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AbstractHow do frontline workers implement policy when it is politically contested and they face strong pressure from politicians and the media? Based on original data and a multi‐method analysis of juvenile justice policy and child protection policy in Switzerland, we show that political conflict can change policy implementation when frontline workers adapt their implementation practices in response to political and media pressure. We demonstrate that frontline workers seek to limit the influence of political pressure on policy implementation to safeguard their professional autonomy and reputation. However, we observe that they may also occasionally engage in what we call "blame‐avoiding policy implementation." While formally complying with the policy mandate, frontline workers exploit their street‐level discretion to make policy implementation less scandal‐prone and blameworthy, thereby lowering the likelihood of blame attacks. The findings have important implications for our understanding of policy implementation and the functioning of bureaucracy in more conflictual times.

This article analyses 26 interviews with frontline female practitioners from domestic violence and abuse (DVA) services for racially minoritised women in England and Wales, exploring how these practitioners – who are from the same racially minoritised communities as the women they support – responded to the challenges of the COVID-19 crisis. These specific practitioner perspectives offer valuable insights into the specific ways in which the pandemic exacerbated the intersectional vulnerabilities of minoritised women experiencing DVA. Interpreted through a standpoint feminist lens, the findings reveal how frontline practitioners used bureaucratic discretion both to meet minoritised women's changed needs during the pandemic in order to enhance their safety and to challenge the exclusions and intersectional inequalities underpinning pandemic policies. The study illuminates the institutional dimensions of frontline practitioner responses to the pandemic and contribute to debates within the street-level bureaucracy scholarship about the nature of bureaucratic discretion exercised by frontline practitioners.

AbstractThe paradigmatic ascent of the new public management (NPM) doctrine in the 1980s was a joyful moment for advocates of market‐led public sector reforms. Four decades later, following disappointing results, the NPM is no longer dominant. Pending the emergence of a new leading paradigm, however, NPM‐inspired reforms are still being pursued in several nations worldwide. The central African nation of Gabon is one of those. For 8 years, it pursued an unsuccessful program of agencification of the state apparatus reportedly to create a "modern" public bureaucracy that would support economic modernization. This article provides the first scholarly analysis of the effects of this program. It shows that agencification fundamentally undermined the fragile foundations of the Gabonese administrative state. The magnitude of the damage to the state apparatus stands as the key finding of this study. This outcome further strengthens the case against an uncritical adoption of exogenously‐developed public sector reforms.

Public administration scholars have provided a variety of theoretical insights to understand bureaucratic whistleblowing, and have emphasized its ethical, legal, and practical rationales in the context of democratic bureaucracy. To enhance our understanding of this principled dissent behavior in the public sector, this study systematically reviews 71 whistleblowing articles and dissertations that address three aspects in the literature: (1) definitions and theories; (2) methods and data, and (3) factors associated with whistleblowing intention and behavior. The findings show public administration whistleblowing research typically uses Near and Miceli's definition, grounded on psychology, ethics, and human resource management (HRM) theories. Methodologically, there is a notable recent trend in the growth of empirical research using survey data, and equal attention has been paid to both whistleblowing intention and behavior variables. Based on the review findings, the study discusses two issues—definitional and theoretical—and presents four research agendas for future bureaucratic whistleblowing scholarship.

Based on representative bureaucracy theory, the current study investigates whether increasing Black representation in police forces is negatively associated with racial discrimination in law enforcement. This study additionally investigates how associations may differ according to the organizational or environmental contexts of the forces. Results show that an increased share of Black officers is associated with decreased police-involved deaths of Black residents, but is not significantly associated with a change in order maintenance arrests of Black suspects. In addition, the negative association between Black representation and police-involved deaths of Black residents disappears when the percent of Black officers surpasses about 15 percent, especially in organizations where White officers comprise a larger share. These findings support the potential negative role of organizational socialization on the effectiveness of increasing the share of Black officers in policing, implying that additional long-term efforts to change organizational culture are needed to realize the benefits of enhancing Black representation.

