Pembelajran IPS di sekolah dasar mencakup konsep-konsep yang abstrak seperti waktu, perubahan, kesinambungan, ritual, arah mata angin, akulturasi, kekuasaan, demokras dan niai-nilai. Media merupakan salah satu solusi untuk mengkonkritkan materi dan konsep yang abstrak dalam pembelajaran. Namun faktanya darihasil studi pendahuan ke tiga sekolah dasar di Kota Tasikmalaya yaitu SDN 1 Urug, SDN Mugarsari dan SDN Citapen diperoleh informasi terkait penggunaan media yang hanya sebatas pada media praktis. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, peneliti bermaksud melakukan penelitian pengembangan yang pada akhirnya dihasilkan produk berupa media pembelajaran puzzle berbasis tangram dalam pembelajaran IPS tentang mengenal tokoh proklamasi dengan menggunakan metode penelitian design based research model reeves. Subjek penelitian ini adalah guru dan peserta didik kelas V yang berjumlah 17 orang di SDN 1 Urug dan 19 orang di SDN Mugarsari. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan teknik wawancara,observasi dan kuesioner. Rancangan produk dinyatakan layak diuji coba berdasarkan hasil validasi ahli.Kegiatan uji coba dilakukan sebanyak dua kali di sekolah yang berbeda. Uji coba yang pertama dilakukan di SDN 1 Urug dan uji coba dua di SDN Mugarsari. Hasil uji coba menunjukan bahwa media yang dikembangkan telah baik dan dapat menjadi solusi bagi guru dalam menyampaikan materi pembelajaran. Produk akhir berupa media pembelajaran puzzle puzzle berbasis tangram dalam pembelajaran IPS tentang mengenal tokoh proklamasi untuk kelas IV Sekolah Dasar yang dilengkapi dengan buku panduan penggunaan.
Purpose– Rich, interactive media are becoming extremely common in internet recruitment systems. The paper investigates the role of media richness in applicants' ability to learn information relevant to making an application decision. The authors examine these relationships in the context of two competing theories, namely media richness theory and cognitive load theory, which predict opposite relationships with information acquisition. The paper aims to discuss these issues.Design/methodology/approach– Participants (n=471) either viewed a traditional web site or visited an interactive virtual world that contained information about an organization's culture, benefits, location, and job openings. Culture information was manipulated to either portray a highly teams-oriented culture or a highly individual-oriented culture.Findings– Participants who viewed the low-richness site recalled more factual information about the organization; this effect was mediated by subjective mental workload. Richness was not related to differences in culture-related information acquisition.Practical implications– These findings suggest that richer media (such as interactive virtual environments) may not be as effective as less rich media in conveying information. Specifically, the interactive elements may detract focus away from the information an organization wishes to portray. This may lead to wasted time on the part of applicants and organizations in the form of under- or over-qualified applications or a failure to follow instructions.Originality/value– This study is among the first to use a cognitive load theory framework to suggest that richer media may not always achieve their desired effect.
Purpose This research analyzes national identity representations held by Generation Z youth living in the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) countries. In addition, it aims to identify the information on these issues that they are exposed to through social media.
Methods A qualitative approach carried out through in-depth interviews was selected for the study. The objective is to reconstruct social meaning and the social representation system. The constant comparative method was used for the information analysis, backed by the NVivo program.
Findings National identity perceptions of the adolescents interviewed are positive in terms of their own groups, very favorable regarding Canadians, and unfavorable vis-à-vis Americans. Furthermore, the interviewees agreed that social media have influenced their desire to travel or migrate, and if considering migrating, they have also provided advice as to which country they might go to. On another point, Mexicans are quite familiar with the Treaty; Americans are split between those who know something about it and those who have no information whatsoever; whereas Canadians know nothing about it. This reflects a possible way to improve information generated and spread by social media.
