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AbstractThis article has four important goals. First, I want to ask why liberalization and market-friendly reforms failed to curb corruption in India. Indeed, confounding the predictions of most proponents of reform, corruption seems to have increased after the neoliberal reforms of 1991. Second, I aim to develop a typology in which the importance of particular sectors to corrupt practices is highlighted and explained. Third, I point out that India has failed to make the 'transition' historically seen in low-income countries as they develop. Nation-states have in the past moved from a system of vertical corruption—marked by the extraction of small sums from a large number of transactions with citizens in everyday life—to a system of horizontal corruption, in which governmental elites extract large sums in a small number of transactions from corporate and commercial bodies. Finally, I argue that anti-corruption movements cannot be understood without paying attention to the affective and emotional ties that bind citizens to the state. We have to take account of contradictory feelings about the state: cynicism about the state and popular anger against corruption on one side, and an attachment to popular sovereignty and patronage on the other. These contradictory sentiments will better enable us to understand the conjunctures that lead to effective institutional change.

This article explores an agency model in which voters learn about both an incumbent and an opponent. They observe the incumbent's policy record and update their beliefs about his opponent via a campaign. Although the former is relatively more informative, it can be costly for the voter to learn about the incumbent from her policy record. This is because policy reforms, which allow a voter to learn an incumbent's ability, are risky and can leave the voter worse off. Then the voter may prefer the incumbent to take safer actions. The efficient level of reform – the one preferred by the voter – balances the value of learning with the expected policy costs/benefits. In a world where the opponent's campaign is uninformative, reform can be too low due to the incumbent's fear of failure. Or it can be too high: the incumbent may gamble on success. This article shows that the presence of an opponent who can reveal information via a campaign exacerbates these inefficiencies. An incumbent who anticipates the effect of an opponent's campaign on voter beliefs is more likely to make inefficient policy choices. Further, such campaigns can lead to an overall welfare loss when they reveal little about the opponent's ability and yet have an impact on the incumbent's policy choice.

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to determine the current state of play for workplace diversity disclosures, specifically disability by investigating the recently revised Australian Securities Exchange (ASX) Corporate Governance Principles and Recommendations.


Design/methodology/approach
Case study methodology using documentary analysis techniques.


Findings
With gender diversity recommendations introduced in 2010 based on the business case perspective, the process of revising the ASX Corporate Governance Principles and Recommendations provided an opportunity for the ASX to expand its diversity focus, with disability diversity specifically identified in the draft third edition. However, the key amendments were subsequently removed when the approved edition was released in 2014 with justification provided on the grounds that disability is a social issue, not a corporate governance issue. Through a widening of the corporate governance lens beyond the business case perspective, this paper calls for a re-imagining of corporate governance to incorporate an ethical viewpoint on diversity.


Social implications
Disability diversity disclosure is merely the first step towards reform in helping to bring about deep change within organisations. Without both administrative reform and institutional reform, any future revisitation of the disability disclosure recommendations may become little more than a "tick the box" approach.


Originality/value
The paper is unique in reviewing the ASX Corporate Governance developmental processes towards workplace disability in its recently revised edition.

This paper considers the intersection of Spiritual Motherhood, early childhood education and child welfare in early twentieth‐century Edinburgh. Its focus is St Saviour's Child Garden (SSCG), which opened in the Canongate, in November 1906, part of the Free Kindergarten movement that emerged in Europe and North America in the late nineteenth century. The paper focuses on the SSCG's founder Lileen Hardy, in order to trace the development of this new approach to child welfare and women's work in Britain. It discusses her training at the Sesame House for Home‐Life Training in London, her move to Edinburgh, and the network of predominantly women reformers, whose interests ranged from urban reform to medical welfare, she found there. It shows how this network facilitated the founding of the SSCG and discusses the form it took and Hardy's implementation of a modified form of Froebelian praxis. In so doing its concern is to show how Free Kindergarten forms part of a wider history of social welfare and urban reform as well as to the history of early childhood education, and to move attention away from the men usually associated with innovations in Scottish social reform like Patrick Geddes, and onto a group of women who created a women and child‐centred proto‐Welfare State in pre‐First World War Edinburgh.

