Suchergebnisse

Aims: Japan is known as a country with low self-rated health despite high life expectancy. We compared socioeconomic inequalities in self-rated health in Japan with those in 32 European countries and the US using nationally representative samples. Methods: We analysed individual data from the Comprehensive Survey of Living Conditions (Japan), the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions, and the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (US) in 2016. We used ordered logistic regression models with four ordinal categories of self-rated health as an outcome, and educational level or occupational class as independent variables, controlling for age. Results: In Japan, about half the population perceived their health as 'fair', which was much higher than in Europe (≈20-40%). The odds ratios of lower self-rated health among less educated men compared with more educated were 1.72 (95% confidence interval (CI) 1.61-1.85) in Japan, and ranged from 1.67 to 4.74 in Europe (pooled; 2.10 (95% CI 2.01-2.20)), and 6.65 (95% CI 6.22-7.12) in the US. The odds ratios of lower self-rated health among less educated women were 1.79 (95% CI 1.65-1.95) in Japan, and ranged from 1.89 to 5.30 in Europe (pooled; 2.43 (95% CI 2.33-2.54)), and 8.82 (95% CI 8.29-9.38) in the US. Socioeconomic inequalities were large when self-rated health was low for European countries, but Japan and the US did not follow the pattern. Conclusions:
Japan has similar socioeconomic gradient patterns to European countries for self-rated health, and our findings revealed smaller socioeconomic inequalities in self-rated health in Japan compared with those in western countries.

The most unique aspect of religiosity/spirituality (R/S), supernatural beliefs, and their relationship with SWB has hardly been examined. This study explores the relationship between six R/S supernatural beliefs and SWB, in a case-based comparative cross-national design including two religious and two secular nations. Data were obtained from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) Religion IV module from the religious countries of the USA (n = 1060) and Turkey (n = 1353) and the secular countries of Denmark (n = 1281) and Czech Republic (n = 1112). SWB was measured as happiness and self-rated health. Statistical analyses were performed using binary logistic regression models replicated across countries. Results indicated that the American sample showed no evidence of relationships between R/S and SWB outcomes capable of improving the model over demographic and service attendance covariates. In Turkey, some R/S beliefs were found to be statistically significantly related to SWB, with positive and negative associations with happiness. No associations were found in the secular countries. Findings were discussed in the light of previous research and interpreted from a terror management theory perspective.

Two years into the COVID-19 pandemic, there are signs that sub-Saharan Africa will experience a modest recovery in 2022. Yet at least in the first half of the year, the region will continue to suffer from inadequate provision and administration of vaccines. In addition, violent conflicts and structural weaknesses constitute considerable challenges. We present a selective list and analysis of "ten things to watch" in Africa in 2022. Politics: Last year saw a number of military coups, which may foreshadow future takeovers by armies in Africa. Pivotal elections lie ahead that could trigger the outbreak of violence, for instance in Kenya. Political heavyweight South Africa is in a severe socio-economic crisis that is engendering growing public anger, and the governing African National Congress is experiencing increasingly deepening internal rifts. Violent conflicts: The civil war in Ethiopia puts the state's integrity at risk and could further undermine stability in the whole Horn of Africa. Jihadism represents a major security threat on the continent that needs to be tackled by African and international actors. A focus should lie on addressing root causes and on preventing crises. Development: It will take years for African countries to rebound from the pandemic's socio-economic repercussions. Structural problems such as high poverty, inequality, and government debt hamper economic growth and the effects of climate change are strongly felt in many African countries already. The year 2022 will be crucial for devising the next steps for continental economic integration. International arena: Africa is a sought-after international partner. Several actors including China, Turkey, the United States, and the European Union and its member countries are vying for political and economic influence. This competition will further intensify. African countries getting their full share of COVID-19 vaccines will be important. African and international partners need to expand support for the COVAX initiative and boost public health systems. The approaching EU–African Union summit in February represents an opportunity to step up cooperation to strengthen regional economic integration, democratic development, and the fight against climate change. Based on its coalition agreement, the new German government should be a main driver of this partnership.