Practical implications The results could improve our understanding of how young people interpret the information circulating in social media and what representations are constructed about national identities. We believe this research can be replicated in other countries.
Social implications We might consider that the representations Generation Z has about the national identities of these three countries and what it means to migrate could have an impact on the democratic life of each nation and, in turn, on the relationship among the three USMCA partners.
Originality/value As one of the few studies carried out on USMCA national identities and by qualitatively exploring the representations that Generation Zers have about them, it may provide information that could contribute to expanding understanding among the citizens of the region.
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) proclaimed media literacy a ""fundamental human right."" How fitting that there is finally a definitive handbook to help students and the general public alike become better inform
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Penelitian ini bertujuan memberi gambaran tentang Partisipasi Politik Perempuan di Empat Daerah di Jawa Barat dan bagaimana kontruksi sosial budaya tentang peran gender. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif, dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Metode deskriptif digunakan untuk menggambarkan status kelompok sebagai objek dan peristiwa yang berlangsung. Pendekatan subjektif data kualitatif menekankan pada prosedur penelitian dengan kajian etnografi untuk memahamii kehidupan masyarakat berdasarkan sudut pandang dari masyarakat itu secara holistik. Penambahan data kuantitatif digunakan untuk melihat apakah gambaran itu berlaku secara umum melalui persepsi masyarakat terhadap partisipasi politik perempuan dan rekontruksi sosial budaya media. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa rendahnya keterwakilan perempuan dalam partisipasi politik langsung (menjadi kader partai, anggota parlemen, dan pemutus kebijakan politik) dipengaruhi oleh berbagai faktor, sistem pemilihan umum dan perekrutan kader partai, ketidakmauan perempuan terjun langsung ke dunia politik praktis, masih ada anggapan keliru (persepsi masyarakat terhadap dunia politik), faktor budaya patriakhat dan doktrin agama, serta ketidakmampuan perempuan mengatasi masalah, faktor lain yang mempengaruhi adalah rekontruksi sosial budaya media.
There are more than 30 million Russian speakers living outside of the current borders of the Russian Federation. "Russian abroad" can partly be viewed as diaspora (e.g. Cohen 1997, Hoyle 2013, Safran 1991, Sheffer 2003, Vertovec 1999) and partly as a cultural macro-social group. Its specificity is its multilayered (different waves of migration) and multiethnic character (see Pivovar 2008, 2010). "Russian abroad" consists of two groups: Russian migrants who left the country in different periods and their descendants, and Russian-speakers who found themselves abroad after the collapse of the USSR. In eighty countries of the world, there are published around 3.5 thousand media in Russian language. The printed media of the three first waves of the Russian emigration are thoroughly studied (e.g., Bogomolov 1994, 2004; Esin 2003; Mikhalev 2009; Suomela 2014; Zhirkov 2003). There are as well several studies on the online space of the "Russian abroad" (e.g., Morgunova 2014; Reut and Teterevleva 2014). Yet, the currently existing printed Russian-language media, their role, political orientation, functions, professional views of the journalists, diapason of influence, audiences - remain somewhat of a blind spot on the map of the diaspora studies and media studies alike, despite the scale of this media segment. Empirical studies of these media are challenged by the fact that not all of these media have their online versions and absence of a common catalogue (see O. Voronova 2016). The existing studies are either country-based or focus on the linguistic aspects exclusively. This study focuses on the printed media segment and suggests a typology of the Russian-language press abroad. The study is based on a twelve-year long monitoring of Russian-language press that consisted of a basic content analysis of 65 printed media and survey of 64 journalists working for 50 outlets. The materials were collected during the trainings for these journalists organized by the Universal Association of Russian Press (VARP) and Faculty of Journalism, Moscow State University. The study maps the space of the Russian-language press abroad, describes the tendencies characteristic for it, and highlights the typological models within this segment. On the one hand, the Russian-language media abroad are influenced by global processes, which lead to their commercialization, standardization, concentration and integration with non-established media online. On the other hand, these media are oriented at specific audiences, united by the Russian language, culture, traditions; for the post-Soviet countries – by the common experience of living in the same state. These media have features of both global and national media, as their audiences are influenced by at least two cultures. Being spread in the world, these media have the same language, similar functions and, often, a common agenda. The current challenges of these media are related to the political events (such as Ukrainian conflict), as well as the broader problem of self-identification of the Russian-language diaspora. The study suggests viewing the Russian-language media abroad as a cultural phenomenon that should be analyzed in dynamics and in the context of the geopolitical changes and challenges.
