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Amidst this emphasis on the role of the state in both domestic and international affairs, the study of cities and their broader political-economic functions has been seriously neglected-a bias that we intend in this paper to redress. We develop here the concept of the "global political city"-a broad community, with complex non-governmental socio-economic dimensions, that nevertheless serves as an important arena for political transactions. After elaborating the general concept, we apply it concretely in the case of Washington, D.C., and suggest potential applications elsewhere in the world, noting the particular significance of the "strategic information complex" typically evolving in such cities as a source of international influence. Adapted from the source document.

'This Yearbook clearly fills many gaps and provides reliable and well-researched information'Klaus T?pfer, Executive Director, UN Environment Programme (UNEP)'The key updates on conventions and organizations are complemented by a series of proactive essays by leading environmentalists on the cutting-edge issues. This edition is an important source book in advance of the World Summit for Sustainable Development 2002'Nigel Cross, Executive Director, International Institute for Environment and Development (UNEP)The essential reference to all the rapidly multiplying international agreements on env

Many are familiar with the concept of a moral dilemma - a situation where a person faces a choice between two mutually exclusive actions. This book considers whether situations of this kind could and should exist within the sphere of international law.

How does the presence of military officers in national government affect a state's likelihood of international conflict? We know a great deal about how overall regime type affects international conflict, but there is substantial variation within regime types in the participation of military officers in the government. We know little about how this variation affects a state's conflict propensity. In this Research Note, I examine three competing arguments for the effect of military participation in government on conflict initiation: Military Aggression, Military Conservatism, and Civil–Military Competition. Military Aggression suggests that military involvement in government will tend to guide the state toward conflict, given a military predisposition to favor the use of force. In contrast, Military Conservatism argues that military officers in government will lead the state to less conflict, given their personal familiarity with its costs. Civil–Military Competition holds that when military officers and civilians share political power, a variety of pathologies in national security deliberation and decision-making emerge, increasing conflict propensity. I test these three propositions cross-nationally using data on the number and type of positions held by military officers in cabinets and state councils and international conflict and find the strongest support for Civil–Military Competition.

An unprecedented analysis of the crucial but underexplored roles the United States and other nations have played in shaping Syria's ongoing civil war Most accounts of Syria's brutal, long-lasting civil war focus on a domestic contest that began in 2011 and only later drew foreign nations into the escalating violence. Christopher Phillips argues instead that the international dimension was never secondary but that Syria's war was, from the very start, profoundly influenced by regional factors, particularly the vacuum created by a perceived decline of U.S. power in the Middle East. This precipitated a new regional order in which six external protagonists-the United States, Russia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Qatar-have violently competed for influence, with Syria a key battleground. Drawing on a plethora of original interviews, Phillips constructs a new narrative of Syria's war. Without absolving the brutal Bashar al-Assad regime, the author untangles the key external factors which explain the acceleration and endurance of the conflict, including the West's strategy against ISIS. He concludes with some insights on Syria and the region's future

Scholarship on international police reform and Women, Peace and Security (WPS) has flourished in the last decade and the potential for engagement across these two bodies of literature is promising. Given the increased use of police personnel in international peace missions and emphasis on gender mainstreaming policies, the need for assessing the impact of these two trends has never been greater. Thus, this paper seeks to bridge gaps between the mainstream policing scholarship and feminist scholars focused on post-conflict peacebuilding police reforms. We explore how feminist scholars can engage with policing literature's technocratic language and 'in the field' experience as well as how policing scholars can interact with feminist scholars to transform traditional approaches to security in the context of the WPS Agenda. We demonstrate the benefits of increased dialogue and interaction by highlighting the common and diverging challenges in both fields in three areas: the design, implementation, and evaluation. Finally, to illustrate the dynamic intersection of these areas of study and practice, we examine the transnational policing efforts to gender mainstream the Liberian National Police (LNP) in the context of the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL).

