promote urban development in a way that might exceed the actual demands. In the case of Tokyo, the bubble economy era and its effects, a would‐be global city ideology, mega‐events such as the Olympic Games, and expected earthquakes had a distinct influence on other common factors.

Labour market insecurity becomes a problem for an increasing number of workers in large metropolitan markets especially when unemployment expands during economic crises. Instead of scrutinising types and levels of insecurity, the paper will concentrate on identifying the ways in which recurrent unemployment periods have been experienced by workers, paying special attention to differences underlying perceptions and interpretations of insecurity. Empirical evidence comes from a comparative research project conducted in Sao Paulo, Paris and Tokyo between 2000 and 2010 using a comparative approach. Although different in terms of their welfare regimes, in the period analysed the three metropolises experienced rising unemployment and significant changes in their employment systems. A quanti-quali combination of research strategies allowed the analysis of labour market trajectories by means of three representative surveys and enabled researchers to go deeper into subjective experiences and interpretations using biographical interviews. The article aims to highlight the relevance of subjective and relational dimensions in the understanding of the growing insecurity in labour markets' recent dynamics. Adapted from the source document.

After the bubble economy collapsed at the beginning of the 1990s, the government's deregulation policies accelerated urban development in the Tokyo Metropolitan Area. This resulted in increased trade in real estate and accelerated population growth in downtown Tokyo. However, that trend was not observed in all areas: instead, it exacerbated the spatial differentiation that was already apparent in the Tokyo Metropolitan Area. Hirayama (2005, 2006, 2011) found that government policy to promote housing supply and increase urban redevelopment split urban space into hot spots, with new investments, and redeveloped districts and cold spots, with stagnant and depopulated districts. However, the precise locations of such spots are not obvious, as those studies did not map them. This study identified and mapped hot and cold spots in Tokyo with the use of spatial analysis with GIS. To this end, we employed grid square population statistics for 1985, 1995, and 2005, which encompasses the entire period of the bubble economy and its aftermath. The analysis of hot spots using the Getis-Ord Gi* statistic was performed on data for population change in 23 wards of Tokyo in this period. Then, we explored the detailed composition of the population and the background of the changes in a consideration of the socio-economic shift of Tokyo during this period. The results of the analysis indicated that hot and cold spots coexisted in central Tokyo, and their spatial distribution changed drastically following the collapse of the bubble economy at the beginning of the 1990s. Between 1985 and 1995, populations show a concentric pattern of change: cold spots are observed in areas close to the city center and hot spots appear on the outskirts of the study area. This pattern is a result of population outflows due to soaring land prices during the period of the bubble economy. However, population changes between 1995 and 2005 indicated a different pattern and the resulting distribution of hot and cold spots was dispersed. Specifically, hot spots appeared in the south and east parts of central Tokyo, where highrise condominiums were being built on the sites of former factories or warehouses in the coastal areas of Tokyo Bay. In these districts, a marked increase of white-collar workers was observed, an indicator of gentrification. By contrast, cold spots are noted on the northern side of central Tokyo, where large public housing estates are located and their population has declined and aged. The contrast between the north and the south of Tokyo became obvious after the bubble economy collapsed.

After the bubble economy collapsed at the beginning of the 1990s, the government's deregulation policies accelerated urban development in the Tokyo Metropolitan Area. This resulted in increased trade in real estate and accelerated population growth in downtown Tokyo. However, that trend was not observed in all areas: instead, it exacerbated the spatial differentiation that was already apparent in the Tokyo Metropolitan Area. Hirayama (2005, 2006, 2011) found that government policy to promote housing supply and increase urban redevelopment split urban space into hot spots, with new investments, and redeveloped districts and cold spots, with stagnant and depopulated districts. However, the precise locations of such spots are not obvious, as those studies did not map them. This study identified and mapped hot and cold spots in Tokyo with the use of spatial analysis with GIS. To this end, we employed grid square population statistics for 1985, 1995, and 2005, which encompasses the entire period of the bubble economy and its aftermath. The analysis of hot spots using the Getis-Ord Gi* statistic was performed on data for population change in 23 wards of Tokyo in this period. Then, we explored the detailed composition of the population and the background of the changes in a consideration of the socio-economic shift of Tokyo during this period. The results of the analysis indicated that hot and cold spots coexisted in central Tokyo, and their spatial distribution changed drastically following the collapse of the bubble economy at the beginning of the 1990s. Between 1985 and 1995, populations show a concentric pattern of change: cold spots are observed in areas close to the city center and hot spots appear on the outskirts of the study area. This pattern is a result of population outflows due to soaring land prices during the period of the bubble economy. However, population changes between 1995 and 2005 indicated a different pattern and the resulting distribution of hot and cold spots was dispersed. Specifically, hot spots appeared in the south and east parts of central Tokyo, where highrise condominiums were being built on the sites of former factories or warehouses in the coastal areas of Tokyo Bay. In these districts, a marked increase of white-collar workers was observed, an indicator of gentrification. By contrast, cold spots are noted on the northern side of central Tokyo, where large public housing estates are located and their population has declined and aged. The contrast between the north and the south of Tokyo became obvious after the bubble economy collapsed.

Cover -- Title Page -- Contents -- Introduction -- TOKYO: The GeekCapital of the World -- How to Use This Book -- Otaku Museums and Libraries -- Exploring Godzilla's Tokyo -- The Wonderful World of Japanese Manga -- The Home of Japanese Anime -- A Video Gamers' Paradise -- Level-5's Hino Akihiro -- Pokemon Go Mania Sweeps the Globe! -- Japanese Toys-An Alternate Universe -- The Cosplay Experience -- Cosplay and Halloween -- Japanese Idol Mania -- CHAPTER 1 akihabara and jimbocho -- Akihabara: The Center of the Otaku Universe -- Exploring Akihabara -- Trading Card Games -- Kanda Myojin Shrine -- Akihabara Nightlife -- Akihabara Eateries -- Special Akihabara Events -- Exploring Jimbocho -- CHAPTER 2 harajuku, shibuya and shimo-kitazawa -- Exploring Harajuku -- Harajuku According to Chocomoo -- Harajuku Eateries -- Exploring Shibuya -- The Prince of Tennis and 2.5-D Musicals -- Shibuya Nightlife -- Shibuya Eateries -- Funky Shimo-Kitazawa -- Shimo-Kitazawa Eateries -- CHAPTER 3 shinzuku, nakano and west tokyo -- Exploring Shinjuku -- Godzilla Hotel Gracery Shinjuku -- Shinjuku Festivals and Events -- Shinjuku Manga Cafes -- Shinjuku Eateries -- Takadanobaba -- Shinjuku Nightlife -- Exploring Nakano -- Nakano Nightlife -- Nakano Eateries -- Exploring Koenji -- Production I.G. Anime Studio -- A Visit to a Game Center -- Exploring Asagaya -- Exploring Kichijoji -- Museums and Libraries in West Tokyo -- CHAPTER 4 ikebukuro -- Exploring Ikebukuro -- Otome Road and Sunshine City -- Studio Dwarf and Domo-Kun -- Ikebukuro Festivals and Events -- Ikebukuro Eateries -- Maid, Butler and Danso Cafes -- CHAPTER 5 roppongi and obaiba -- Exploring Roppongi -- Around Tokyo Tower -- Roppongi Eateries -- South Tokyo Festivals -- Exploring Odaiba -- Dojinshi Fairs -- Hotel Grand Pacific Le Daiba Project Room-G -- Odaiba Eateries -- Rebecca Koga aka Celestial Shadow.