This study departs from the finding that media attention contributed to the electoral success of candidates in the Belgian election campaign of 2003. While the authors do find an impact of media attention on the number of preferential votes for each candidate, in this study they take a closer look at the elements that determine this media attention. Do the media autonomously decide which candidate gets more attention than others or do they follow the hierarchy determined by the parties? In other words: is the media's interest in a politician a consequence of a media logic or of a party logic? As the study's multivariate analysis clearly indicates, both logics are relevant, with the party logic outweighing the media logic. However, the question remains to what extent the parties have already incorporated a media logic in the selection of their political personnel.
Prior research has examined various correlates of media trust including media consumers' political stands and media use, objectivity in news reports, and perceived biases stemming from journalists' political leanings. The goal of this study is to examine community contextual sources of media trust. Data from the Japanese General Social Surveys indicate that prefecture-level structural pluralism and political heterogeneity are negatively associated with measures of media trust, independent of personal characteristics of respondents. Implications are discussed in terms of the production of media messages.
Täglich werden neue Rekordwerte und Erfolgsgeschichten der Nutzung von Social Media in Politik und Wirtschaft kolportiert. Parallel dazu machen lautstark die sogenannten Wutbürger auf sich aufmerksam. Medial inszenierte Diskussionen über 'die Krise' der Demokratie und die Politikverdrossenheit der Bürger sind an der Tagesordnung. Es hat fast den Anschein, als würden die zur politischen Partizipation Entschlossenen und mit den neuen Möglichkeit des Internets und Social Media ausgestatteten Bürger gegen 'übermächtige und unverwundbare' Bollwerke in Form der politischen Parteien anrennen. Bei diesem Bild drängt sich die Frage auf, wieweit politische Organisationen überhaupt bereit sind, nicht nur mit der eng und klar umrissenen jeweiligen politischen Klientel, sondern allgemein und generell mit den Bürgern in einen Dialog zu treten und sich nicht nur alle paar Jahre bei schwindender Wahlbeteiligung durch ein Kreuz am Stimmzettel erneut im einmal eingeschlagenen Kurs bestätigen zu lassen. Vor diesem realpolitischen Hintergrund zeigt dieses Buch die Ergebnisse einer 2011 durchgeführten Analyse der Dialogfähigkeit und -bereitschaft von politischen Organisationen am Beispiel der Österreichischen Volkspartei direkt an der Nahtstelle zum Bürger in den 10 größten Stadtgemeinden im Agglomerationsraum Wien auf. Dabei werden die Möglichkeiten der Bürger, mit politischen Organisationen in Kontakt zu treten ebenso analysiert wie deren tatsächliches Kommunikationsverhalten. Es wird die Wahrnehmbarkeit der 'Organisationspersönlichkeit' im Internet untersucht, wie auch die durch den Web-Auftritt zum Ausdruck gebrachte Einstellung der jeweiligen Politiker zur Bedeutung von Social Media in der politischen Kommunikation beleuchtet. Die Analyse schließt mit einer Evaluierung der Einsetzbarkeit der aus der Wirtschaft bekannten Methoden des Kundenbeziehungsmanagements (CRM) zur Lösung der inzwischen akuten Loyalitätsprobleme politischer Organisationen. Eine nüchterne und teilweise ernüchternde Analyse eines via Internet zum Ausdruck gebrachten Demokratie- und Politikverständnisses und gleichzeitig eine hilfreiche strukturierte Checkliste zur Selbstanalyse und Aufdeckung 'Blinder Flecken' der politischen Kommunikation auf kommunaler Ebene. Wolfgang O. Springer, Jahrgang 1955, kommt aus der Wirtschaft und hat viele Jahre unterschiedliche Organisationen dabei begleitet, Methoden und Werkzeuge des Managements von