Easterlin's relative income hypothesis refers to the current income of young adults compared to the level of material aspirations acquired during childhood. The hypothesis implies that young individuals are expected to reduce fertility if their material aspirations grow at a higher rate than their incomes. This paper examines whether the same hypothesis holds true for marriage. A higher (lower) level of income combined with a lower (higher) level of material aspirations would increase (decrease) relative income and consequently could affect marriage rates. Thus, relative income might be one explanation for the "marriage paradox" which indicates that young adults in the United States retreat from marriage despite perceiving it as a milestone of their lives. One might also expect relative income to be a better predictor of marriage than absolute income. This is because, according to the Easterlin hypothesis, the behaviour of young adults reflects not only their response to changes in external conditions (e.g. absolute income), but also to past events they have experienced. We employ panel dynamic methods and causality tests for the United States that span the period from 1981 to 2016. Empirical analysis supports the relative income hypothesis. Causality tests indicate that the relationship runs mostly from relative income to marriage rather than the other way round. Relative income emerges as a stronger predictor than absolute income in all of the methods employed.

El objetivo central de este artículo es aproximarse al estado de las condiciones de paridad de
género en materia electoral en México, a raíz de la celebración de los comicios federales y
locales de 2021. En particular, se pondrá énfasis en los resultados de los esfuerzos por establecer regulaciones y vigilar la paridad en materia de nominaciones por género y el saldo que ello tuvo en el ejercicio del sufragio de la ciudadanía. La revisión de la evidencia empírica disponible en la materia permite afirmar que mientras en la pista de las elecciones para diputaciones federales el avance hacia el logro de la equidad es prácticamente un hecho consumado, en el terreno de las elecciones para los gobiernos estatales lo novedoso de los intentos de normar y sancionar las inequidades han tenido un éxito que se queda por lo pronto en lo formal y no logra avanzar hacia el encuentro de un sufragio ciudadano equilibrado, por lo que permanecen inequidades contra las mujeres que apuntan a la necesidad de esfuerzos complementarios menos formales y más orientados hacia incidir en cuestiones de cultura cívica y política del electorado y en la creación de nuevas lógicas de la ciudadanía en el enfrentamiento de los potenciales de gestión pública de las personas que se alejaran de prejuicios y preconcepciones sesgadas de género.

Intensifying US-Chinese rivalry will increase pressure on Germany to support a more hawkish US geo-economic policy. The new ­German government should give Washington support in as far as US policies seek to create an economic level playing field vis-à-vis China. Given its dependence on international trade and investment, Germany should seek to resist a broader politicization of inter­national economic relations.

Interactions between transportation and warehousing and other industry clusters are not widely explored and the determinants of logistics locational determinants is limited in the U.S. context. These gaps in the literature, along with the U.S. transportation and warehousing sector's decentralization from urban areas and concentration in regions, highlight the importance of understanding the effects of place-based factors and inter-industry clusters on the locations and employment of transportation and warehousing industries. The analysis uses restricted-access U.S. Census Bureau data aggregated to the county level, along with secondary data sources, to estimate the locational determinants of transportation and warehousing (TW) industries based on transportation infrastructure as well as sociodemographic and institutional variables. The analysis takes a cross-sectional (non-causal) approach to focus on time-invariant location factors while testing and implementing zero-inflated count data distributions to model the data generation processes more accurately. Results indicate that subsectors are affected differently by infrastructure, sociodemographic, and institutional variables. Additionally, different factors are associated with industry presence versus size. Finally, we show that data using aggregated industries obscures locational factors' importance for individual sub-sectors and, further, that industrial aggregation obscures TW sectors' relationships to other clusters.

