Suchergebnisse

Der Autor leitet ein im Anhang abgedrucktes Dokument ein, bei dem es sich um den Bericht des Vertreters der Labour Party William Gilles von der Sondersitzung der Sozialistischen Arbeiter-Internationale über einen möglichen Zollverein zwischen Deutschland und Österreich handelt. Entsprechende Richtlinien waren von beiden Außenministern 1931 unterzeichnet worden. Der Bericht spiegelt ein breites Meinungsspektrum wieder, das von der Besorgnis über ein Großdeutschland bis hin zur Paneuropa-Bewegung reicht. Der Bericht mache deutlich, so der Autor, daß nationale Sonderziele und taktische Rücksichten die Handlungsfähigkeit der SAI gelähmt habe, so daß keine Resolution zustande kam. Diese Haltung habe sich im "lahmen Protest" der SAI nach der Annexion Österreichs fortgesetzt. Ein Befinden über das Zollvereinvorhaben wurde hinfällig, als der Plan noch 1931 zu den Akten gelegt wurde. (WU)

International development nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) are a particularly good example of how transnational accountability commitments present challenges to producing credible accounts to diverse and at times competing stakeholder groups. This dissertation examines accountability at the intersections of power and knowledge production. I argue that the concept is necessarily a political and epistemic practice regulating human action through demands for its representation. Three assumptions support this treatment of accountability: the concept of accountability is applicable exclusively to human action; it assumes an agent has the freedom to choose and to self-regulate; and that an agent can produce an account that serves as credible evidence in verifying his actions are appropriate. The legibility and credibility criteria of accounts are examined through two distinct approaches to development. The "Modern Development Enterprise" is shaping upwards accountability expectations through funders' emphasis on aid effectiveness and the ability to demonstrate measurable "results". Funders are not only interested in verifying the effectiveness of past development interventions, they are also looking to secure development models which can assure their future investments will continue to maximize results for their money. "People-Centered Approaches" to development place an emphasis on the participation and empowerment of poor people, which has implications for knowledge-based accounts and claims of "downward accountability" by development agencies and INGOs. This focus on human agency, as both the means and the ends for development, drives specific methodological requirements for producing knowledge about poor-peoples' experiences and measuring people-centered interventions. Finally, the measurement practices of two INGOs are examined to demonstrate how they must negotiate multidirectional accountability to their stakeholders through methodological pluralism. Examples are drawn from the same food-security program in Bangladesh to illustrate how these specific and varied methodological requirements for measuring the work of development activities plays out in the INGOs' monitoring and evaluation practices. The preliminary evidence suggests that calls for multidirectional accountability may in fact ultimately take INGOs further from the sources of their credibility as development actors--their contribution as unique, value-based organizations and the ability to be responsive and accountable to those stakeholders who are the least powerful.

With the demise of the military threat to most of the free world, the aerospace companies are faced with the removal of large sources of capital to fund research and development. One of the ways to circumvent this problem is for the various companies to form consortiums to pool their money and talents to get the most for the dollar. With this procedure, there are many potential problem areas that can develop. There are the problems that can occur when the two different continents try to exchange data and engineering drawings that have been developed on separate computer ' systems and- different measuring systems (Metric versus English). The division of the workshare is another area where there can be difficulties. This would be the result of the self-esteem that plagues every corporation when it comes to solving the problem of who will lead the team in their endeavors. With this goes the prestige and admiration of the rest of the industry and could cause potential trouble down the road for the consortium leader. In every project, labor issues seem to surface. • In this arena, it is no different. Every country in the world, let alone regions of a country, there are different work ethics. This can be the month long vacation in Germany, "tea time" in Great Britain, to the different labor contracts that every union negotiates in the United States. As with every contract, there will be disputes in the interpretation of the requirements. The effect of law suits and the World Court are far reaching in the day to day workings of the multinational consortium. And with contracts, there must also be payments. The monetary standards that are to be used in the fulfillment of the contract can be disastrous to a corporation that is on an unsteady base. After the agreement to co-develop a project, there now comes a new set of issues that can effect the consortium. Things such as marketing the product, what international regulations govern which countries, the transfer of technology from a developed corporation to another that ...

The 1980 Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction ("the Convention") provides for the prompt return to the country of habitual residence of children taken by a parent from one country to another. It was created to address the threshold problem in such cases, that is, which court should determine the rights of the parties involved. In a case under the Convention, the court's concern is which country is the country of habitual residence and practical aspects of the return to ensure the safety of the child and the taking parent. This article will discuss the formation of the International Hague Network of Judges (IHNJ), why it is crucial in the advancement of the Convention's goals, and, specifically, what it does to educate judges and facilitate communication between judges, and how the IHNJ can facilitate the return, including providing information on services, procedures, and protections offered in the countries of return.

This article examines the effectiveness of public statements of resolve in international conflict. Several prominent theories, including domestic audience cost theory and theories regarding international reputation, suggest that issuing resolved statements can help a leader achieve a more favorable outcome in conflict bargaining. Because they entail costs for backing down, these statements are believed to credibly convey resolve to an adversary. This can help to alleviate the uncertainty created by private information about resolve and persuade the adversary to back down. Despite the prevalence of this theoretical logic, the effectiveness of statements of resolve at influencing conflict outcomes has rarely been subjected to direct tests, and some recent empirical work has raised doubts about statements' effectiveness. This article is the first to directly examine the effect of resolved statements on conflict outcomes using large-N analysis. It introduces original data, created using content analysis, which directly measure the level of resolved statements made by US presidents during militarized interstate disputes (MIDs). Analysis of these data demonstrates that a higher level of resolved statements is indeed associated with a greater chance of prevailing in disputes. This finding is substantively significant and robust, providing support for the argument that public statements play an important role in international conflict.

