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THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE OVERALL QUESTION OF HOW MORE THAN A QUARTER-CENTURY OF EUROPEAN UNION MEMBERSHIP HAS AFFECTED NATIONAL DECISION-MAKING PROCESSES. THE SPECIFIC QUESTIONS TO BE ADDRESSED CONCERN MEMBERSHIP EFFECTS ON DELEGATION AND ACCOUNTABILITY RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN VOTERS, MP'S, THE CABINET, AND THE CIVIL SERVICE. THE ARTICLE IS PRINCIPALLY FOCUSED ON THE "EX ANTE" AND "EX POST" INSTRUMENTS OF CONTROL AVAILABLE TO DANISH PRINCIPALS, AND IN HOW THESE INSTRUMENTS AND THEIR USE HAVE CHANGED WITH EU MEMBERSHIP. THUS, WHILE THE MAIN FOCUS IS ON ACCOUNTABILITY AS A PROCESS OF REPRESENTATION, THE ARTICLE ALSO REFERS TO ACCOUNTABILITY AS A POLICY OUTCOME OF REPRESENTATION.

The study addresses the issue of eco-innovation and innovation in the European Union countries, which is important from the perspective of the sustainable development paradigm. Innovation constitutes a significant factor related to socio-economic development, and it is crucial in constructing the competitive advantage of enterprises, regions, and countries. Nowadays, an increasing importance is attached to eco-innovations, which takes into account the ecological perspective ensuring the reduction of environmental burdens. The purpose of the conducted research was to assess the diversity among the European Union countries regarding the situation related to eco-innovation and innovation, which is focused on the typology of the EU Member States taking a holistic approach to innovation, i.e., considering not only economic but also environmental and social performance. The methods of multivariate statistical analysis, with a particular emphasis on classification methods, were used in the research. A holistic overview of innovation results from the combination of findings based on the research was carried out within the framework of the Eco-Innovation Observatory and the European Innovation Scoreboard. The study covered 28 European Union countries in the period 2013–2019. As a result of the conducted analyses, four classes of the EU Member States were identified (Leaders of Eco-Innovation and Innovation, Moderate Eco-Innovators and Catching-Up Leaders of Innovation, Poor Innovators, The Poorest Eco-Innovators and Innovators).

For the first time in a generation Britain will vote on its membership of the European Union, probably in the autumn of 2016. How to vote in that referendum is a difficult choice for anyone on the left. Since the 1990s the anti-EU camp has been dominated by the chauvinist and racist right, initially on […]
The post The internationalist case against the European Union appeared first on Europe on the Strand .

World War II (1939 – 1945) was a catastrophe for the whole world and for Europe in particular. It is one of the great miracles of the 20th century that the West European war parties did draw a line and founded an economic alliance for coal and steel production. This economical alliance is based on common values and on the rule of law. A main problem of the European Union is to give a democratic legitimation to the European institutions. It is good that e.g. the European Parliament is elected directly, it is bad that e.g. the President of the European Commission is not elected directly. In some Member States of the European Union common values and common interests are only partim shared. The people of Great Britain did decide in 2016 to leave the European Union; according to the legal constitution of the European Union a leave is allowed. The main achievement of the European Union is the abolition of inter-European taxes and thus the promotion of economical relationships between the Member States of the European Union. The Euro that is the currency of (only) some Member States has become a global player.

Preface -- 1. Understanding Flexible Integration in the European Union -- 2. Theorizing Flexibility--The Return of Functionalism? -- 3. "Closer Cooperation"--Flexibility from Amsterdam to Nice -- 4. Problems of Flexibility -- 5. Making Flexibility Work.

This new Handbook brings together key experts on European security from the academic and policy worlds to examine the European Union (EU) as an international security actor. In the two decades since the end of the Cold War, the EU has gradually emerged as an autonomous actor in the field of security, aiming to safeguard European security by improving global security. However, the EU's development as a security actor has certainly not remained uncontested, either by academics or by policy-makers, some of whom see the rise of the EU as a threat to their national and/or transatlantic policy outlo.

The Encyclopedia of the European Union provides in-depth, authoritative discussions of the key concepts, developments, institutions, policies, negotiations, treaties, national interests, personalities, etc., related to European integration. The more than seven hundred easily accessible entries, written by internationally recognized scholars, cover virtually every aspect of the European Union. Maps, glossaries, appendixes, and a comprehensive index further enhance the volume

by Sandra Eckert (Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg) The global economic order has shifted dramatically over the past decade, moving from a business-centred liberal logic of trade and commerce to a politicised logic of conflict and power maximisation. This geoeconomic turn, the theme of a Special Issue forthcoming with JCMS, has also materialised in the European Union (EU) […]
The post Business Power and Geoeconomics in the European Union appeared first on The JCMS Blog.

Mestrado em Finanças ; Neste trabalho, analisamos os determinantes do rácio Common Equity Tier 1 (CET1) dos bancos da União Europeia após a Crise das Dívidas Soberanas. Utilizámos informação da base de dados do Bankscope. Exportámos informação de 137 bancos dos 27 paises da UE no período de 2011 a 2018. Baseámos o nosso estudo numa análise de regressão, sendo que analisámos vários modelos de forma a analisar od determinantes e qual o seu impacto no rácio CET1. Para atestar a robustez dos resultados, replicámos a análise aplicando um processo winsor à variável dependente e à variável que representa o Return on Equity. Verificámos que o tamanho, a exposição ao risco, a alavancagem e a liquidez são fatores que afetam o rácio CET1 e consequentemente a solvabilidade do banco. Adicionalmente, observámos que o programa de compra de ativos por parte do Banco Central Europeu (BCE) aparenta aumentar a capacidade dos bancos para absorver as suas potencias perdas, pelo o que se justifica este tipo de ações por parte do regulador. ; We analysed European Union banks' Common Equity Tier 1 (CET1) ratio determinants after Sovereign Debt Crisis. We resorted to information from the Bankscope database. We exported information of 137 banks from the 27 countries belonging to the EU, from 2011 to 2018. We performed a regression analysis, running several models to identify the significant variables and their impact on the CET1 ratio. To attest the results' robustness, we replicate the analysis winsorizing the dependent variable and the variable that represents Return on Equity. We verified that size, risk exposure, leverage and liquidity are factors that affect CET1 ratio and banks solvency. Additionally, we observed that the European Central Banks' (ECB) asset purchase program seems to increase banks' capacity to absorb potential losses, which justifies this kind of measures by the regulator. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This article synthesizes a large body of work in applied economics on the likely effects of European Monetary Union with an established literature in political science on the political sustainability of intervention by central or federal authorities in the economies of diverse nations, states or regions. Three possible economic scenarios resulting from EMU are identified - fiscal centralization, monetary discipline and loose money. The greatly enhanced central role implied by the first two would be difficult to legitimize in the context of the absence of a European citizen identity or party system. Historical precedent suggests that, in democracies, both central redistribution in social spending and retrenchment of established social programmes are facilitated by jurisdiction-wide political parties. The loose money scenario, while viable in most member states, would be unlikely to be acceptable in Germany. The article concludes, therefore, that all three scenarios most often predicted by the economics literature carry with them a risk that they will be difficult to sustain politically. (British Journal of Political Science / FUB)