Suchergebnisse

New public management is a new concept in public administration science. This concept is results oriented, transparency and accountability of administrative services. Performance management is the key to results orientation. The Performance Management System is a record of the inputs, processes, outputs and results of government procedures. This helps to achieve the government's progress towards the goals. The Research goals to introduce the concept of performance management of the state civil servants in Indonesia as a new public management concept. The research used qualitative methods in the analysis of the research object. The results show that the bureaucracy that is complicated and still lacks quality of public services has become the curse of public administration science in Indonesia. The ASN performance management concept as a new performance-based public management is a breakthrough that can improve ASN performance which in the end has an impact on the performance of public services.

The article discusses the creation of the International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction (idndr, 1990–1999), a global observance event that emanated neither from within the United Nations – for whom until then disaster management or rights of disaster victims had not been a real priority – nor from within civil society organizations or governments. In actuality, it was primarily a scientist-led initiative. This article suggests that this episode is a rare example of a joint effort on the part of a scientific community to create international scientific institutions to deal with the issue of disaster risk. The framing of the issue as "scientific" by earth scientists led the UN Secretariat and governments to embrace an issue that they had hitherto neglected. However, archival evidence also suggests that the eventual takeover of the project by the UN bureaucracy weakened the role of earth scientists in the idndr and changed its orientation.

Abstract
Khaled Fahmy mounts a significant challenge to conventional assessments of the modern state in the Middle East. He does this by foregrounding the human bodily detail of the practice of the emerging modern state and bureaucracy in nineteenth-century Egypt. He tells a new story of the bottom-up and gradual construction of the modern state in the detail of everyday facts of being human: being born, getting ill, defecating, bad smells, proving your identity, and wanting justice for your loved ones. Modernizing practices of law and medicine are shown to have intersected in ways that materially and institutionally made possible new kinds of choices and values involving specific persons and predicaments. He thus brings to life what the emergence of the modern state meant in the messy reality of human living in a way that challenges prevailing ideologies that reduce modernity to the impersonal causality of ideas and essences.

Women continue to be underrepresented in leadership positions, but how does the intersectionality of being both a woman and from a racially underrepresented group influence leadership representation and inclusion in the U.S. federal government? This study answers the call of scholars to examine intersectionality that has received little attention in public administration despite the emphasis on representative bureaucracy and social equity. Drawing upon data from the Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey, we find that women from racially underrepresented groups are less likely to be supervisors and feel less included in the workplace. However, we find significant variation across dimensions of inclusion, where women from racially underrepresented groups are more likely to feel their workplaces are cooperative and empowering but less likely to view them as fair, open, or supportive. Findings illustrate the importance of examining both intersectionality and different aspects of inclusion to paint a more complete picture of diversity management efforts.

The 2016 Global Strategy (GS) made resilience central to the European Union's (EU's) external activities. However, many aspects of resilience were ambiguous. Three of these aspects are identified in this article: whether resilience is about risks or resources, whether resilience means stability or change, and what is the role of values. These ambiguities created a space for the policy work of EU bureaucracy. This work is examined in development and neighbourhood fields, and in relations with Russia. Documents' analysis and semi-structured interviews reveal a difference in how three ambiguities were interpreted. Differences were identified among policy fields but not between EU institutions. These differences reflect the efforts of EU officials to preserve consistency in 'their' fields. This policy work undermines one important goal for introducing resilience in the GS, the enhanced coherence of EU external activities. Finally, the study revealed that some interpretations moved closer to the theoretical writings on resilience compared with the GS.

In the past decades, increasing attention in the public sector has been paid to the relationship between human resource management (HRM) practices and organizational commitment. The bureaucratic structure of public organizations has often been mentioned to have a negative impact on this relationship. To reduce red tape and increase goal clarity, governments worldwide have created semi-autonomous agencies that operate at arm's length, expecting that they would operate under more business-like conditions with positive effects on organizational commitment. In this study, these positive expectations were tested using groups of employees working at central government, two types of agencies, and businesses. Using multigroup structural equation modeling with a Dutch data set containing 2,432 respondents, the findings provide little support for the notion that agencies are similar to businesses in terms of bureaucracy and ways to stimulate employee commitment, and even indicate that some agencies are more bureaucratic than central government.

Representation in service-providing organizations is vital to the inclusion of ethnoracial minorities in a democratic society. The political contexts that encompass these organizations can influence the equity of services that historically underserved groups experience. These contexts are especially meaningful for Latino communities, where bureaucratic representation is a growing venue of responsiveness in American democracy. Yet relatively little attention has been devoted to understanding how this politics – bureaucracy intersection influences their outcomes. This study focuses on this intersection against the backdrop of Latinos and education governance. Combining data from various sources, the empirical analysis examines the relationship between political contexts and group representation among managers and street-level personnel. The findings reveal that factors such as community partisanship significantly affect Latinos' representation and educational outcomes. They also highlight the need for a deeper understanding of how such factors influence the representation and inclusion of Latinos and other ethnoracial minorities across an array of organizational settings.

The analysis of the contracts awarded on the basis of a single tender in public procurement is necessary to be performed for studying the degree of openness of a market and for identifying a number of deficiencies such as reduced competition, high level of bureaucracy, reduced stimulation of the small and medium entreprises participation at the procurement procedures or non-splitting into lots the object of the procurement. The article describes the existing specialised literature, the advantages and disadvantages of receiving only one tender situation in Romania and European Union during the period 2015 – 2017, in correlation with the statistics regarding the weight of conracts awarded to small and medium entreprises and the weight of procurement procedures divided into lots. Also, the article longer poses a number of issues concerning the approach of contracts contracts based on only one offer as an indication of fraud or corruption or the conclusion of anticompetitive agreements.