Cold War scholarship has frequently treated Austria as a Germany "sub-problem" in the critical early post-war era. Located in a crucial Central European geopolitical position, however, Austria became one of the early test cases for containing the Soviet Union. In fact, Austrian post-war history attests to an Anglo-Soviet "cold war" in 1945 preceding the better-known U.S.-Soviet Cold War that erupted on the world stage of history in 1946/47. Much of previous scholarship has focused on interpreting the prolonged Austrian occupation exclusively through the prism of superpower tensions. Based on much new American, British, French, and Austrian archival evidence, this study demonstrates that the Western powers were plagued by disagreements in their policies towards Austria, particularly in 1945. Moreover, Austria herself played an increasingly important role, utilizing the East-West rift to fight for her own agenda. Based on the myth of Austrian "innocence" during World War II, the post-war Austrian governments strove to realize a quick Austrian treaty to end the occupation. In the upheavals of the Cold War, Austria, a weak and small country, indeed found room to maneuver diplomatically. Young Karl Gruber, the pugnacious but inexperienced Foreign Minister, led many of these battles on the international scene. After the extended fight for the recognition of the provisional Renner regime, which the British suspected was a Soviet "puppet," the Austrians elected a government in 1945. A shocking defeat by the Communists induced the Soviets to put heavy economic pressure on the new Socialist/Conservative coalition government. In 1945, the Red Army had removed "German" industries in Austria as "war booty". Based on the Potsdam agreements, the Soviets seized the "German external assets" in their Austrian zone and squeezed an exceedingly high price in "reparations out of current production" from these sequestered properties. This economic exploitation alerted the Western powers and precipitated the Cold War in Austria early in 1946. The U.S. government started to pour massive amounts of economic aid into Austria to save Austria's economic unity, stabilize the political system, and stop Communist expansion. The Western powers feared that after the coups in Budapest and Prague, Austria might be "next on the list" of Communist takeovers. In 1948/49, Austria got caught in the maelstrom of growing East-West tensions. The Americans and the French preferred to maintain the status quo and were reluctant to sign an Austrian treaty before the country was sufficiently rearmed. By the end of the 1940s, only the British were prepared to take the risk of concluding an Austrian treaty. The Soviets, however, opted for continuing their economic exploitation of Austria. It was mainly Soviet intransigence, and to a lesser degree Western military concerns, which made the Austrian occupation last until 1955.

The law of nations was not concocted by 'bookworms', 'jurists' or 'professors', but was created and elaborated by the deeds of statesmen, diplomats, generals, and admirals.1 This statement of the celebrated English jurist, Professor Holland, appears very much true, when attention is given to the achievements of the first Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru. Being a world statesman, he projected India's constitutional vision of international order, which reflects in the doctrine of Panchsheel, as five principles of peace. The aim of this paper is to study, in general, Nehru's contribution to the maintenance of peace, good neighbourliness and the idea of moral conduct in international relations. To keep this paper within limits, it is addressed to two objectives: First, a survey of the Constituent Assembly debates in order to provide an account of the thoughts of the framers of the Indian Constitution and to find out how far Nehru's ideas influenced the drafting of articles relating to India's international relations; and Second, an evaluation of the concept of Panchsheel that characterizes the development of International Law in Asia. It is also felt useful to take this opportunity to note Nehru's idea of peace and the Asian phase of his political thought. It will be concluded that Nehru's Panchsheel message reflected India's constitutional vision of world order, and it will be further submitted in respect of the doctrine that the contribution has, at least, at the normative level, strengthened the regime of the principles of International Law and peace. The paper is divided into four parts. The first part deals with Nehru's constitutional vision; the second discusses his idea of peace and the third analyses the doctrine. Finally, the fourth part is the conclusion.

On the 125th anniversary of the International Review of the Red Cross, the ICRC again reaffirms the principles of permanence, receptiveness and dissemination which it set several years ago for its official publication at the service of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement.At its meeting of 4 May 1995, the ICRC Executive Board decided that the Review should also be published in Russian.

The International Review has already had occasion to mention the successive stages of the mission which left Geneva at the beginning of February 1962 to visit several countries and territories in Equatorial and Central Africa. This was entrusted by the International Committee to Mr. Samuel Gonard, Vice-President, who was accompanied by Mr. Georges Hoffmann, delegate, for a long time in the service of the ICRC.

Analysant la course aux armements des points de vue économique et politique — ce qui est peu fait — , l'article soutient qu'elle constitue l'élément essentiel de la stratégie de l'impérialisme aujourd'hui. Réponse à son fort recul des années 70 face aux luttes populaires et à la montée du socialisme dans le monde, elle lui permet en effet tout à la fois de s'opposer à l'établissement d'un Nouvel ordre international et d'impulser un Nouvel ordre capitaliste sous influence américaine.