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There is no doubt that antibiotics have reduced the burden of bacterial infectious diseases. Antimicrobial resistance threatens the effectiveness of successful treatment of infections and constitutes a public health concern with national and global dimensions. This problem is worrisome in war-torn areas like the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. The difficulties experienced by war-torn nations in addressing antimicrobial resistance are significant for the rest of the globe as microbes do not acknowledge boundaries and do not distinguish between peace and wartime. In this paper, we describe the impact of warfare on the social determinants of health, the environment and biodiversity, and its consequences on the antibiotic use and the host-pathogen interplay. Furthermore, we describe different pillars to be taken into account, learned in a war-torn area, in combating antimicrobial resistance. These lessons are summarized in terms of tools to be used for combating antimicrobial resistance, challenges to overcome in war-torn setting and core actions to be undertaken. Surveillance is a valuable tool to combat antimicrobial resistance as it helps to detect resistant bacteria, enables correct decisions to be taken, guides policy recommendations and tracks the antibiotic use and misuse. The challenges encountered in this region include the shortage of competent laboratories, poor infrastructure and data management, lack of standard protocols, low coverage of surveillance, lack of intersectoral cooperation, and inadequate national, regional and international collaboration. Regarding this situation, the core actions to be undertaken include the establishment of ABR surveillance and monitoring systems, building laboratory capacity for rapid and reliable diagnostic testing, and engagement in national, regional and global surveillance networks. Therefore, this study showed an urgent need for establishing and implementing sentinel site surveillance laboratories and elaborating and implementing national action plans for ...

This article considers the figure of the clown-fool as a way of approaching anew contemporary practices of sovereignty and resistance. The spectre of the camp as the nomos of modern sovereign power is widely critiqued for its neglect of the thriving and teeming life that actually accompanies the declaration of exception. The clown is an errant and troublesome figure whose life haunts the sovereign decision on exception. His presence in border-camp activism invokes a rich, provocative history in which the clown's foolish wisdom has critiqued the conceits of power. Yet, the clown's significance exceeds his traditional associations with carnivalesque misrule and mockery. Like homo sacer, the clown occupies an ambiguous position between political inclusion and exclusion, between inside and outside. In short, the sovereign needs the clown. His relation to resistance is thus also complex. The clown does not turn to face a locus of power as though it could be countered or overturned. Rather, he is the example par excellence of the resistance always already present within the exercise of power: standing not inside or outside the gates, but looking through, he dwells within the court but is not of its making. As a singularity akin to Deleuze's figurative children and Agamben's tricksters, the clown troubles the division between interior and exterior on which sovereign political life rests, a division that is also frequently replicated in understandings of resistance.

The Violent Dawn of Reform -- Contemporary Tax Resistance and the Memory of the Great Leap's Plunder -- Birth Planning and Popular Resistance -- Rural Schools and the "Best Citizens of the State" : The Struggle for Knowledge and Empowerment in the Aftermath of the Great Leap -- Official Corruption and Popular Contention in the Reform Era -- The Rise of the Electricity Tigers : Monopoly, Corruption, and Memory -- The Defeat of the Democratic Experiment and Its Consequences -- Contentious Petitioners and the Revival of Mao Era Repression -- Migration and Contention in the Construction Sector -- The Rise of the Martial Artists and the Two Faces of Mafia -- Cnclusion : Big Questions, Small Answers from Da Fo

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore control and resistance in the UK further education (FE) sector by examining senior college managers' attempts to engineer culture change and analysing lecturers' resistance to such measures.Design/methodology/approachData were derived from interviews with managers and lecturers in two English FE colleges and the analysis of college documents. Interview data were analysed thematically using NVIVO software.FindingsIt was found that college managers sought to build consent to change among lecturers based on values derived from "business‐like" views. Culture change initiatives were framed within the language of empowerment but lecturers' experiences of change led them to feel disempowered and cynical as managers imposed their view of what lecturers should be doing and how they should behave. This attempt to gain control of the lecturers' labour process invoked the "Stepford" lecturer metaphor used in the paper. Paradoxically, as managers sought to create lecturers who were less resistant to change, individualised resistance intensified as managers' attempts to win hearts and minds conspicuously failed.Research limitations/implicationsThe paper draws on data from two case study colleges and this limits the generalisability of its findings.Practical implicationsThe paper provides a critical perspective on the received wisdom of investing in stylised change programmes that promise to win staff over to change but which may alienate those they purport to empower and ultimately lead to degenerative workplace relations.Originality/valueThe paper offers new insights into culture change from the juxtaposed, polarised views of senior managers and lecturers, while highlighting the negative consequences of imposing change initiatives from above.

