The basis of a civil nation is common goals, common values, trust in the government, and the understanding that the government serves us. The main task of the people [now] is to avoid military service, taxes, and the authorities in general. Under such conditions, it is impossible to form a civil political nation.
By the time Vladimir Putin left presidential office in early 2008, the claim to power by the Russian authorities had been increasingly based on performance legitimacy. The financial and economic crisis that began to extend to Russia in late 2008 represented a major challenge for the Putin and Medvedev "tandem". Several narratives which suggest different assessments of the causes of the crisis and its significance for Russia were presented in official discourse by sections of the political elite during the years 2008-10 in an attempt to avoid a possible deficit in the regime's legitimacy. Adapted from the source document.
The aim of this research was to develop a coherent theoretical proposal for counteracting drug trafficking in Russia and Germany. The methodological basis of the research is the dialectical and worldview approach. The latter determined the application of the general principles of cognition to study the current situation of drug abuse in Russia and Germany. Among the results stands out the fact that, previously tested forms of preventive work require careful restructuring and adjustment on the example of the implementation of the Strategy of the State Anti-Drug Policy of the Russian Federation until 2030, which implies the involvement of various actors in the organization of preventive work. In addition, the scientific results of the research include a critical analysis of the legislation on drug trafficking, trends in the drug situation and criminological study of persons involved in drug trafficking. In conclusion, the authors provided a legal formulation of certain areas of the fight against drug trafficking in the Russian Federation and Germany.
"First edition May 1906. Second edition October 1906." ; Introduction.--The strike committee.--The workmen's home.--Father Gapon again.--The freedom of the world.--The open land.--The state of Moscow.--The old order.--The days of Moscow.--In little Russia.--The Jews of Odessa.--Liberty in prison.--The priest and the people.--A bloody assize.--The parties of Poland.--The drama of freedom.--The first Parliament. ; Mode of access: Internet.
The article discusses the situation of philosophical education in Russia. After 1991, the teaching of the officially recognized "dialectical materialism" and "historical materialism" in Russia was stopped. Since then, there has been no unified curriculum in philosophy studies in Russia, and the discipline has been significantly changed and extended. Now it includes a variety of philosophical currents that correspond to the general image of this discipline in the world. Nevertheless, there are some distinctive features, which differentiate Russian philosophy teaching from the c of philosophy elsewhere. One significant trait of modern Russian philosophy is the quest for its own identity. This explains the steady and ongoing interest in the history of Russian philosophy and in religious philosophy, which is booming at present. It is also significant that a majority of post-Soviet philosophers still perceive themselves as successors to the scientific ideology in the Marxist sense and regard the working out of a scientific world outlook as their goal. Philosophical schools, such as phenomenology and hermeneutics, are still viewed with suspicion and considered as historical phenomena, which have been overcome a long time ago. The paper will discuss the complex relationship between different positions in the understanding of philosophy in Russia, against the background of the struggle between conservative and progressive tendencies in Russian politics, culture and economics. The analysis of the mainstream of philosophical re-formation allows us to speak about the "New Epoch of Engineers" and the fall of the "Humanist Thaw".
This article analyses Russian foreign policy in its Asian dimension, placing Russia's relationship with China in the broader framework of Russia's foreign policy "Asia Pivot" strategy. The study concludes with a cautious reading of this relationship, anchored in the notion that, underneath the layer of greater closeness and intensified collaboration, lies a relationship of double strategic containment, both regarding the US and the West, and between these two giants. For Russia, the relevance of China in political and economic terms is evident and clearly assumed, but the fear of imbalances resulting from substantive differences between the two has held back a number of actions, while encouraging others in a logic of much-needed refocusing and rebalancing for Moscow.
The paper discusses the trend towards the formation of a bipolar global technological space in connection with the rapid technological development of China, which over the past 15—20 years has become a global technological leader. Moreover, in many positions in the technological race, China is already ahead of the United States and offers other countries attractive forms of cooperation in mastering the technologies of the fourth industrial revolution. The features of the current stage of interaction between Russia and China in the field of high technologies are analyzed, and an assessment of the risks and opportunities for Russia's participation in the new project "Digital Silk Road", which is becoming an important component of the Chinese "Belt and Road Initiative", is given.