AbstractPoliticization has an ambivalent reputation among public administration scholars. While considered an effective instrument to safeguard political control over ministerial bureaucracy, partisanship of senior civil servants is likewise associated with patronage and is deemed detrimental to professionalism and meritocracy. To scrutinize this contradiction, the article examines how the party‐political background of senior civil servants influences their decision‐making behaviour. Two theoretically derived conceptions of loyalty are therefore put to the test: responsiveness and responsibility. Effects are captured by using the vignette technique in 40 in‐depth interviews with former senior civil servants from ministerial departments at federal and state level in Germany. The results are surprising in so far as they reveal that politicized senior civil servants act neither more responsively nor less responsibly than their non‐politicized peers. These findings challenge common assumptions and call for a more refined analysis of the conditions under which politicization leads to negative effects.

This article explores the social media postings of Israel Defense Forces (IDF) soldiers on two different and unofficial Facebook groups. While scholars of armed forces and society have noted the growing importance that militaries have placed on digital media, there is little data regarding the unofficial uses and meanings that regular soldiers themselves make of social networking sites. With an anthropological focus on everyday experiences, we argue that the social media activity of IDF personnel highlights the quotidian aspects of military life in ways that reverberate beyond the strictly ideological or political facets of their service. Here, soldiers can express their frustrations with military bureaucracy, while also presenting a lighthearted (and positive) commentary on a shared rite of passage. This research opens a window into the lives and dilemmas of the first generation of Israeli soldiers to employ new media as a taken for granted aspect of their service.

AbstractIn this article we compare the perceived cultural integration challenges by young Spanish migrants in Germany with the support offered by one national government initiative and one local migrant organisation. Based on qualitative interviews, we identified four inequality‐related and interrelated challenges: personal relationships, housing, company culture and bureaucracy. Our findings show that MobiPro‐EU, as an example of a government initiative, emphasises labour market integration and thereby neglects the cultural dimension of integration. The German‐Spanish Association, which is a regional example for migrant self‐support, lacks the financial means, staff and geographic scope to provide large‐scale support. We conclude that both initiatives follow a different support strategy and demonstrate shortcomings in supporting migrants. As a consequence, particularly for migrants who cannot draw on social support, for instance provided by their personal networks, the absence of effective support measures can negatively affect cultural integration into society as well as career development.

AbstractThis article examines the politics of protest in Pakistan as practiced by the human rights activists and litigants seeking justice for people who have been "disappeared" by the state's military and intelligence services. Based on fieldwork among the family members and friends of these "missing" persons, it discusses how they create dossiers of memory to retain the memory of the disappeared within public sphere and records. Most studies of state bureaucracy and legality trace their history—assumed to be embedded in official files and documents—in state archives. The dossiers assembled by families and friends challenge the state narrative on its war against terrorism and serve as counter‐archives through which state violence can be traced politically and ethnically and mapped geographically. The article draws attention to how marginalized groups use law and its documentary forms against the state in order to hold it accountable for the excesses committed against them.

One of the consequences of the transition from British to Chinese rule in Hong Kong has been the development of parallel social service delivery systems. On the one hand, the welfare bureaucracy is characterised by contractual relationships between the government and nonprofit organisations and is shaped by western ideas associated with new public management. On the other hand, the political machine is composed of locally elected representatives, community-based organisations (CBOs) and local residents and reflects traits of Chinese communism. This article investigates the interactions and strategies adopted by actors in these two systems in their attempt to control the delivery of social services. Crucially, it explores how these two systems interact and the impact on policy implementation. Evidence shows that CBOs provide a critical brokering role between elected political officials, the public and nonprofit organisations that is critical to maintaining the functionality of Hong Kong's parallel social service delivery systems.

Abstract
The migration policy, securitization and governance of the asylum landscape has greatly changed in Italy over the past five years. The implementation of the hotspot approach and the European Union relocation programme has characterized two of these significant changes. This article examines how recent (2016–17) Eritrean arrivals in Italy experienced and responded to the asylum system. The analysis reflects, first, on the multi-level governance of the interplay between the institutional level of the European Union, national policy and local municipal policies within Italy. Second, this article shows how Eritrean asylum seekers have been refused access to the relocation programme by local authorities in Italy and how Eritreans react to this bureaucracy by engaging in secondary movements within Italy. The results provide an analytical critique regarding the governance shortcomings of the relocation programme in Italy that is important for consideration in future solidarity and responsibility-sharing initiatives within the European Union.

Mexico's migratory laws outline a robust framework for refugee integration, but there are challenges with fulfilling the legal mandates. One primary challenge is a lack of institutional support for improving refugee integration at the federal, state, and municipal levels of government. In particular, financial resources and personnel have not kept pace with the increasing number of refugee applications, leaving COMAR without the capacity to fully address the current situation. To fill the gaps, civil society actors have stepped in, but their efforts cannot substitute for developing long-term institutional capacity. In addition to large-scale structural barriers, refugees face challenges in attempting to access employment, healthcare, and education. These challenges include but are not limited to low wages, informality, job market saturation, difficulty accessing financial institutions, burdensome bureaucracy, and a general lack of information about rights and procedures. This combination of challenges complicates refugees' integration into Mexican society. ; Public Affairs