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The political reforms that have been going on since the 1990s have drastically changed the face of politics in Japan. The most significant of these reforms was the change of government, which brought an end, albeit only once, to the long-standing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) regime. These changes were expected to change the power structure by altering the contact of interest groups with political elites. I examine this issue based on a longitudinal survey conducted in four rounds between 1997 and 2017.
The results show a robust structure of interest group politics, although the features were weakening. That is, contacts with the LDP and the bureaucracy were sources of political influence for interest groups. The impact of the two-party system and its setbacks are seen in the change in contact with the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). However, The DPJ did not function as a source of interest representation.

Post‐war Jewish immigration from Europe to Australia has been much discussed in the scholarship, primarily with reference to the question of discriminatory (anti‐semitic) intention on the part of the Australian government and the Department of Immigration bureaucracy. The assumption has often been made that the existence of discriminatory policy and practices necessarily led to a reduction in the number of Jewish migrants entering Australia. Using new data on Jewish entrants under the Mass Resettlement programme (1947–51) and under individual sponsorship on landing permits, as well as material from the archives of the International Refugee Organization which administered the Mass Resettlement programme, this article revisits the related questions of discriminatory intentions and quantitative outcomes, concluding that discriminatory intent, while stimulating evasive strategies of resistance on the part of individuals and institutions, does not necessarily result in significant reduction in the rate of entry of the migrants who are the object of discrimination.

AbstractIn this study, we test the hypothesis that farmers' experienced administrative burden affects their policy perceptions. Based on survey data from 808 randomly chosen Swiss farmers, a latent class approach is used to depict the heterogeneity of farmers' policy perceptions. We find that 20 percent of farmers are grumpy with the current direct payment policy, 23 percent are supporters, and 57 percent are indifferent, meaning that the latter group of farmers neither agree nor disagree with the direct payment policy. Regression results indicate that the higher the perceived administrative burden, the higher the probability of belonging to the grumpy class of farmers. Additionally, our results show that grumpy farmers have less social exchange than their peers and exhibit lower environmental awareness. Our findings show that the bureaucracy involved in agricultural policy matters not only because it increases private and public administrative costs but also because it negatively shapes farmers' view of agricultural policy.

Indigenous migrants in American custody often speak neither English nor Spanish. This leaves them at risk for family separation, deportation and due process violations. In this article, I discuss the challenges which indigenous migrants face in American immigration. Examining linguistic variations, this manuscript illustrates that American immigration policies have not adjusted to the linguistic diversity at the border—or in the immigration courts. Despite the growing number of indigenous migrants seeking asylum, most are assumed to speak only Spanish. This assumption neglects the wide linguistic diversity of immigrants and directly impacts their experience through the immigration bureaucracy. For indigenous migrants, linguicism or the exclusion of native languages can have life or death consequences—especially if they are unable to secure interpreters or relay crucial aspects of their case. As such, linguicism perpetuates an unequal justice system which fails to provide an understanding of the asylum process for those who speak indigenous languages.

AbstractEuropeanization research found no general convergence towards centralized EU policy coordination, despite decentralized systems' comparatively slow and ineffective position‐taking. Does this finding hold against the threat, urgency, and uncertainty exerted by recent years' polycrisis? We posit that decentralized systems indeed persist, albeit in a three‐step reactive sequence in which situational centralization during crises dialectically reinforces decentralization in the long run. First, the prime minister's office harnesses a crisis to acquire hierarchical control of position‐taking. Second, to exploit the deep expertise of the bureaucracy and maximize its bargaining power on the EU‐level, it co‐opts a lead ministry. Third, due to the institutional underpinnings of the decentralized system, the lead ministry, rather than the prime minister's office, eventually retains the administrative capacities created in crisis. We illustrate this causal mechanism in a comparison of the German government's EU policy coordination during the Eurozone and Schengen crises.

AbstractWe present the American State Administrators Project (ASAP), a decades‐long survey of state agency leaders. This remarkable dataset provides a 50‐state chronological portrait of state administrative leaders, what they think, and what their agencies do. The dataset has traditionally been closely held but is now being shared with the broader scholarly community for the first time. We use this article to demonstrate the dataset's potential to advance theory and knowledge of the modern administrative state through the example of principal‐agent theory. As we show, the ASAP data allow us to reorient scholarship away from an empirical focus on how the president/governor, legislature, and other political principals try to influence the bureaucracy and toward a fuller appreciation of how bureaucrats formulate and administer public policy in a political environment. Such a refocusing is critical because it better recognizes the "agency" held by bureaucratic agents within modern governance.

Context:In response to the growth of evidence-based practice in social work, systematic literature reviews offer significant value to social work but are often met with concerns of time scarcity.Purpose:Through a case study search strategy addressing the research question "What are practicing frontline social workers' experiences of bureaucracy?," this article seeks to promote efficiency by providing a practical guide for conducting systematic literature searches and an appraisal of database performance in qualitative social work research.Method:The total citations, unique hits, sensitivity, and precision for each database were calculated before conducting a cross-study comparison with three previously published social work systematic searches to identify emerging performance trends.Results/Conclusion:Relying on a single database is subject to bias and will not provide comprehensive or sensitive findings; however, due to consistent high performance across four systematic searches, Applied Social Science Index and Abstracts, Social Services Abstracts, and Social Science Citation Index are recommended for future literature searching in social work.

