Suchergebnisse

The promulgation of the Political Constitution of Colombia has been considered as one of the moments that generated the so-called new Latin American constitutionalism, characterized by an anthropocentric change that identified human dignity as the central axis, in whose validity there has been a tendency to a greater guarantee for people with disabilities. Considering that the challenges of the new constitutionalism should be in line with the millennium goals, with a tendency towards a material reduction of inequalities, this article analyzes the challenges of this trend that require greater attention for the legal protection of persons with disabilities. Thus, through a basic-legal methodology, the challenges of the new Latin -American constitutionalism will be identified within the framework of the SDGs, the needs for the legal protection of persons with disabilities in this century and what are the challenges of these new constitutional trends in the face of the legal protection of the disabled person. However, a need for progressive and constantly evolving treatment, interpretation and legal enactment will be exalted, a guarantee for unequal groups in the understanding that it is a tireless work that materializes the constitutional goals that inspired those advanced moments that the new Latin American constitutionalism achieved. ; La promulgación de la Constitución Política de Colombia (1991) ha sido considerada como uno de los momentos que generaron el llamado nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano, caracterizado por un cambio antropocentrista que identificó como eje central a la dignidad humana, en cuya vigencia se ha tendido a una mayor garantía para las personas con discapacidad. Considerando que los retos del nuevo constitucionalismo deberían mantener consonancia con los objetivos del milenio, con tendencia a una reducción material de desigualdades, con el presente artículo se analizan los desafíos de esta corriente que requieren mayor atención para la protección jurídica de la persona con ...

This ethnography focuses on the emotions of the women of color who elaborated on their experiences working for wealthy, white families in ethnographic interviews. This project is interested in the connections formed between nannies and mother-employers with the goal of better understanding the positionalities of female domestic workers of color. Immigrant populations are frequently depicted by news outlets as overworked, underpaid, and poor. When interacting with nannies, I realized that these women did not consider themselves impoverished despite working in a role that is identifiable with servanthood. The labor that nannies perform calls back to a long tradition of women of color acting as servants in the homes of wealthier, white families. The most obvious example would perhaps be the role of black female slaves during the Antebellum period. I hope to go against the damaging stereotypes that bound these underrepresented workers to their material conditions, denying them autonomy as individuals. By drawing a clear distinction between belonging to an underrepresented group and existing in the world as an individual actor, I hope to go against the misconception that people who lack agency in the government and media also lack agency in their daily lives. The women of color who serve as nannies in downtown Manhattan are categorized as an oppressed group yet gain an exceptional amount of power over mother-employers by being emotionally present within the workplace Senior Project submitted to The Division of Social Studies of Bard College.

Teachers may use this chapter from The Remarkable Cause: A Novel of James Lovell and the Crucible of the Revolution as a short story for grades 7 – 12., to explore themes of interpersonal conflict, conflict resolution, and the value of law. The chapter "Boston Discusses the Massacre" is taken from The Remarkable Cause: A Novel of James Lovell and the Crucible of the Revolution (Knox Press, 2020), and used with permission. James Lovell, teacher at the Boston Latin School, discusses the pivotal events of March 5, 1770. As the conflicts that become the American Revolution begin a group of soldiers posted in Boston fired on townspeople in a crowd, killing five. Those in the crowd had heckled the soldiers, who were there to support unpopular taxes imposed by the British. Despite the general animosity of those in Boston towards the regiments quartered among the citizens of the town, townspeople decided the law would be upheld and the soldiers put to a trial to determine their guilt or innocence. In this chapter James discusses with his students the publication of The Short Narrative of the Horrid Massacre, which was the collection of depositions of witnesses to the conflict. Questions of law, witness reliability, and pre-meditation form part of the discussion. It is clear from the reading that James is a patriot, but his father, Master John Lovell, with whom he teaches, is a Tory. The reading includes background and context information, vocabulary words, an afterword explaining what happens to James Lovell, some questions, three paragraph writing prompts varied in modes, sources, and standards aligned. Besides questions of law, the reading touches on verbal exchanges with someone with whom one disagrees; questions prompt students to consider how to deescalate conflict in cases when argument seems the only course.