Kundenbeziehungen zum Einsatz zu bringen. Sein Zugang zu diesem Thema war dabei weniger von den Errungenschaften der Informationstechnologie geprägt als vielmehr durch seine Ausbildung und Entwicklung im Bereich Marketing, Werbung und Verkauf. Naheliegend ist daher, dass er die psychologischen Erkenntnisse aus diesen Disziplinen auch im Bereich des Politmarketings zur Anwendung bringt. In der Medienwelt mit ihren neuen Interaktionsmöglichkeiten ist die politische Partizipation mittlerweile nicht alleine über die Karriereleiter einer Partei möglich, sondern nunmehr wenige Klicks am Bildschirm des Computers oder am Smartphone entfernt. Wolfgang Springer wäre kein Marketier, wenn nicht gerade der Grad der Durchdringung dieser neuen Technologien in der Bevölkerung, die damit einhergehende Veränderung der Einstellung und das daraus folgende Verhalten der Politiker wie auch der Bürger sein Interesse geweckt hätte. Die unmittelbar in seinem jeweiligen Lebensumfeld durchgeführten Analysen kreisen immer wieder um die Frage, inwieweit und auf welche Weise der Kunde bzw. Bürger in die Innovations- und Veränderungsprozesse von Organisationen eingebunden werden kann. Die rasant wachsende Akzeptanz von Social Media zieht auch Wolfgang O. Springer in ihren Bann. Er hat so die Aufassung gewonnen, dass damit ein Paradigmenwechsel im Politmarketing eingeleitet wird. Sind die politischen Organisationen jedoch reif dafür?
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Cover -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Notes on Contributors -- Preface -- List of Abbreviations -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Chinese Online Publics: Who Seeks Political Information Online? -- 3 Online Public Opinion in China: Topics and Dynamics of Contention in Online Forums -- 4 Internet and Mobilization in China's Urban Environmental Protests -- 5 Turning Points in an Authoritarian Context: State-Leader Interactions in Environmental Protests in China -- 6 The Role of Social Media in Environmental Protest in China -- 7 New Media, Emerging Middle Class and Environmental Health Movement in China -- 8 Voice of the Masses: The Internet and Responsive Authoritarianism in China -- 9 Cooptation and Protest Leadership during Industrial Restructuring in China -- 10 Community Mobilization and Policy Advocacy in Urban China: The Role of Weak Administrative Organization -- 11 Conclusion -- Index.
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This study examines the validity of a norm-reinforcement approach as a complementary model to direct media effects on health behavior change. Focusing on news coverage effects on youth binge drinking between 1978 and 1996, it was hypothesized that the media may have contributed to the reduction in this behavior by increasing perceptions of social disapproval. The predictive power of this approach was then compared with that of other plausible models (namely, a direct effect model and a model proposing media effects that are mediated by policy actions). The findings from two separate tests (a time-series regression and the ideodynamic method) suggest that although a direct route of media effects on binge-drinking behavior produced evidence of null effects, there was evidence that the impact of news stories on this behavior was mediated by policy actions as well as by changes in the social acceptability of this behavior. Implications of this approach to the study of media effects on health behavior change are discussed.
provides an overview of the politics of toxic masculinity and the competing discourses of masculinity that the term brings into view presents a diversity of disciplinary perspectives, critical frameworks and objects of study in the analysis of toxic masculinity draws together essays that ask critical questions about the relations between masculinity, power (and marginality) during a time of cultural and social change