Permen LHK No. 24/2020 is a land use policy for Indonesia's food security through food estates program. The program aims to increase the added value of local agricultural production in order to increase employment, low food prices, and the development of large-scale agricultural businesses. According to regulation issud by LHK, food estate policy has the potential to change forest areas into agricultural land because it is legalized by the government through Undang-Undang Cipta Kerja. The consequences of implementing this policy are including environmental damage, increased conflict and poor land use management which is not in accordance with the Central Kalimantan spatial plan (RTRWP). The food estate program becomes government's priority in achieving food security through the State supports in a fast and less bureaucracy process on land licensing. This indicates that the process of land clearing for food estate violates forestry and land use regulations.

Traditional analysis of China's policy experimentation has focused on the role of central–local relations and rotating leaders in shaping the local agenda-setting process. Less is known about the role of less mobile mid-level local bureaucrats who serve as bridges in the implementation process. This paper examines why some cities have performed better than others at implementing and maintaining low-carbon policy experiments. Drawing on a comparison of four case cities and over 100 expert interviews, I argue that the availability of bureaucratic entrepreneurs and their resource mobilization capacity determine the level of local engagement in climate policy experimentation. This study shows that the institutionalization of local policy experiments is not only driven by the central government or rotating top local leaders but also by bureaucratic entrepreneurs who help policy experiments survive periodic changes in the bureaucracy. The findings have important implications for the fulfilment of China's 2060 carbon neutrality pledge. (China Q/GIGA)

Indonesia's response to the 2016 UNCLOS tribunal ruling was underwhelming, even as a nonclaimant in the South China Sea disputes. Given its maritime geography and interests, the response is symptomatic of the country's underdevelopment of an "archipelagic foreign policy"—one where the entire foreign policy system, from its bureaucracy, doctrine, and strategy, should be geared to secure and defend its external maritime interests. This article further argues that the authoritarian New Order regime (1966–1998) repressed the development of an archipelagic foreign policy in two ways: (1) the army‐dominated foreign policy establishment deprioritized external maritime interests and (2) the infusion of the National Resilience (Ketahanan Nasional) concept into the "Archipelagic Outlook" (Wawasan Nusantara) doctrine as a regime maintenance tool further "domesticated" what could have been a geopolitical outlook. These authoritarian legacies put Indonesia's foreign policy on a path‐dependent trajectory that even President Joko Widodo's Global Maritime Fulcrum could not break.

This study analyses the intricate relationship between sanction-based accountability and bureaucratic shirking. Drawing on an original survey conducted among Chinese civil servants, it addresses the question of whether sanction-based accountability can effectively regulate the conduct of public officials and provide a cure for bureaucratic shirking. The study identifies the characteristics of shirking behaviour in the Chinese bureaucracy and distinguishes three major patterns: evading responsibility, shifting responsibility and reframing responsibility. The findings indicate that sanction-based accountability may contain some obvious and notorious slacking types of behaviour, such as stalling and inaction, but government officials may distort or reframe their responsibilities to cope with accountability pressure. Empirical evidence suggests that owing to some "strategic" adjustments in bureaucratic behaviour, flagrant shirking is replaced by more subtle ways of blame avoidance, such as playing it safe or fabricating performance information. Sanction-based accountability therefore does not offer a panacea for bureaucratic shirking. (China Q / GIGA)

The purpose of this research is to examine empirical evidence of the effect of human resource competence, information quality, government complexity, area, and size of government on the maturity of e-government of provincial government in Indonesia. The research applied purposive sampling method, and examined 21 provinces in Indonesia for the year of 2018-2020. This study uses secondary data from Central Bureau of Statistics, websites of provincial government, and data from Ministry of State Apparatus Empowerment and Reformation of Bureaucracy (KemenPAN RB). Since this research involved multiyear data, therefore data panel analysis using Common Effect Method was applied. The results show that human resource competence and government complexity significantly influence the maturity of e-government. However, information quality, width of area and size of government do not influence maturity of e-government. The results are important for the government in developing e-government systems. Implications of the research are further discussed in the paper.