The Covid-19 pandemic has exacerbated the inequalities and poverty of the vast majority of the Latin American population. Although states have attempted to reduce its catastrophic impacts, their interventions have proved insufficient and unstable. The author examines the contextual conditions, the policies, the results achieved during the two years of the pandemic and the future possibilities. ; La pandemia del Covid-19 ha agudizado las desigualdades y la pobreza de la gran mayoría de la población latinoamericana. Aunque los Estados han intentado reducir sus impactos catastróficos, sus intervenciones han resultado insuficientes e inestables. La autora examina las condiciones contextuales, las políticas, los resultados alcanzados durante los dos años de la pandemia y las posibilidades futuras. ; La pandemia da Covid-19 ha acuito le disuguaglianze e le povertà della grande maggioranza della popolazione latinoamericana. Sebbene gli Stati abbiano tentato di ridurne gli impatti catastrofici, i loro interventi si sono rivelati insufficienti e instabili. L'autrice esamina le condizioni contestuali, le politiche, i risultati conseguiti nel corso dei due anni di pandemia e le possibilità per il futuro.

As Brazil showed signs of progress in civil-military relations in the late nineties and early 2000s, research moved from civilian control to defense policy topics, resulting in neglect of less obvious forms of military involvement in politics, which pre-date Bolsonaro. To support our claim, we begin by critically reviewing existing frameworks for assessing progress in civilian control and propose returning to the field's primary concern with military intervention in politics by using three indicators - military presence in government; public commentary by military officers; and episodes of military contestation – and their implications regarding the armed forces, politicians, and society. Then, we make an account of instances of the three indicators during Dilma Rousseff's and Michel Temer's presidencies. We conclude that military involvement in politics in Brazil is a pervasive social phenomenon posing serious risks for democracy. ; Conforme o Brasil foi mostrando sinais de progresso nas relações civis-militares no final dos anos 90 e no início dos anos 2000, as análises mudaram o foco, desde os temas relativos ao controle civil para tópicos de política de defesa, resultando na negligência de formas menos óbvias de envolvimento militar na política, que precedem a eleição de Bolsonaro. Para apoiar nossa afirmação, começamos revisando criticamente os marcos conceituais existentes para avaliar o progresso no controle civil e propomos retornar à principal preocupação do campo com a intervenção militar na política usando três indicadores - presença militar no governo; comentários públicos de oficiais militares; e episódios de contestação militar - e suas implicações para as forças armadas, os políticos e a sociedade. Em seguida, analisamos instâncias dos três indicadores durante as presidências de Dilma Rousseff e Michel Temer. Concluímos que o envolvimento dos militares brasileiros na política é um fenômeno social generalizado que representa sérios riscos para a democracia. ; A medida que Brasil mostró signos de progreso en las relaciones cívico-militares a fines de la década de 1990 y principios de la de 2000, los análisis cambiaron el enfoque, desde problemas de control civil para assuntos de política de defensa, lo que resultó en un descuido de las formas menos obvias de participación militar en la política, las cuales son anteriores a la elección de Bolsonaro . Para respaldar nuestra afirmación, comenzamos por revisar críticamente los marcos conceptuales existentes para evaluar el progreso en el control civil y proponemos volver a la principal preocupación del campo con la intervención militar en la política utilizando tres indicadores: presencia militar en el gobierno; comentarios públicos de oficiales militares; y episodios de contestación militar, así como sus implicaciones para las fuerzas armadas, los políticos y la sociedad. Luego, analizamos instancias de los tres indicadores durante las presidencias de Dilma Rousseff y Michel Temer. Concluimos que la participación de los militares brasileños en la política es un fenómeno social generalizado que presenta serios riesgos para la democracia.