Despite the recent economic growth and gender equality improvement in educational attainment, important gender disparities remain in the Peruvian labour market. This article provides a comprehensive overview of the Peruvian gender wage gap evolution during 2007–2018 and identifies key elements that explain its patterns. First, the article shows that the raw wage gap showed an upward trend between 2007-2011, ranging from 6% to 12%, and remaining around that top bound ever since. Second, using Oaxaca‐Blinder decomposition we find that the unexplained wage gap has remained virtually unchanged at around 17% during the study period. Reductions in endowment differences between men and women coupled with a stagnant unexplained gap led to slightly larger raw wage gaps over time. Moreover, the stagnant unexplained gap suggests the presence of structural problems regarding social norms, gender stereotyping and potential discrimination that affects the wage gap. Third, we show that both at a national and regional level, gender wage gaps are larger within the lowest percentiles, and they mostly have a downward slope across the earnings distribution. Finally, after computing the raw and unexplained gap at the region‐year level, we show that smaller regional gender gaps are associated with (a) higher GDP, (b) lower levels of domestic physical violence against women, and (c) lower percentages of women as household heads.

Using annual household surveys from 2004 to 2019, we examine the existence of a gender labor income gap among older persons in Peru. Two labor income models are estimated: Model 1 uses a basic set of demographic, socioeconomic, and personal characteristics as regressors (also called endowments); Model 2 uses the basic set plus additional personal characteristics. The Misner‐type relationship holds with positive returns for education and experience, and the anticipated association to the endowments. The Oaxaca‐Blinder decomposition yields an explained labor income gender gap of 44.4% (Model 1) and 51.5% (Model 2), i.e., controlling for endowments, approximately one half of the labor income difference remains unexplained and can be attributed to discrimination and labor segregation. In light of these results, we estimate Model 3 with two additional variables (head of household and beneficiary of intergenerational private transfer) which attempt to capture gendered stereotypes. With these two variables which provide information on gender discrimination the explained labor income gap for Model 3 is 71.1% - an increase of 19.6%. The unexplained component of the difference in labor income amounts to 28.8% that we attribute to unobserved variables that operate as post‐labor market elements in patriarchal societies. Results show that gender inequity during a woman's life‐span manifests acutely among older women, which raises important implications for policy interventions.

In fighting for justice and equality in the face of American institutional racism, Muhammed Ali became an internationally known and respected figure. His 1976 autobiography, 'The Greatest', with Richard Dunham and edited by Toni Morrison is a fast paced and well written book. It showcases the intellect, humanity, and determination behind the globally recognized icon. The autobiography is interesting in the sense that it places boxing on the periphery and instead focuses on Ali's struggles and disappointments, to be recognized as a man in the American South, which would later morph into the greater struggle for civil rights for American minorities. In fighting against what this research terms structural racism, what emerged was a battle against the very fabric of core norms and culture, which establishes white American hegemony. In taking on established structures, Ali faced the wrath of 'the Establishment.' The idea of this term becomes vivid via comparative analysis of other case studies, which reveal that those who question American structural racism are met with similar reactions and consequences for their criticism. This study is thus relevant because it exposes how Ali's own fight for justice and racial equality 60 years ago is essentially no different than it is today.

Young people spend an increasing amount of time in front of a screen, developing new forms of content consumption and production. In this context, the so-called YouTubers emerge. They are the new actors of the information society, who acquire prominence specially in the creation of audiovisual content. This article studies the narrative of YouTubers and the media competition behind the process. To accomplish this task we have selected the 10 most relevant young YouTubers in the Andean Community (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru), ranked by number of followers. Their products were analyzed with the following criteria: the narrative that they use, the impact that they generate, and the media competence that they demonstrate. The research we have made is descriptive and uses a mixed-methods approach, which employs technical datasheets that collect general information on the channels studied and the impact of their accounts. In general terms, we have observed that the videos contemplate new standards, which are not related to the contents of traditional media; the narrative is self-referential and through it, YouTubers manage to identify with niches of younger audiences, that can see in them similar life experiences. An interesting aspect is that a good part of the language used is violent and even foul, considering that young people are a vulnerable population group on the internet. Finally, the use and mastery of technological tools is evident on YouTubers, as well as the interest in self-training in content production processes.

