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The article traces the trajectory of the Movimiento pro Universidad del Norte (MUN) [Pro-Northern University Movement] founded in late 1968 in the city of Salto in northern Uruguay, with the aim of pushing for the establishment of a university in the region to serve as an alternative to that of Montevideo. With Uruguay mired in a grave economic, social and political crisis and a debate running between the Executive Office and the Universidad de la República on the future of higher education, the movement reconfigured one of Salto's long-standing demands. This demand had originally united various social and political sectors that lacked affiliation to a political party, as a banner for groups that ended up supporting the shift to authoritarianism over time. It also relied on the support of the department's driving forces, professional corporations, local administrators and representatives of the departmental government linked to conservative sectors of the traditional parties. Among its adherents, it is worth mentioning radical right-wing student organization Juventud Salteña de Pie (JSP), a direct antecedent of Juventud Uruguaya de Pie (JUP) created in October 1970, due to its subsequent relevance. National backing came from various political actors and groups as well as right-wing media entities. The MUN also inspired intense mobilization among regional and national bodies to the point that it gained the backing of Jorge Pacheco Areco's government. For these sectors, the founding of another state university constituted an opportunity to impose an institutional-political model different to that which prevailed in the Universidad de la República. ; El artículo que se presenta reconstruye la trayectoria del Movimiento pro Universidad del Norte (MUN) fundado, a fines de 1968, en la ciudad de Salto, al norte del país, con el objetivo de promover la instalación en esa región de una universidad concebida como alternativa a la de Montevideo. Mientras Uruguay atravesaba una grave crisis económica, social y política, y en el marco de las discusiones entre el Poder Ejecutivo y la Universidad de la República sobre el futuro de la educación superior, este movimiento reconvirtió una antigua reivindicación salteña, en la que originalmente habían confluido diversos sectores sociales y políticos y que carecía de adscripción político-partidaria, en una bandera de los grupos que terminaron apoyando el giro autoritario de los años. Se nutrió del apoyo de las 'fuerzas vivas" del departamento, corporaciones profesionales, dirigentes locales y representantes del gobierno departamental vinculados a los sectores conservadores de los partidos tradicionales. Entre sus adherentes cabe destacar, por su relevancia posterior, a la organización estudiantil de derecha radical, Juventud Salteña de Pie (JSP), antecedente directo de la Juventud Uruguaya de Pie (JUP) creada en octubre de 1970. A nivel nacional fue respaldado por diversos actores y grupos políticos así como órganos de prensa de derecha. El MUN, además, llevó adelante una intensa movilización de proyecciones regionales y nacionales al punto que obtuvo el respaldo del gobierno de Jorge Pacheco Areco. Para estos sectores la fundación de otra universidad pública constituyó una oportunidad de imponer un modelo político-institucional diferente al que prevalecía en la Universidad de la República. ; Cet article retrace la trajectoire du Movimiento pro Universidad del Norte (Mouvement pro Université du Nord - MUN), fondé fin 1968 dans la ville de Salto, dans le nord de l'Uruguay, dans le but de promouvoir l'installation dans cette région d'une université qui puisse représenter une alternative à celle de Montevideo. Tandis que le pays traversait une grave crise économique, sociale et politique, et à la suite de discussions entre le Pouvoir exécutif et l'Université de République sur le futur de l'enseignement supérieur, ce mouvement transformait une ancienne revendication locale, qui, à son origine, avait vu confluer hors du giron des partis divers secteurs sociaux et politiques, en mot d'ordre des groupes qui finirent par soutenir le virage autoritaire de cette période. Il se nourrit de l'appui des « forces vives » du département, des ordres professionnels, des dirigeants locaux et des représentants du gouvernement départemental liés aux secteurs conservateurs des partis traditionnels. Parmi ses adhérents, il convient de souligner, en raison de sa pertinence ultérieure, l'organisation étudiante de la droite radicale, Juventud Salteña de Pie (JSP), le prédécesseur direct de Juventud Uruguaya de Pie (JUP), créée en octobre 1970. Au niveau national, le mouvement était relayé par divers acteurs et groupes politiques, ainsi que par des organes de presse de droite. En outre, le MUN organisa une intense mobilisation régionale et nationale qui lui permit d'obtenir le soutien du gouvernement de Jorge Pacheco Areco. Pour tous ces secteurs, la fondation d'une