International aids, which target socio-development in developing and/or underdeveloped countries, are generally undertaken through projects. These projects, which are named as international development projects (IDPs), are financed mainly by multilateral and bilateral development agencies. However, management of these projects, which have less tangible objectives and deliverables, differ drastically from traditional industrial-commercial project types, that have more tangible objectives and deliverables. Moreover, the intensive investments on IDPs have not yielded the expected progress yet. Therefore, ensuring a successful IDP management through the satisfaction of factors that are critical for project success becomes crucial for both sponsoring bodies and receiving countries. Nevertheless, the current literature provides only a limited number of studies, such as studies conducted by Diallo and Thuiller (2004; 2005), Do and Tun (2008), on this subject area. Then, this study following previous studies by Diallo and Thuiller (2004; 2005), Do and Tun (2008), aims to contribute to this gap in the literature through investigating critical success factors (CSFs) for implementation phase of international development projects (IDPs) in Kazakhstan. Not only the applicability of Do and Tun's (2008) CSFs for IDP implementation phase to IDPs being implemented in Kazakhstan are tested but also a new set of CSFs is generated for the implementation phase of IDPs being implemented in Kazakhstan.

The IV International Workshop on Oil and Gas Depletion, that is held at Gulbenkian Foundation in Lisbon on the 19th and 20th May, 2005, is the fourth annual meeting promoted by ASPO, the Association for the Study of Peak Oil and Gas, with the organizing support of Geophysics Centre of Évora. Previous meetings were held at the University of Uppsala in 2002, Institut Français du Pétrole, Paris in 2003, and Bundesanstatt fur Geowissenschaften und Roshtoffe, Berlin in 2004. In this fourth annual edition, the core topics chosen for our works are: • Reality in Oil Exporting Countries: The Supply Limits • Impacts of Depletion in Oil Importing Countries: The Demand Pressure • How-Much Regular Oil and Non-Conventional Oil: Utopia versus Reality • The Case for Political Action: The Depletion Protocol • The World Past Peak Oil Age From Uppsala to Lisbon, the public perception of the serious threat impending on humankind as a result of the growing scarcity of fossil fuels has increased. And national and international authorities have slowly but perceptibly admitted and changed their discourse on the problematic availability of the energy required to run the world economy. But political consequences have not yet been addressed straightforwardly – when political action is ever increasingly urgent for putting in place the economical and social changes and technological infrastructure required for preserving wellbeing if not survival itself. For this reason, in this fourth edition of ASPO's annual meetings we called upon members of the political community to share their views on how political action might be taken at the required international level. As the starting point of this debate we have the Depletion Protocol - first proposed by Colin Campbell 10 years ago at a conference in London. It has surfaced in various guises since, named the Uppsala Protocol in 2002, on the occasion of the First International ASPO's Workshop, later also referred to as the Rimini Protocol. The organizers of this Workshop welcome all participants and thank all speakers who kindly accepted to contribute to this event and those participants who also offered their contributions. They thank Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and Partex – Oil and Gas, for generously hosting this event and offering the valuable sponsorship which makes it possible. Thanks are also due to the staff of the Geophysics Centre of Évora and University of Évora who, along the past few months, has worked in preparation of the conditions to hold this event now and who, together with the staff of Gulbenkian Foundation, are making it through. The Organizing Committee May 2005

Nach der Ansicht zahlreicher Wissenschaftler verlieren Nationalgrenzen angesichts der sich global entwickelnden Prozesse und Tendenzen, die mit den wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Veränderungen, der Liberalisierung der Märkte sowie der wachsenden Bedeutung internationaler Regime einhergehen, mehr und mehr an Bedeutung. Dabei zeigt sich, daß im der Vergangenheit territorialer Revisionismus eine bedeutende Rolle in der Struktur des internationalen Systems gespielt hat. In einem geschichtlichen Überblick wird dargestellt,inwieweit Nationalstaaten und deren zum Teil aggressives Verhalten in den internationalen Beziehungen sich in den letzten Jahren verändert haben, welche Rolle dabei nationale Interessen gespielt haben und inwieweit diese z. B. die Beziehungen zwischen westlichen Staaten und Entwicklungsländern beeinflußt haben (SWP-Fnk)

This study presents a comparison of stereotypes held by Israeli and Indian managers. Analysis of the elements constituting international managers'stereotypes shows that they are constructed as a result of direct interaction with other managers and as a product of exposure to indirect information sources. This process is highly dependent on a specific context. In addition, there are some common elements in international managers' stereotypes that signal the existence of a common shared culture code. The study also discusses the impact of international managers' stereotypes on the conduct of business.