Widyaiswara occupied an important role in forming quality ASN including in realizing the Smart ASN 4.0 concept. Smart ASN who have the ability to master technology will push the Indonesian government system into a bureaucracy that is in line with the spirit of the industrial revolution 4.0. All types of public services can be implemented on a digital basis and integrated in such a way that public services become more optimal. Widyaiswara as one of the elements in the development of electronic-based civil servant competencies is required to have the ability to prepare needs at every stage of the training process. The training stage is the implementation of training and education and training evaluation and development. Digital competence is needed by widyaiswara to compile materials that will be used in e-learning at that stage. The role of widyaiswara must exist starting from planning, content creation and evaluation to ensure learning objectives are achieved.

Institutional and government markets constitute not-for-profit market with the main objective of general welfare of people. Such markets are characterized by low budgets and captive patrons. Companies serving institutional markets establish and maintain separate departments to meet the specific requirements. Governments are the major and bulk buyers of goods and services in all countries. Government organizations, appointed by governments, have specified procedures which suppliers should follow. Suppliers experience a number of issues while dealing with government organizations. Suppliers require following formal procedures. The procedures may be time-consuming and suppliers may face bureaucracy. Governments adopt digital measures and adopt online buying to streamline the processes, to shorten the time required, and to overcome a number of hurdles. Companies dealing with institutional and government markets should be aware about all these aspects to succeed in the long run and also contribute to the growth of institutional and government markets.

Service hubs are neighborhoods where homelessness and efforts to address it cluster. Are these "skid rows" jails without bars, or are there ways that service hubs bolster residents' feelings of security about their lives? To address these questions, I analyze ethnographic interview data from sixty residents of four hubs—Skid Row, Los Angeles; Overtown, Miami; Kamagasaki, Osaka; and San'ya, Tokyo. I find that in these service hubs, residents' ontological security is supported by a combination of engagement with organizations, access to subsidized housing and income, and ties with family and friends. However, this sense of security can be undermined by negative experiences with police and crime, poor sanitation, welfare and aid bureaucracy, and redevelopment projects. I argue that these threats should be addressed to enhance the strengths of service hubs, which can provide important insights for efforts toward more even geographic distribution of housing and aid.

The concept of the welfare state upholds the existence of the legal system under the premise of legal certainty and the protection of basic human rights. Paragraph IV of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia emphasizes the existence of "state obligations" and "the government duty" to protect and serve all public interest. The normative basis of the Constitution was translated as the national principle to embody the public services. The Public Service Law Number 25 of 2009 is a formulation of legal certainty. However, the main problem that occurs in the public services is maladministration in bureaucracy. It is important to build interpretations of the authority attached to the bureaucratic system or on subjects who become government officials. By analyzing the Constitution, this article states that the government official dimensions must be considered as an interrelated issue, so that the articulate practice must be seen as inherent social conditions. Keywords: Responsibility, Government Officials, Maladministration.

This paper discusses the interactions and confrontations of the Austrian and Prussian officials with the religious community of the Russian Old Believers. They took place in two European regions: Bukovina (nowadays divided between Romania and Ukraine) and Neuostpreussen (nowadays divided between Poland and Lithuania) beginning at the end of the eighteenth century. The author discusses the officials' associations and misunderstandings regarding the Old Believers. The authorities could not easily distinguish the Old Believers from the Orthodox Christians and had problems recognising their language. In many cases, improper data resulted in failed actions. There was a constant tension between the positive assessment of the Old Believers' diligence and their refusal to fulfil the requirements of the state, like an oath-taking, military service, metrical registration, or inns' building. The consequent resistance of the communities was often stronger than the administrative enforcement, thus revealing the limits of the modern enlightened bureaucracy in practice in the countryside.

Europeanization research found no general convergence towards centralized EU policy coordination, despite decentralized systems' comparatively slow and ineffective position-taking. Does this finding hold against the threat, urgency, and uncertainty exerted by recent years' polycrisis? We posit that decentralized systems indeed persist, albeit in a three-step reactive sequence in which situational centralization during crises dialectically reinforces decentralization in the long run. First, the prime minister's office harnesses a crisis to acquire hierarchical control of position-taking. Second, to exploit the deep expertise of the bureaucracy and maximize its bargaining power on the EU-level, it co-opts a lead ministry. Third, due to the institutional underpinnings of the decentralized system, the lead ministry, rather than the prime minister's office, eventually retains the administrative capacities created in crisis. We illustrate this causal mechanism in a comparison of the German government's EU policy coordination during the Eurozone and Schengen crises.

This study aims to discuss issues regarding the legal certainty of criminal acts of abuse of authority and problems regarding the return of state financial losses in handling corruption cases in Indonesia. To examine these problems, a normative juridical research method was used using secondary legal data consisting of primary legal materials and secondary legal materials. Based on the results of the study, it is known that the handling of cases of Corruption Crimes cannot be separated from the influences of the bureaucracy and political factors, both from the legal provisions that govern it and from unscrupulous government officials with strategic positions in the Government who are perpetrators of abuse of authority that is detrimental to finances. country. However, there is a discrepancy in the regulation regarding abuse of authority in the Law on government administration and the Law on criminal acts of corruption in Indonesia, especially in terms of recovering state financial losses.

This study is to explain the factors that influence the public through e-government, analyze the service objectives of respondents using information technology in providing public services. This research uses descriptive and verification research methods. Data collection techniques in this study were interviews and questionnaires. The data analysis technique used is the linear regression of correlation and coefficient of determination. The results of the study show that there are many factors that influence public services through e-government, namely commitment, quality of human resources, infrastructure, geographical conditions, and services. Information technology in public services already exists in the form of e-government. Respondents' responses to the implementation of public service reform were 4.19 in the good category, for revitalization 4.06 in the good category, and the highest at 4.48 including very good for indicators of complete payment systems such as websites and e-mail. Keywords: E-Government, Public Service Reform and Revitalization of Bureaucracy Implementation.