Introduction: United States Law and Policy on Transitional Justice: Principles, Politics, and Pragmatics
In: United States Law and Policy on Transitional Justice: Principles, Politics, and Pragmatics (Oxford University Press). 2016
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In: United States Law and Policy on Transitional Justice: Principles, Politics, and Pragmatics (Oxford University Press). 2016
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Ian Haney-Lopez addresses the connection between dog whistle politics and the increasingly successful right-wing attacks on the government and unions, and offers a frame for the labor movement to mobilize and defeat dog whistling.
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Agricultural Land is a land that is intended or suitable for farming land to produce agricultural or livestock. The history of regulations on the limitation of ownership of agricultural land rights includes 2 periods, namely the limitation of ownership of land rightsduring the colonial period and the period after independence. The political and legal factors of the government greatly influence the operation of law in society, including in the implementation of land reform, especially the ownership of agricultural land rights,including restrictions on ownership of agricultural land rights. The politics of law applied in a government affects the implementation and enforcement of laws and regulations, changes in government that have occurred in Indonesia from the days of President Soekarno, President Soeharto, and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to President Joko Widodo affect the implementation of restrictions on ownership of agricultural land rights. The politics of land law are related to limiting ownership of rights to agriculture. It is hoped that the government will take sides by regulating the focus of ownership of agricultural land rights for the benefit of all Indonesian people, especially for farmers to own agricultural land. Ownership and control of agricultural land are not owned and controlled by certain groups or individuals.
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Uses cutting edge and multidisciplinary approaches to analyse the politics of service provision and serves as a model for how similar research can be conducted in other countries and sectors - An in-depth, microlevel analysis that develops the high-profile South African discourse on the interaction between governance and policy - Systematically anchored in innovative thinking on how to achieve gains in politically complex settings.
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In: Latin American politics and society, Band 44, Heft 3, S. 141
ISSN: 1548-2456
In: Routledge studies in the sociology of health and illness
In: Journal of policy history: JPH, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 51-74
ISSN: 0898-0306
Argues that attempts to reform presidential executive power made other government and political institutions more bureaucratic. "Programmatic liberalism", the Nixon administration, and Congress.
In: British journal of political science, Band 25, S. 57-77
ISSN: 0007-1234
Examines the motivating forces behind the movements and how they are influenced by the political resources available; some focus on ongoing struggles for a united Kashmir and for autonomy of the Tamils in Sri Lanka and the Sikhs in India.
In: International organization, Band 45, Heft 4, S. 425-451
ISSN: 0020-8183
World Affairs Online
In: Asian survey: a bimonthly review of contemporary Asian affairs, Band 29, Heft 7, S. 716-724
ISSN: 0004-4687
World Affairs Online
In: Thamyris / Intersecting: Place, Sex and Race, volume 30
This book interrogates the term "queer" by closely mapping what space the theorizing of same-sex sexualities and sexual politics in the non-West inhabits. From theoretical discussions around the epistemologies of such conceptualizations of space in the Global South, to specific ethnographies of same-sex culture, this collection hopes to forge a way of tracking the histories of race, class, caste, gender, and sexual orientation that form what is called the moment of globalization. The volume, co-edited by Ashley Tellis and Sruti Bala, asks whether the societies of the Global South simply borrow and graft an internationalist (read Euro-US) language of LGBT/queer rights and identity politics, whether it is imposed on them or whether there is a productive negotiation of that language
In: https://dspace.library.uu.nl/handle/1874/391075
In this dissertation I analyse how young adults construct citizenship in Timor-Leste and how this is shaped by their navigation of intergenerational power dynamics in a context of postcolonial and post-conflict nation-state building. I base my argument on qualitative ethnographic data collected over the course of four fieldwork periods, of in total fifteen months, between 2012 and 2018. I show how the history of Portuguese colonialism and twenty-five years of Indonesian occupation divided the population of the nation-state, independent since 2002, into three generations: the Portuguese, de Indonesian and the post-independence generation. However, I describe young adults (18-30 years old) as an in-between generation as they fall between the cracks of this generational definition. I argue that their in-betweenness gives us crucial insights into citizenship. To study citizenship ethnographically I theorise it as a palimpsest on which different languages of citizenship converge, overlap and contradict each other. I explore how young adults navigate different institutional levels of governance in the suku (village) and in national political parties. In doing so they learn three different languages of citizenship that shape their citizenship palimpsest. I conclude that these different languages of citizenship confront young adults with contradictory expectations towards their citizenship. The in-between generation must, therefore, navigate shifting generational power dynamics, gerontocracy and precedence in a context of democratic nation-state building and decentralisation. Thereby they must constantly search for the balance between active participation and deference. It is this search, I argue, that crucially defines the shape of young adults' citizenship in Timor-Leste.
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The selective pressures and processes of cultural heritage management effectively disinherit some interest groups. Where this occurs in the context of postcolonial or nationalist conflict, the material archaeological record may be referenced to support or reject particular views. The disciplinary assumptions behind the archaeological evidence so produced are not usually contested in judicial contexts. A review of archaeology's theoretical foundations suggests that this naivety itself may be problematic. A descriptive culture history approach dominated archaeology over the first half of the twentieth century with a strong political appeal to nationalist politics. Subsequently archaeology became concerned with processual explanation and the scientific identification of universal laws of culture, consistent with postwar technological optimism and conformity. A postprocessual archaeology movement from the 1970s has promoted relativism and challenged the singular authority of scientific explanation. Archaeologists caught within this debate disagree over the use of the archaeological record in situations of political conflict. Furthermore, the use of archaeology in the sectarian debate over the Ayodhya birthplace of Rama suggests that the material record of the past can become highly politicized and seemingly irresolvable. Archaeological research is also subject to other blatant and subtle political pressures throughout the world, affecting the nature and interpretation of the record. A system that privileges archaeological information values may be irrelevant also to communities who value and manage their ancestral heritage for customary purposes. Collectively this review of theory and applied knowledge suggests that it is unrealistic to expect that archaeology can authoritatively resolve strident claims and debates about the past. Instead, an important contemporary contribution of archaeology may be its potential to document cultural and historical contradictions and inclusions for the consideration of contemporary groups in conflict.
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