Recent analyses of intergenerational mobility show that investments in children pay big dividends. The priority of resources in early childhood also affects the working of the local economy. Geographic variation in child care services motivates location of families and thereby influences housing markets. In this paper we analyze this local dimension of universal child care during a period of national reform to raise and equalize the child care coverage across Norway. We apply a rich dataset of housing transactions and characteristics for six years (2001-2006) and combine them with local government level data about quantity and quality of child care and various community controls. Given a reform driving the expansion of child care coverage with central government financing, we investigate the relationship between child care and housing prices using a variety of panel models. The robustness of the results are studied under the stronger assumption that only changes in coverage were mandated. The results show that housing prices respond to child care and are consistent with the recent literature on capitalization of schooling. In the first difference model, 10% increase in child care coverage, about one standard deviation, raises house prices by 3%. We conclude that child care reform initiates adjustments at housing markets and confirms the role of geographic sorting as part of local fiscal allocations.

Corporate Retirement Plans during the Bonn Republic: Alleviating the consequences of the war were at the center of social policy during the early years of the young republic. Yet up to 1956 pensions rose only slowly and irregularly so that old-age poverty remained widespread. The transition to a dynamic pension system based on gross earnings with the 1957 Pension Reform was the major step from a social state battling need and poverty to the caregiving welfare state. The minimum pension – abolished in 1957 – was reintroduced with the 1972 Pension Reform, paving the way to the early retirement society. This paper investigates the development of corporate pension plans up to the end of 1970s. Using Volkswagen and Merck as case studies, it shows that companies reacted to changes in the economic situation earlier than did the legislature and adjusted their social benefits systems accordingly. Parallel to the transition to the dynamic pension system based on gross earnings during the late 1950s, corporate retirement plans experienced an expansion, that is to say, following the 1957 Pension Reform, private benefits were not yet replaced by public benefits. This did not change until the expansion of the social state during the 1970s. The objective of including the Works Councils in the corporate pension discussion was to curb corporate social benefits.

This article has four important goals. First, I want to ask why liberalization and market-friendly reforms failed to curb corruption in India. Indeed, confounding the predictions of most proponents of reform, corruption seems to have increased after the neoliberal reforms of 1991. Second, I aim to develop a typology in which the importance of particular sectors to corrupt practices is highlighted and explained. Third, I point out that India has failed to make the 'transition' historically seen in low-income countries as they develop. Nation-states have in the past moved from a system of vertical corruption - marked by the extraction of small sums from a large number of transactions with citizens in everyday life - to a system of horizontal corruption, in which governmental elites extract large sums in a small number of transactions from corporate and commercial bodies. Finally, I argue that anti-corruption movements cannot be understood without paying attention to the affective and emotional ties that bind citizens to the state. We have to take account of contradictory feelings about the state: cynicism about the state and popular anger against corruption on one side, and an attachment to popular sovereignty and patronage on the other. These contradictory sentiments will better enable us to understand the conjunctures that lead to effective institutional change.

Although educators are at the center of contentious high-stakes teacher accountability policies, we know very little about their attitudes toward these policies. This research gap is unfortunate because teachers are considered key actors in successful implementation of educational reforms. To what extent do the politics that accompany the introduction of high-stakes teacher accountability policies affect teachers' support for the policies themselves? To address this gap, we used data from an experimental survey of teachers in New Jersey (n=444), where a new reform—Teacher Effectiveness and Accountability for Children of New Jersey Act (TEACHNJ)—was signed into law in 2012 and implemented shortly after. The cornerstone of the reform is a new evaluation system that ties student performance on standardized tests to teachers' evaluation. We found that the majority of teachers oppose the new evaluation system. Teachers' attitudes were shaped by the politics of the key actors advocating for the policy, perceptions of implementation efforts, and beliefs in the potential outcome of the policy. Open-ended responses indicated that teachers question the validity of the evaluation system and are concerned about the negative intended and unintended consequences of the system. We conclude this paper by discussing the implications of these findings for policy studies and policymaking.