Studies of political elites have emerged rapidly in post-Communist Russia. This state-of-theart article reflects on various developments in the field, analyzes research projects and frameworks, and focuses on two major issues of elite research: stratification studies and transition studies. The formation of an academic community in this field is close to completion. Russian scholars commonly accept different theoretical and methodological approaches from those employed by Western social scientists, but the lack of value-free work and comparative studies makes Russian studies of political elites somewhat isolated from the mainstream of social research.
Attualmente l'efficienza energetica costituisce un argomento di grande interesse nelle politiche nazionali ed internazionali. La valorizzazione ed il corretto uso delle fonti energetiche risultano, infatti, attività fondamentali nella pianificazione di un territorio verso la sostenibilità economica, sociale ed ambientale. La Tesi di Dottorato, svolta contestualmente ai Progetti di ricerca redatti in collaborazione con la FONDAZIONE MEZZOGIORNO EUROPA e l'ISTITUTO DI CULTURA RUSSO "M. LERMONTOV", considera la situazione energetica internazionale, con particolare interesse alla partnership Russia – UE nel settore energetico, ritenendo che per entrambi i partner sia fondamentale puntare a un rafforzato programma di promozione dell'efficienza dei consumi a tutti i livelli della società. In particolare, l'attenzione verso una riconversione efficiente dei modelli di consumo e di produzione nel settore energetico, sia in ambito comunitario che federale, deriva dalla circostanza che l'Unione Europea, povera di risorse e fortemente dipendente dall'import energetico extra – comunitario, deve affrontare il problema della sicurezza energetica dell'approvvigionamento, mentre la Russia deve fronteggiare l'aumento dei consumi (interni, europei ed asiatici) ed il decremento della produzione atteso, rispettando gli accordi energetici sottoscritti - requisito fondamentale per assicurare una crescita economica costante del paese. Se il conflitto ad oggi esistente non viene risolto, il deficit energetico inevitabilmente si rifletterà anche sul bilancio dell'Unione Europea, che potrebbe vedere diminuire il quantitativo di gas richiesto alla Russia per soddisfare il proprio fabbisogno. Prescindendo le peculiarità della politica strategica russa, e le scelte di Gazprom in particolare, si è preferito delineare una programmazione degli interventi necessari per razionalizzare la domanda nazionale di gas, all'insegna dell'efficienza energetica del mercato interno. Da qui la necessità di analizzare gli scenari energetici attuali, prendendo in considerazione anche i fattori di sviluppo socio - economico. Le elaborazioni dei dati relativi a produzione e consumo delle fonti primarie della Russia (Bilancio Energetico di sintesi), nonché quelli relativi alla evoluzione e alle dinamiche del sistema energetico nazionale secondo le linee guide tracciate dalla politica federale, hanno offerto uno scenario temporale valido sino al 2020 (Scenario di riferimento). L'analisi effettuata sui consumi settoriali delle fonte energetiche primarie, propedeutica all'individuazione delle aree di criticità dell'industria energetica, ha indotto all'esigenza di intervenire attraverso misure essenziali per modificare il quadro energetico esistente, nel tentativo di delineare una pianificazione energetica. Sia l'analisi dei consumi settoriali che la metodologia utilizzata per la successiva elaborazione della pianificazione territoriale, si basano sull'analisi della struttura energetica, effettuata attraverso il bilancio energetico nazionale, che rappresenta lo strumento fondamentale delle attività svolte. Il settore dell'energia elettrica necessita senz'altro di una maggiore attenzione, sia per l'aumento dei consumi di gas naturale che per il livello di obsolescenza di tutto il sistema della generazione e della trasmissione. In considerazione delle analisi sui consumi settoriali, si è rivolta particolare attenzione ad una pianificazione del settore della generazione termoelettrica. Per quanto riguarda specificamente gli interventi realizzabili per il miglioramento dell'efficienza dei sistemi di conversione di energia elettrica e/o termica, è risultato preliminare analizzare il nuovo parco di generazione termoelettrica (e idroelettrica) che è stato riorganizzato e ristrutturato nell'ambito delle riforme e della liberalizzazione del mercato