'The anti-politics machine': GIS and the reconstruction of the Johannesburg local state
In: Political geography, Band 16, Heft 7, S. 565-580
ISSN: 0962-6298
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In: Political geography, Band 16, Heft 7, S. 565-580
ISSN: 0962-6298
Ian Haney-Lopez addresses the connection between dog whistle politics and the increasingly successful right-wing attacks on the government and unions, and offers a frame for the labor movement to mobilize and defeat dog whistling.
BASE
In: Latin American politics and society, Band 44, Heft 3, S. 141
ISSN: 1548-2456
Agricultural Land is a land that is intended or suitable for farming land to produce agricultural or livestock. The history of regulations on the limitation of ownership of agricultural land rights includes 2 periods, namely the limitation of ownership of land rightsduring the colonial period and the period after independence. The political and legal factors of the government greatly influence the operation of law in society, including in the implementation of land reform, especially the ownership of agricultural land rights,including restrictions on ownership of agricultural land rights. The politics of law applied in a government affects the implementation and enforcement of laws and regulations, changes in government that have occurred in Indonesia from the days of President Soekarno, President Soeharto, and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to President Joko Widodo affect the implementation of restrictions on ownership of agricultural land rights. The politics of land law are related to limiting ownership of rights to agriculture. It is hoped that the government will take sides by regulating the focus of ownership of agricultural land rights for the benefit of all Indonesian people, especially for farmers to own agricultural land. Ownership and control of agricultural land are not owned and controlled by certain groups or individuals.
BASE
Uses cutting edge and multidisciplinary approaches to analyse the politics of service provision and serves as a model for how similar research can be conducted in other countries and sectors - An in-depth, microlevel analysis that develops the high-profile South African discourse on the interaction between governance and policy - Systematically anchored in innovative thinking on how to achieve gains in politically complex settings.
BASE
In: Routledge studies in the sociology of health and illness
In: Journal of policy history: JPH, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 51-74
ISSN: 0898-0306
Argues that attempts to reform presidential executive power made other government and political institutions more bureaucratic. "Programmatic liberalism", the Nixon administration, and Congress.
In: British journal of political science, Band 25, S. 57-77
ISSN: 0007-1234
Examines the motivating forces behind the movements and how they are influenced by the political resources available; some focus on ongoing struggles for a united Kashmir and for autonomy of the Tamils in Sri Lanka and the Sikhs in India.
In: International organization, Band 45, Heft 4, S. 425-451
ISSN: 0020-8183
World Affairs Online
In: Asian survey: a bimonthly review of contemporary Asian affairs, Band 29, Heft 7, S. 716-724
ISSN: 0004-4687
World Affairs Online
In: Thamyris / Intersecting: Place, Sex and Race, volume 30
This book interrogates the term "queer" by closely mapping what space the theorizing of same-sex sexualities and sexual politics in the non-West inhabits. From theoretical discussions around the epistemologies of such conceptualizations of space in the Global South, to specific ethnographies of same-sex culture, this collection hopes to forge a way of tracking the histories of race, class, caste, gender, and sexual orientation that form what is called the moment of globalization. The volume, co-edited by Ashley Tellis and Sruti Bala, asks whether the societies of the Global South simply borrow and graft an internationalist (read Euro-US) language of LGBT/queer rights and identity politics, whether it is imposed on them or whether there is a productive negotiation of that language
In: https://dspace.library.uu.nl/handle/1874/391075
In this dissertation I analyse how young adults construct citizenship in Timor-Leste and how this is shaped by their navigation of intergenerational power dynamics in a context of postcolonial and post-conflict nation-state building. I base my argument on qualitative ethnographic data collected over the course of four fieldwork periods, of in total fifteen months, between 2012 and 2018. I show how the history of Portuguese colonialism and twenty-five years of Indonesian occupation divided the population of the nation-state, independent since 2002, into three generations: the Portuguese, de Indonesian and the post-independence generation. However, I describe young adults (18-30 years old) as an in-between generation as they fall between the cracks of this generational definition. I argue that their in-betweenness gives us crucial insights into citizenship. To study citizenship ethnographically I theorise it as a palimpsest on which different languages of citizenship converge, overlap and contradict each other. I explore how young adults navigate different institutional levels of governance in the suku (village) and in national political parties. In doing so they learn three different languages of citizenship that shape their citizenship palimpsest. I conclude that these different languages of citizenship confront young adults with contradictory expectations towards their citizenship. The in-between generation must, therefore, navigate shifting generational power dynamics, gerontocracy and precedence in a context of democratic nation-state building and decentralisation. Thereby they must constantly search for the balance between active participation and deference. It is this search, I argue, that crucially defines the shape of young adults' citizenship in Timor-Leste.
BASE
In: South European society & politics, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 80-107
ISSN: 1360-8746
This article discusses the rise of the variously labeled "ethno-territorial," "center-periphery," or "regional" cleavage in the Italian party system (1979-1999). The article shows that new political mobilization in the north of Italy was inextricably linked to the Europeanization of new regionally based political parties. It was only through the European arena that new electoral coalitions & new ideas about national distinctiveness became the basis for a united Italian north. In contrast to approaches which rely on the adoption of the old territorial divide between north & south as an explanation for party formation & party success, this article focuses on the difficulties of mobilizing the territorial cleavage in the Italian party system. The paradoxical trajectory of the northern question in Italy during the 1990s can be examined through the unintended consequences of the political exploitation of the north-south divide: the increasing visibility of differences within northern Italy, & an increasing reliance on identity politics to sustain the widely held perception that the northern question was based on economic issues. The article situates the rise of Lega Nord within the broader framework of political mobilization in the northern Italian regions & explores the construction of political space as a nonreversible process. The implications of political choices in explaining the type of territorial cleavage in Italian politics are explained. The article is based on original research, party journals, & interviews conducted in Italy, 1995/96. 2 Tables, 3 Maps, 42 References. Adapted from the source document.