Los países latinoamericanos han formado parte de los llamados capitalismos periféricos en el marco de la globalización del sistema-mundo, este posicionamiento ha tenido un fuerte impacto en el desarrollo del sector educacional, y su respectiva implicancia en el desarrollo nacional, condicionado por mecanismos de exclusión que operan a distintos niveles. En el caso de Chile, esto se ha llevado a cabo a través de mecanismos intrínsecos a las reformas educativas realizadas, coherentes con su discurso neoliberal y que han situado a la educación como una fuente de reproducción de la enorme desigualdad social, tendencia que se ha intentado revertir en la última década a través de políticas públicas orientadas a la regulación del sector. En el caso de Venezuela, su orientación de Estado-Docente con un alto componente ideológico contra-hegemónico, se orienta a un modelo de transformación social bajo un proyecto político "revolucionario" y heterodoxo en relación a las tendencias globales, donde su transformación discursiva y política genera nuevos mecanismos de conflicto social, pese a la existencia de un discurso público educativo de una alta vocación social, que se ve limitada por un aislamiento a distintos niveles. Ambos modelos han sido objeto de cuestionamiento social, debiendo reformular algunos de sus rasgos definitorios durante los años recientes. La interrogante que surge desde el análisis será ¿qué tipo de convergencias es posible identificar en las políticas educativas en dos países que han enfrentado el proceso de globalización económica de forma totalmente distinta? ; Latin American countries have been part of the so-called peripheral capitalisms in the context of the globalization of the world-system, this positioning has had a strong impact on the development of the educational sector, and its respective implications for national development, conditioned by exclusion mechanisms that operates at different levels. In the case of Chile, this has been carried out through mechanisms intrinsic to its educational reforms, coherent with a neoliberal discourse that conceive education as a source of reproduction of its enormous social inequality, trend that has been tried to revert in the last decade through public policies oriented to the regulation of the sector. In the case of Venezuela, its orientation as a Teacher-State with a high counter-hegemonic ideological component, its oriented towards a model of social transformation under a "revolutionary" and heterodox political project in relation to global trends, where its discursive and politics transformation generates new mechanisms of social conflict, despite the existence of a public educational discourse of a high social vocation, which is limited by isolation and limited rights at different levels. Both models have been object of social questioning, having to reformulate some of their defining features during the recent years. The question that arises from the analysis will be: What kind of convergences can be identified in educational policies between both countries, that have faced the process of economic globalization in a completely different way?mercantilización

Post-neoliberalism. Tensions and complexities brings together a set of essays of great conceptual potential where the roots and the evolution of the Bolivian revolutionary process are found, which allowed the consolidation of the construction of the Plurinational State in Bolivia and lay the foundations for a new horizon of the time. This is a transcendental study prepared by Álvaro García Linera that analyzes, criticizes, dusts off and updates the experiences developed by the Government of former President Evo Morales and his main electoral force MAS-IPSP. ; Posneoliberalismo. Tensiones y complejidades reúne un conjunto de ensayos de gran potencial conceptual donde se encuentran las raíces y el devenir del proceso revolucionario boliviano el cual permitió consolidar la construcción del Estado Plurinacional en Bolivia y sentar las bases para un nuevo horizonte de época. Se trata de un estudio trascendental elaborado por Álvaro García Linera que analiza, critica, desempolva y actualiza las experiencias desarrolladas por el Gobierno del ex Presidente Evo Morales y su principal fuerza electoral MAS-IPSP.

PUBLISHED ; Developing resilience in conditions of extreme geographic and economic vulnerability, Small Island Developing States (SIDS) have learned to share what works for adaptation on the ground through transnational Disaster Risk Reduction initiatives that address the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This chapter focuses on South-South Cooperation between Caribbean SIDS on Climate Change Adaptation and Disaster Risk Management, as well as triangulation with the European Union and international organisations through the African, Caribbean and Pacific-European Union Natural Disaster Risk Reduction (ACP-EU NDRR) Program. It critically analyses collaborations between regional platforms to show evidence of successful transferable adaptation strategies and tools that have emerged from disaster risk management experiences. Acknowledging the SIDS? contribution to climate change adaptation is key for advancing both research and action. The examples of South-South cooperation between SIDS and triangulation with Europe and international organisations addressed in this chapter show that a coherent and effective theoretical framework for impactful adaptation research and global climate action should bring forward participatory, transdisciplinary and translocal perspectives informed by the experiences of early adaptors in the Global South.

This paper aims to provide an overview on how the United States respond to two economic crises: The Great Recession, and the Covid-19 Pandemic Economic crisis. Although the two crises were caused by very different issues: the Great Recession was caused by the housing and financial crisis, while the 2020 economic crisis was caused by Covid-19 pandemic, they both dealt a huge blow to the economy. Both crises caused unemployment numbers to jump, while purchasing power steeply declined. Through a literature study, this article looks at the financial decisions made by the US government and the Federal Reserve throughout the crises. This paper draws parallels between the fiscal and monetary policies of the US during crisis and the Keynesian model of the economy, which has boosted the economy and helped the country recover.