In the Global South, Indigenous and Native people continue to live under colonial relations within formally independent nation-states. The author offers a critical perspective on contemporary expressions of international solidarity and transnational advocacy. He combines approaches from critical race and decolonial studies with an activist ethnography on networked spaces of encounters created through solidarity activism by Mapuche and non-Mapuche actors. Departing from those experiences, this book not only presents potential pitfalls of transnational advocacy but suggests new ways of understanding and practicing solidarity.

Carbon pricing is a key policy instrument used to steer markets towards the adoption of low-carbon technologies. In the last two decades, several carbon pricing policies have been implemented or debated at the state and federal levels in the US. The Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative and the California cap-and-trade policy are the two regional policies operational today. While there is no federal policy operational today, several carbon pricing proposals have been introduced in Congress in the last decade. Using the literature on interest group politics and policy entrepreneurship, this article examines the carbon pricing policies at the subnational and federal levels in the US. First, the article explores the evolution of two main regional carbon pricing policies, the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative and California cap-and-trade, to identify how interest groups and policy entrepreneurs shaped the design and implementation of the respective policies. Second, the article details the federal carbon pricing policy proposals and bills discussed in the last decade. Third, it examines the factors that limit the prospects of realizing an ambitious federal carbon price for pursuing deep decarbonization of the US economy. The article finds that federal carbon pricing in the US suffers from the lack of any natural and/or consistent constituency to support it through policy development, legislation, and implementation. While interest group politics have been mitigated by good policy entrepreneurship at the subnational level, the lack of policy entrepreneurship and the changing positions of competing interest groups have kept a federal carbon pricing policy from becoming a reality.

Mit 55,9 Prozent der Stimmen und einem Abstand von 11,8 Prozentpunkten gegenüber José Antonio Kast gewann Gabriel Boric am 19. Dezember 2021 die Stichwahl um die chilenische Präsidentschaft. An jenem Tag erreichte die Wahlbeteiligung in Chile mit 55,6 Prozent ein historisches Hoch seit der Abschaffung der Wahlpflicht. Die starke Mobilisierung verhalf Boric, der im ersten Wahlgang noch auf dem zwei­ten Platz gelandet war, zum Sieg. Damit steht der neue Präsident auf solidem demokratischem Fundament, aber auch vor großen Erwartungen in der Bevölkerung. Zudem wird der Regierungschef im Spannungsfeld zweier Institutionen agieren müssen: einer Verfassunggebenden Versammlung und einem parteipolitisch geteilten Kongress. Seine vierjährige Amtszeit, die am 11. März beginnt, könnte die letzte unter der "Pino­chet-Verfassung" und die Anfangs­phase einer demokratischen Transformation sein. (Autorenreferat)

The Camp Fire in California (November 2018) was one of the most destructive wildfires in recorded history. Dozens of Facebook groups emerged to help people impacted by the Camp Fire. Its variety and prevalence throughout recovery make this network of disaster-specific, recovery-oriented social media groups a distinct context for inquiry. Reflexive thematic analysis was performed on 25 interviews with group administrators and publicly available descriptive data from 92 Facebook groups to characterize the composition of the network and explore identity in the groups. Group members' identities fell into two categories - helpers and survivors - while the groups consisted of six identities: general, specialized, survivor-only, pet-related, location-specific, and adoptive. Administrators established group identity around purpose, through membership criteria, and in similarity and opposition to other Camp Fire Facebook groups. The findings contribute to social identity theory and the communication theory of resilience at the intersection of resilience labor, identity anchors, and communication networks.