autre université publique constituait une opportunité d'imposer un modèle politico-institutionnel différent que celui qui prévalait à l'Université de la République. ; O artigo reconstrói a trajetória do Movimiento pro Universidad del Norte (MUN), fundado no fim de 1968, na cidade de Salto, no norte do Uruguai, com o objetivo de promover, como alternativa à Universidade de Montevidéu, a instalação de uma universidade nessa região. Enquanto o Uruguai atravessava uma grave crise econômica, social e política, e no âmbito das discussões entre o Poder Executivo e a Universidad de la República sobre o futuro da educação superior, este movimento converteu uma antiga reivindicação saltenha, para a qual haviam originalmente convergido diversos setores sociais e políticos fora do âmbito político-partidário, em uma bandeira dos grupos que acabariam apoiando a virada autoritária da época. Nutriu-se do apoio das 'forças vivas" do departamento, de corporações profissionais, dirigentes locais e representantes do governo departamental vinculados aos setores conservadores dos partidos tradicionais. Entre os seus adeptos cabe destacar, por sua relevância posterior, a organização estudantil de direita radical Juventud Salteña de Pie (JSP), antecedente direta da Juventud Uruguaya de Pie (JUP) criada em outubro de 1970. Foi apoiado, em nível nacional, por diversos atores e grupos políticos, assim como por órgãos da imprensa de direita. Além disso, o MUN levou adiante uma intensa mobilização de projeção regional e nacional, a ponto de obter apoio do governo de Jorge Pacheco Areco. A fundação de outra universidade pública constituiu para estes setores uma oportunidade de impor um modelo político-institucional diferente daquele que prevalecia na Universidad de la República. ; 本文回顾了乌拉圭地方æ°'众争å–æˆç«‹åŒ—索托大学（MUN）çš"ç»´æƒè¿åŠ¨ã€'在1968年底，在乌拉圭çš"北方城çš"索托å¸'，æ°'众行动起æ¥ï¼Œäº‰å–在å½"地æˆç«‹åŒ—索托大学，作为除了ä½äºŽé¦–都çš"è'™ç‰¹ç»´å¾·æ¬§å¤§å­¦ä¹‹å¤–çš"乌拉圭æ°'ä¼—çš"å¦å¤–一个选项ã€'é'£ä¸ªæ—¶å€™ä¹Œæ‹‰åœ­æ­£åœ¨ç»åŽ†ä¸€åœºç»æµŽï¼Œç¤¾ä¼šå'Œæ"¿æ²»å±æœºï¼Œå›´ç»•è¡Œæ"¿æƒåŠ›æœºå…³å'Œå…±å'Œå›½å¤§å­¦ï¼ˆUniversidad de la República）之间进行了一场关于高等教è'²å‰é€"çš"大讨论，这场讨论ç'¹ç‡ƒäº†ç´¢æ‰˜åœ°æ–¹æ°'众争å–æˆç«‹ä¸€ä¸ªåœ°æ–¹å¤§å­¦çš"ç»´æƒè¿åŠ¨ï¼Œæ­¤è¿åŠ¨æŠŠåŽŸæ¥äº'ä¸ç›¸å¹²çš"社会å'Œæ"¿æ²»å›¢ä½"è"系在一起，他们åŽæ¥æ"¯æŒäº†ä¸ƒåå¹´ä»£å‡ å±Šæƒå¨æ"¿åºœã€'æ­¤è¿åŠ¨å¾—到了主è¦æ¥è‡ªäºŽåœ°æ–¹æ"¿åºœéƒ¨é—¨çš"èŒå'˜å'Œå®˜å'˜ï¼Œç¤¾ä¼šèŒä¸šå›¢ä½"，地方绅士，地方ä¿å®ˆçš"æ"¿æ²»é¢†è¢–çš"æ"¯æŒã€'主è¦çš"å'与者是激进学ç"Ÿç»´æƒç»"织JSP-Juventud Salteña de Pie (JSP)，其åŽæ¥å'展æˆä¸ºï¼ˆäºŽ1970å¹´æˆç«‹çš"）乌拉圭é'å¹´ç»"织Juventud Uruguaya de Pie (JUP)ã€'在全国范围内，此è¿åŠ¨å¾—到了å"ç•Œå"æ"¿æ²»å›¢ä½"å'Œç»´æƒåª'ä½"çš"æ"¯æŒã€' 争å–æˆç«‹MUNçš"è¿åŠ¨å'展æˆä¸ºå…¨å›½æ€§è¿åŠ¨ï¼Œå¾—到了阿å‹'ç§'总统çš"æ"¯æŒï¼ˆJorge Pacheco Areco）ã€' 对这些团ä½"å'Œä¸ªäººæ¥è¯´ï¼Œæˆç«‹å¦å¤–一所公立大学å¯ä»¥æž"建一个ä¸åŒäºŽå…±å'Œå›½å¤§å­¦çš"高等教è'²çš"æ"¿æ²»å'Œæœºæž"模å¼ã€'å…³é"®è¯ï¼šå¤§å­¦ï¼Œç»´æƒè¿åŠ¨ï¼Œæ"¿æ²»å²ï¼Œä¹Œæ‹‰åœ­

This book is a political economy study that tackles the relationship between public finance and politics in Egypt during the period 1981-2003. It analyzes how the authoritarian regime of Hosni Moubarak has adapted to its fiscal crisis and how this crisis has affected the relationships between state and society and between the different parts and levels of the state. Political economy studies on Egypt have maintained that the reproduction of authoritarianism in this country has mainly been achieved through state control of huge economic resources. The rentier type of the Egyptian state ¬¬– its dependence on non-fiscal resources like foreign aid, workers' remittances, oil, and Suez Canal tolls – has made possible the successful survival of authoritarian politics. Economic rent has given the regime the possibility to buy off the population's political passivity and to avoid having recourse to taxing economic actors. However, the decline of the rentier elements of the Egyptian state and its mounting fiscal crisis haven't destabilized the regime. This study explains how the fiscal crisis has transformed the distribution of resources within the state. The transformation is dealt with on three levels: the ministerial, the central/local, and the regional. The 1990s witnessed a declining share of some institutions like the ministries of Defense and of Supply and a rising share of the ministries of Interior, Culture, Education and Religious affairs. This transformation is explained by the necessities of responding to the political challenges facing the regime. During the same period, the central state apparatus increased its share of public resources at the expanse of the local administrations, but at the price of reducing the functions these local administrations have to fulfill and by giving some de facto freedom to local units to mobilize resources from the population. Thus, during the 1990s, the regime tended to increase Upper-Egypt's share of public resources in order to combat the rise of the armed Islamic movement in this region. This tendency has been, however, defeated by the persistence of the centralized