peer-reviewed ; The Succession Act 1965 brought, it was said, a revolutionary change in the law of succession to Ireland (Re Urquhart [1974] IR 197 at 208). However, despite the enormous impact it has had on citizens, in the fifty years since its enactment, the Act has never been subject to a comprehensive review or reform. This lack of legislative engagement in Ireland stands in marked contrast to a number of other common law jurisdictions. In the past decade alone, the Law Commission for England and Wales (2011), the Scottish Law Commission (2009), the New South Wales Law Reform Commission (2007) and the British Columbia Law Institute (2006) have each placed their respective succession law regimes under the microscope. Responding to this gap in the literature, this article considers the extent to which surviving spouses or civil partners are adequately protected on intestacy, specifically, in Ireland. Highlighting the potentially serious shortcomings of the Irish fractional share approach, and drawing on the experience of a number of common law jurisdictions, the article presents a proposal for reform. In this regard, it places a particular focus on the need to strike an appropriate balance between the competing interests of spouses/civil partners and children in the distribution of an intestate estate. ; ACCEPTED ; peer-reviewed

The objective of this report is to analyze the recent employment trends in the Indonesian tobacco industry and estimate the potential effects of raising cigarette taxes on employment in the tobacco manufacturing sector. The report provides new evidence to contribute to the ongoing debate about the effects of raising cigarette taxes on tobacco sector employment. It complements the current analytical work conducted by the World Bank, in partnership with the American Cancer Society, to explore the employment conditions and livelihoods of tobacco and clove farmers and kretek rollers in Indonesia. This report is structured as follows: section one gives introduction. Section two provides a review of the global evidence on the impacts of raising cigarette taxes on population health outcomes and on the economy. Section three presents an overview of the cigarette tax reforms in Indonesia in recent years and discusses the government of Indonesia's plans for reforming the cigarette tax structure. Section four discusses the employment trends in the tobacco industry in Indonesia, analyzes workers' characteristics and compares workers to similar sectors and socio-demographic profiles. The section also discusses the potential impacts of raising cigarette taxes on employment by presenting results of simulations. The final section five, discusses the results in light of the current debate over cigarette tax reform in Indonesia and provides policy recommendations on the employment aspects of the reform.

In der deutschen Gesundheitspolitik wird seit langem unter dem Stichwort Bürgerversicherung über die Einbeziehung aller Bürger in das System der Gesetzlichen Krankenversicherung diskutiert. Dabei wird meistens die Perspektive der GKVVersicherten eingenommen, seltener diejenige der Versicherten der PKV. Es stellt sich jedoch insbesondere für die Gruppe der Beihilfeberechtigten die Frage, welche monetären Konsequenzen durch eine Bürgerversicherung für sie entstehen und in welcher Höhe daraus Kompensationszahlungen abgeleitet werden können. Unsere Ergebnisse zeigen: Selbst, wenn diese Kompensationen weniger als die Hälfte der Differenz der Versicherungsleistungen zwischen PKV/Beihilfe und einer Bürgerversicherung abdecken, hat der Business Case Bürgerversicherung für die Gebietskörperschaften zumindest kurzfristig negative fiskalischen Folgen. ; The health policy debate in Germany rotates around the question wheather Germany's two pillar insurance system should be dissolved and replaced by universal coverage under the roof of the public system (so called "citizen insurance"/Bürgerversicherung). Most of the time, such a reform is argued from the perspective of the 90 percent of the German population which are already insured by a sickness funds. Rarely, the consequences of currently privately insurant are analysed. However, especially German civil servants are of great interest in this regard, as they are most times partly insured in the private scheme while the other part of their benefits are directly paid by the taxpayer. As the scheme for civil servants is more generous than the public scheme, the question of compensation arises when talking about the Bürgerversicherung reform. We show that if civil servants are only partly compensated by their employers (federal and state governments), the reform has a short-run negative fiscal impact.