So the presidential election of 2016 happened. You cried, you ranted, you marched. But how do you stay engaged for the long term? How do you keep fighting while also continuing your real life? How do you get involved when you feel far from the action? How do you stay vigilant without being furious? All. The. Time. Needing to take action after the election, Emma Gray, Executive Women's Editor at HuffPost, put on her journalist hat and set out to get answers to these questions from some of the most prominent thought leaders and activists of our time. She spoke with march organizers, and senators, long-time activists, and newcomers across political movements to find out the best ways to listen to those who have been doing this for a while, join in, and create sustainable action. In all of her conversations, one theme came up again and again: young women are essential to the resistance. Interweaving the interviews with her own experiences covering resistance events and being a member of the media in a time when the media has been under assault, Emma has created a down and dirty guide for women of all ages to roll up their sleeves and resist the forces that are a threat to our rights

Responding to the academic void on the impact of socio-ecological conflicts on peacebuilding and conflict transformation, I turn to resistance against large-scale land acquisitions in post-war contexts. Promising in terms of reconstruction and economic prosperity, the recent rush on land may, however, entail risks for reconciliation processes and long-term peace prospects. With reference to post-war Bougainville - as yet an autonomous province of Papua New Guinea - the article aims to conceptualize the impact of resistance against large-scale land deals on conflict transformation processes. Applying assemblage theory thereby allows not only analyzing multilayered dynamics in post-conflict societies but also new perspectives on socio-ecological conflicts. The findings suggest increasing resistance, for example, advocacy politics, demonstrations or sit-ins, against land deals and state territorialization in Bougainville with resemblances to pre-war contentious politics against Panguna mine. Yet, the lasting war trauma, a high weapon prevalence, and growing social friction add to destructive deterritorialization processes that are currently slowed down by the upcoming independence referendum. (ASEAS/GIGA)

During the course of bio-prospecting and biodiversity conservation projects, scientists, researchers from the life-science industry, and environmental protection groups attempt to access indigenous and traditional communities' knowledge of the local biodiversity. They confront these groups with the idea that their knowledge can be commercialized. Although the affected communities partly adapt to this view, they insist on their right to decide autonomously and by their own laws whether they are willing to share their knowledge. External actors, however, often reject the right of indigenous self- determination. The evolving conflicts do not only take place on a local level – varying domestic regulatory approaches also shape them. At the same time, a multitude of international organizations also address the issue of access to traditional knowledge, and their activities in turn shape interactions on a domestic and local level. In this paper, the complex interactions that are associated with the access to traditional knowledge shall be regarded as a multi-level process of adaptation and resistance. Empirically, this paper focuses on traditional knowledge policies in India and Brazil. The analysis of the interplay between local, national, and international traditional knowledge regulations in both countries shall serve to explore some possible avenues for further research on processes of adaption and resistance. ; Im Rahmen von Bioprospektionen und Projekten zum Erhalt der Biodiversität versuchen Wissenschaftler, Forscher aus Unternehmen des Life Sciences Bereichs und Umweltschutzgruppen, Zugang zum Wissen indigener und traditioneller Bevölkerungsgruppen über die natürliche Artenvielfalt zu erhalten. Sie konfrontieren diese Gruppen dabei mit der Vorstellung, dass ihr Wissen einer kommerziellen Verwertung zugeführt werden kann. Obwohl die hiervon betroffenen Gruppen sich dieser Sichtweise nicht vollends verschließen, bestehen sie darauf, selbst und entsprechend ihres Gewohnheitsrechts darüber zu entscheiden, ob sie ihr ...