dell'energia elettrica. L'obiettivo è quantificare il risparmio di gas naturale che potrebbe essere conseguito con l'applicazione di misure e tecnologie più efficienti individuate - ed elencate - per ciascuna centrale termoelettrica russa e mirate a soddisfarne le specifiche esigenze. I benefici derivanti dall'attuazione degli interventi nel settore energetico russo, sono il frutto dei risultati elaborati attraverso nuovi scenari previsionali (Scenari d'azione), di cui si illustra la metodologia e la modellistica per l'elaborazione. In particolare sono state tracciate le tendenze del fabbisogno del gas naturale e del petrolio, considerando sia gli interventi migliorativi del parco termoelettrico che i consumi connessi alle centrali di nuova costruzione o ripotenziate. Sebbene soltanto indicativi, questi dati offriranno un'idea delle opportunità di efficienza che la Tesi di Dottorato vorrebbe cogliere, intesa a rilanciare l'economia russa, attraverso lo sviluppo dell'industria energetica del Paese, e garantire la sicurezza degli approvvigionamenti per l'UE, nell'ambito di una partnership forte e consolidata.
"In the early 1990s, the countries of the former Soviet bloc faced an urgent need to reform the systems by which they delivered basic social welfare to their citizens. Inherited systems were inefficient and financially unsustainable. Linda J. Cook here explores the politics and policy of social welfare from 1990 to 2004 in the Russian Federation, Poland, Hungary, Belarus, and Kazakhstan. Most of these countries, she shows, tried to institute reforms based on a paradigm of reduced entitlements and subsidies, means-testing, and privatization. But these proposals provoked opposition from pro-welfare interests, and the politics of negotiating change varied substantially from one political arena to another. In Russia, for example, liberalizing reform was blocked for a decade. Only as Vladimir Putin rose to power did the country change its inherited welfare system." "Cook finds that the impact of economic pressures on welfare was strongly mediated by domestic political factors, including the level of democratization and balance of pro- and anti-reform political forces. Postcommunist welfare politics throughout Russia and Eastern Europe, she shows, are marked by the large role played by bureaucratic welfare stakeholders who were left over from the communist period and, in weak states, by the development of informal processes in social sectors."--Jacket
Abstract The aim of this article is to explore how politeness is conceptualized in modern Russia. The study adopts a bottom-up approach and gathers conceptualizations of different aspects of politeness by lay native Russian speakers. This study uses an open-ended questionnaire to elicit the concepts people generally associate with politeness, descriptive labels for polite people, as well as individual experiences of polite and impolite behavior. The data for the research was gathered through 50 questionnaires composed of five questions. In total, 217 metapragmatic comments and 155 recollections of past experiences were obtained. The results of this study suggest that politeness is understood mostly in terms of expectable social behavior and serves a regulatory function. It indicates that culturally-specific concepts can fit into the framework of personal, relational and social underpinnings of politeness. This vision embraces a holistic view on politeness as a social tool of efficient interaction.
In the Institute of World Economy and International Relations RAS the panel discussion session "European Dialogues" took place. The subject of the meeting was "Russia and the West: When Did the Ways Diverge?" The journal presents the reports of А.B. Zubov, Dr. Sci. (History), Professor of MGIMO-University (Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs), and N.I. Basovskaya, Dr. Sci. (History), Professor of Russian State University for the Humanities, as well as the discussion that took place. In this discussion the IMEMO staff members participated: A.G. Arbatov, Academician of RAS; V.G. Baranovskii, Academician of RAS; G.I. Machavariani; S.V. Utkin, Cand. Sci. (Political Science), as well as O.Yu. Potemkina, cand. Sci. (History), Institute of Europe RAS, and H.-W. Steinfeld, representative of Norwegian radio and television (NRK). The meeting was conducted by V.G. Baranovskii, Deputy Director of IMEMO, Academician of RAS and N.K. Arbatova, Head of Department in IMEMO, Dr. Sci. (Political Science).