OBJECTIVE. Analyze the proposal by the Ministry of Public Health to reform the public financing model in Ecuador with regard to pooling of funds and payment mechanisms. METHODS. A literature review was done of the financing model, the current legal framework, and the budgetary bases in Pubmed, SciELO, LILACS Ecuador, and regional LILACS using the key words health financing, health financing systems, capitation,pooling of funds, health system reform Ecuador, health system Ecuador, and health payment mechanisms. Books and other documents suggested by health systems experts were also included. RESULTS. Review of the financing model enabled identifying the historical segmentation of Ecuador's health system; out of this, the Ministry of Public Health conceived its proposal to reform the financing model. The Ministry's proposed solutions are pooling of funds and payment of services at the first level of care through payment percapita adjusted for socioeconomic and demographic risks. Progress made in reforming the financing model includes design of the proposals and their implementation mechanisms, and discussions with stakeholders. CONCLUSIONS. Implementation of these changes may produce improvements for the health system in efficiency, spreading of risks, incentives for meeting health objectives, as well as contribute to its sustainability and advance toward universal healthcoverage. Nevertheless, legal, political, and operational constraints are hampering their implementation.

© Copyright Cambridge University Press 2018. This article has four important goals. First, I want to ask why liberalization and market-friendly reforms failed to curb corruption in India. Indeed, confounding the predictions of most proponents of reform, corruption seems to have increased after the neoliberal reforms of 1991. Second, I aim to develop a typology in which the importance of particular sectors to corrupt practices is highlighted and explained. Third, I point out that India has failed to make the 'transition' historically seen in low-income countries as they develop. Nation-states have in the past moved from a system of vertical corruption - marked by the extraction of small sums from a large number of transactions with citizens in everyday life - to a system of horizontal corruption, in which governmental elites extract large sums in a small number of transactions from corporate and commercial bodies. Finally, I argue that anti-corruption movements cannot be understood without paying attention to the affective and emotional ties that bind citizens to the state. We have to take account of contradictory feelings about the state: cynicism about the state and popular anger against corruption on one side, and an attachment to popular sovereignty and patronage on the other. These contradictory sentiments will better enable us to understand the conjunctures that lead to effective institutional change.

Performance management proposes to use market reforms to enhance public services. However, the ability to accomplish this goal is largely unsubstantiated. In the field of education, Race to the Top and No Child Left Behind aimed to improve education by mandating the development of performance provisions that enhanced workforce quality and provided options for citizens. This research assesses the relationship between legislation and the desired performance outcomes. It reveals that performance policies did not have the desired impact on workforce development reforms or citizens' use of market mechanisms. Workforce development and market reforms were also limited by environmental variables.Related Articles

Ertas, Nevbahar. 2015. "" Politics and Policy 43 (): 426‐451. Accessed on August 22, 2016. Available online at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12120/abstract


Neill, Katharine, and
John Morris. 2012. "." Politics and Policy 40 (): 629‐656. Accessed on August 22, 2016. Available online at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00371.x/abstract


Dahill‐Brown, Sara, and
Lesley Lavery. 2012. "." Politics and Policy 40 (): 557‐592. Accessed on August 22, 2016. Available online at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00368.x/abstract
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This article seeks to identify the core dimensions of and the challenges to innovative school food reforms. Aiming to frame the discussion, the article examines three school feeding strategies: the World Food Programme's Purchase for Progress (P4P) programme, the Brazilian School Feeding Program, and the European Public Food Procurement system. The first part conceptually defines what is meant by innovative forms of school food procurement, especially regarding its underlying values. It shows that school food reforms go beyond improving access to food, enhancing educational outputs and supporting economic development goals. School feeding holds a transformative potential, insofar as institutional purchases become organized and develop in line with the goals of sustainable development, well-being and social justice. In the second part, we present contemporary examples of good school feeding practices, whose elements might, or might not, be pertinent in particular cases. There are two main lessons emerging from our research. First, policy reform and governmental will are not enough, if the institutional and legal frameworks for operationalizing new school feeding programs are not adjusted to local conditions. Second, we argue that procurement policies or city food strategies can open spaces of manoeuvre within fiscal, material and governance constraints, although the role of social actors is essential and constructive for the success of nesting policy innovations