While social media spaces have been explored, including the understanding of how political activism is enacted on social media and how those spaces have become spaces of political engagement and resistance, the question of the present and politically visible youth on social media remains critical in analysing youth as active political subjects. In this paper, we examine the ways in which authoritarian regimes have been challenged by tech-savvy millennials through social media spaces. We argue that social media spaces are not just spaces of entertainment but political and politicised spaces as well. The cyber activism of youth activists in Africa has made authoritarian regimes rethink political accountability and transparency in their governance systems. Similarly, social media has also compelled authoritarian regimes to respond to issues of political violence and police brutality, which have become commonplace in many African countries such as Zimbabwe. The paper utilises an ethnography of being in the social media space to examine the ways in which political engagement and resistance to authoritarian regimes on social media spaces manifest and are articulated. We assert that social media spaces have created political spaces in which citizens challenge the notion of despositif from below. Thus, regimes of power and knowledge are fluid and can be challenged from below, through social media spaces.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- List of Abbreviations -- INTRODUCTION In a City of Workers, Who Cares for the Children -- CHAPTER 1 Social Reproduction and the City: Toward a Feminist Political Economy of the Urban Welfare Regime -- CHAPTER 2 From Urban Social Democracy to Neoliberalizing Ci ty: Welfare and Child Care in New York, 1933-1993 -- CHAPTER 3 Restructuring: Welfare Reform and th eNeoliberalization of Child Care, 1994-2005 -- CHAPTER 4 Resistance: Welfare Rights and Child Care Struggles, 1996-2010 -- CONCLUSION Child Care against the Neoliberal City -- POSTSCRIPT From Setbacks to Fightbacks -- Notes -- References -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Z.

THIS ARTICLE SEEKS TO ILLUMINATE THE COMPLEX PROBLEM OF ASSIMILATION IN HISTORICAL TERMS BY FOCUSING ON A SET OF EPISODES IN THE EIGHTEENTH AND NINETEENTH CENTURIES INVOLVING MORDVINS, RUSSIA'S LARGEST FINNIC MINORITY. AFTER ANALYZING THE CONTENTIOUS AND BRUTAL INDUCTION OF MORDVINS INTO ORTHODOX CHRISTIANITY IN THE 1740'S, THE ARTICLE CONSIDERS A "NATIVISTIC" MOVEMENT THAT AROSE IN 1808. THE ARTICLE THEN CONSIDERS SEVERAL BROADER ELEMENTS. FIRST, IT SEEKS TO BRIDGE TWO HISTORICAL PHASES--THE PERIOD OF MASS CONVERSIONS OF NON-RUSSIANS IN THE MID-EIGHTEENTH CENTURY AND THE WORK OF IL-MINSKII BEGINNING IN THE 1850'S. SECOND, IT EXAMINES THE PHENOMENON OF PEASANT RESISTANCE IN RUSSIA. FINALLY, THE ARTICLE OFFERS INSIGHTS INTO THE DYNAMICS AND NATURE OF SERFDOM ITSELF.

16 páginas, 2 tablas, 6 figuras. ; Helminth infections are ubiquitous in grazing ruminant production systems, and are responsible for significant costs and production losses. Anthelmintic Resistance (AR) in parasites is now widespread throughout Europe, although there are still gaps in our knowledge in some regions and countries. AR is a major threat to the sustainability of modern ruminant livestock production, resulting in reduced productivity, compromised animal health and welfare, and increased greenhouse gas emissions through increased parasitism and farm inputs. A better understanding of the extent of AR in Europe is needed to develop and advocate more sustainable parasite control approaches. A database of European published and unpublished AR research on gastrointestinal nematodes (GIN) and liver fluke (Fasciola hepatica) was collated by members of the European COST Action "COMBAR" (Combatting Anthelmintic Resistance in Ruminants), and combined with data from a previous systematic review of AR in GIN. A total of 197 publications on AR in GIN were available for analysis, representing 535 studies in 22 countries and spanning the period 1980–2020. Reports of AR were present throughout the European continent and some reports indicated high within-country prevalence. Heuristic sample size-weighted estimates of European AR prevalence over the whole study period, stratified by anthelmintic class, varied between 0 and 48%. Estimated regional (country) prevalence was highly heterogeneous, ranging between 0% and 100% depending on livestock sector and anthelmintic class, and generally increased with increasing research effort in a country. In the few countries with adequate longitudinal data, there was a tendency towards increasing AR over time for all anthelmintic classes in GIN: aggregated results in sheep and goats since 2010 reveal an average prevalence of resistance to benzimidazoles (BZ) of 86%, macrocyclic lactones except moxidectin (ML) 52%, levamisole (LEV) 48%, and moxidectin (MOX) 21%. All major GIN genera survived treatment in various studies. In cattle, prevalence of AR varied between anthelmintic classes from 0–100% (BZ and ML), 0–17% (LEV) and 0–73% (MOX), and both Cooperia and Ostertagia survived treatment. Suspected AR in F. hepatica was reported in 21 studies spanning 6 countries. For GIN and particularly F. hepatica, there was a bias towards preferential sampling of individual farms with suspected AR, and research effort was biased towards Western Europe and particularly the United Kingdom. Ongoing capture of future results in the live database, efforts to avoid bias in farm recruitment, more accurate tests for AR, and stronger appreciation of the importance of AR among the agricultural industry and policy makers, will support more sophisticated analyses of factors contributing to AR and effective strategies to slow its spread. ; This review is based upon work from COST Action COMBAR CA16230, supported by COST (European Cooperation in Science and Technology) and from the Livestock Helminth Research Alliance (LiHRA). HRV and ERM are supported by UK Research and Innovation (UKRI) through BBSRC grant BB/ M003949/1; HRV is also supported by the University of Liverpool's Institute of Infection and Global Health, and ERM by UKRI BBSRC project BB/R010250/1 and the UK Department of Food, Environment and Rural Affairs, Veterinary Medicines Directorate grant VM0543. DJB is supported by the Scottish Government's Rural and Environmental Science and Analytical Services (RESAS) division. MMV was funded by the Spanish "Ramón y Cajal" Programme of the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (MMV, RYC2015-18368). MK and JV were supported by the Czech Republic Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports INTER-COST project (LTC19018). The authors would like to thank all COMBAR consortium members who contributed to the development of the database but who did not meet the ICMJE criteria for co-authorship. Thanks are also due to Carine Paraud (ANSES Niort) and Philippe Jacquiet (National Veterinary School, Toulouse) for providing unpublished data from sheep and goat surveys for France and to Vasile Cozma (University of Agricultural Sciences and Veterinary Medicine Cluj-Napoca, Romania) for providing data from surveys for Romania.