The outbreak of Covid-19 provoked a massive shock for political institutions and societal groups. A crucial question is how such an external event affects the balance of access to political gatekeepers. In particular: Are organizations, which are highly affected by the crisis, able to increase their political voice? To address this, we focus on changes in lobbying access to key venues of public policy: government, parliament, the bureaucracy, and the media across 10 European democracies. Based on novel survey data, we assess changes in access shortly after the outbreak of Covid-19. Our findings show that affectedness is an important driver of changes in access to all venues. We interpret this as good news for the functioning of European systems of interest representation, and the ability of gatekeepers to open their doors to affected groups. However, we also show that the effect of affectedness varies considerably for economic and non-economic interests.

Economic Resilience is a dynamic condition of the nation's economic life that contains tenacity and resilience that contains the ability to develop national strength in facing and overcoming all threats, obstacles, disturbances, obstacles, and challenges originating from abroad and from within the country. Asymmetric war is a war that involves two or more actors through a broad battlefield that includes Trigatra (geography, demography, and natural resources) and Pancagatra (ideology, political economy, socio-culture, and defense and security). The purpose of the research is to provide government input on the importance of economic resilience in the face of asymmetric war. This study uses the Strategy Theory written by Clausewitz which views several things related to the elements of war, namely Means, Way, and End. Research with qualitative methods is aimed at understanding social phenomena from the participant's perspective. The result of this study is economic resilience needs strengthening in the digital economy, digital bureaucracy and banking strengthening

Economic Resilience is a dynamic condition of the nation's economic life that contains tenacity and resilience that contains the ability to develop national strength in facing and overcoming all threats, obstacles, disturbances, obstacles, and challenges originating from abroad and from within the country. Asymmetric war is a war that involves two or more actors through a broad battlefield that includes Trigatra (geography, demography, and natural resources) and Pancagatra (ideology, political economy, socio-culture, and defense and security). The purpose of the research is to provide government input on the importance of economic resilience in the face of asymmetric war. This study uses the Strategy Theory written by Clausewitz which views several things related to the elements of war, namely Means, Way, and End. Research with qualitative methods is aimed at understanding social phenomena from the participant's perspective. The result of this study is economic resilience needs strengthening in the digital economy, digital bureaucracy and banking strengthening

Effective communication plays a part in the success and the sustainability of tourism and hospitality management, including community-based tourism (CBT). In Brunei Darussalam, communication barriers have affected the growth of the CBT industry at both local and national levels. By analysing responses from 16 local CBT operators, this investigation focuses on aspects of communication and its channels in securing sustainability and empowerment of the CBT industry. This study found that the CBT ventures in Brunei include: (1) horizontal/lateral communication between CBT operators and sur-rounding communities; and (2) top-down communication and bottom-up accessibility between authorities, community leaders, and CBT owners. This paper further discusses how bureaucracy can impede the success of CBT operations, and how a collaborative approach between stakeholders has inspired the formulation of a new Interactional Model of Leadership and Empowerment among CBT stakeholders, which can be used to measure the efficacy of communication among stakeholders in the CBT industry.

This article examines the history of a similarity measure—the Mahalanobis Distance Function—and its movement from colonial India into contemporary artificial intelligence technologies, including facial recognition, and its reapplication into postcolonial India. The article identifies how the creation of the Distance Function was connected to the colonial "problem" of caste and ethnic classification for British bureaucracy in 1920-1930s India. This article demonstrates that the Distance Function is a statistical method, originating to make anthropometric caste distinctions in India, that became both a technical standard and a mobile racialized technique, utilized in machine learning applications. The creation of the Distance Function as a measure of "similitude" at a particular period of colonial state-making helped to model wider categories of classification which have proliferated in facial recognition technology. Overall, we highlight how a measurement function that operates in recognition technologies today can be traced across time and space to other racialized contexts.