In the article, the author analyzed the specific features and causes of resistance and anti-Soviet sentiments that prevailed among employees of the South-Western Railways in 1932–1933. A key feature that determined the social status of the workers of these sphere in the 1920s and 1930s, especially low-skilled ones, was their close connection with the countryside. Their way of life was not too different from that of farmers – they had homesteads, and members of their families worked in collective farms. Despite the efforts of the Soviet government to "proletarianize" the railway workers, it mostly failed to do so. Similarly, propaganda did not succeed in turning the railway workers against the farmers, in particular against the "kurkuls". On the contrary, as evidenced by the reports of the GPU, during the Holodomor, the railway workers showed solidarity with the farmers and sympathized with them. Witnessing the confiscations of grain and the deportation of "dekurkulized" families, they understood the artificial nature of the famine and blamed the authorities for its organization. Anti-Soviet sentiments among the workers were caused primarily by a lack of food supplies and delays in the payment of wages, and, as a result, starvation. They were unenthusiastic about the regime's campaigns in the countryside, including grain procurements, in which they were sometimes involved. The railway workers also compared the current situation with the past and noted the injustice of the Communist Party's policy. Typical forms of everyday resistance on the railways were "anti-Soviet conversations", rumors about the possible start of the war, leaving the workplace (individual and collective), refusal to do "striking work", intentional damage to railway property and creation of emergency situations. All these types of resistance did not require serious planning and coordination of actions. Instead, active, planned and well-organized forms of resistance were infrequent.

The three men began their work on the morning of 26 January 1850. They were in the snowy street of the village of St.-Grrgoire le Grand, on the St. Lawrence south shore, to assess the population for school taxes. Hardly had they begun when they were confronted by a mob of three hundred angry men who ordered them to stop, tore up and burned their assessment books, and warned them not to attempt to carry out the government's work. A week later, on 2 February, the assessors went to the grand jury of the Court of Queen's Bench at Trois Rivi~res, seeking an accusation for rioting against the ringleaders of the St.- Grgoire resistance. The grand jury refused to act. That night masked men visited the homes of the school commissioners and the assessors. They were hauled from their beds, forced out into the street, and compelled to promise that they would not attempt to enforce the school law at the risk of having their homes and barns burned. Nightly disorders followed, reinforcing the threats with acts of arson. J.-E. Turcotte, a magistrate from Trois Rivi~res, took the initiative against the lawlessness. On 14 February he, a deputy sheriff, and a constable went to St.-Gr~goire to arrest rioters. As soon as they entered the village, the sound of horns rang out and a crowd of two hundred men gathered to drive the officers out of the parish. That night one of the assessors, Norbert B6liveau, watched helplessly as his barn went up in flames. Within twenty-four hours, however, troops were on their way from Sorel. Taking thirty-seven villagers prisoner, they brought a temporary truce in the Lower Canadian school war.