bias imbedded in state institutions, in particular those institutions created by the Nasser regime and kept in place by Sadat and Mubarak. The book argues that the Egyptian state is undergoing a process of 'normalization' in which 'normal' fiscal revenues will replace exceptional rentier revenues. Strategies of increasing the tax burden without enhancing the political resistance of social groups are analyzed. The study explains why the "no taxation without representation" demand was not raised against the authoritarian regime and why the Egyptian population has been subjected to the paradox of "more taxation and less representation". The role played by the judiciary in solving political crises (what could be called the 'judiciarization' of politics) is emphasized to explain this paradox. This study argues that the endurance of the authoritarian regime despite the decline of its rentier revenues can be explained by two factors: first, the fiscal crisis was interrupted by a period of extraordinary influx of rentier resources (1990-1994); second, the regime's survival strategy of "institutional stagnation" and "fragmented adaptation" has been successful in inhibiting political aggregations of economic and social demands. The regime has been firm on maintaining the formal institutional configuration of the state intact and at the same time it has adapted to the fiscal crisis with fragmented and informal institutional arrangements. Egyptian politics is thus undergoing a certain change. This change is, however, very slow, fragmented and not easily visible. The Egyptian case is one of the success of a regime and the failure of a state. The regime has succeeded since it has reproduced itself. But the state has failed because it is unable to facilitate capitalist development in the country. This book tries to show how the success of the regime has produced the failure of the state in Egypt. ; Cette thèse traite du rapport entre les finances publiques et la politique en Égypte durant la période de 1981-2003. Elle analyse comment le régime autoritaire de Hosni Moubarak s'est adapté à la crise financière de l'État et comment cette crise a affecté, d'une part, les rapports entre l'État et la société et, d'autre part, les différentes institutions de l'État. Les recherches en économie politique sur l'Égypte s'accordent sur le fait que la reproduction de l'autoritarisme dans ce pays est principalement due au contrôle étatique des ressources économiques. La nature rentière de l'État égyptien, c'est-à-dire sa dépendance vis-à-vis des ressources abondantes non fiscales comme les recettes du pétrole ou l'aide étrangère, ont permis au régime d'acheter la passivité politique de la population tout en maintenant un faible taux d'imposition fiscale sur les acteurs économiques. Pourtant, alors que les ressources de la rente rétrécissent, et que la crise financière ne cesse de prendre de l'ampleur, le régime égyptien reste un modèle de stabilité dans la région. La thèse s'appuie sur les théories classiques et récentes traitant du rapport entre les finances publiques et la politique pour enrichir la théorie simpliste de l'État rentier selon laquelle l'origine des revenus de l'État détermine sa nature politique. Ainsi selon cette théorie, l'État rentier est forcément autoritaire et la disparition de la rente ouvre la voie à la démocratisation. L'approche adoptée dans cette thèse est influencée par le néo-institutionnalisme historique et « la nouvelle économie politique » qui met l'accent sur les institutions étatiques dans l'étude de la transformation des politiques publiques et dans les changements politiques. L'étude montre comment la crise budgétaire a transformé la distribution des ressources au sein de l'État. Cette transformation est abordée sur trois axes : entre les différents ministères, entre les autorités centrales et locales et entre les différentes régions. Les années 1990 ont vu la baisse des ressources de quelques institutions dont le ministère de la Défense, de l'Approvisionnement. D'autres ministères ont vu croître leurs ressources, notamment l'Intérieur, la Culture, l'Éducation et les Affaires religieuses. J'analyse les changements dans la distribution des ressources en termes de réponse aux défis politiques imposés au régime égyptien dans les années 1990. Durant la même période, le niveau central de l'État a vu croître sa part des ressources publiques au détriment du niveau local, mais au prix de la contraction des fonctions que ce niveau local doit jouer et d'une liberté accrue donnée aux unités locales pour mobiliser les ressources auprès de la population. Durant les années 1990, le régime décida d'augmenter la part de la Haute Égypte (le Sud) dans les ressources publiques pour y combattre la montée en puissance du mouvement islamiste armé. Pourtant, en raison des « biais institutionnels » (concept formulé par l'école du néo-institutionnalisme historique), la distribution des ressources n'a pas été corrigée, le centralisme subsiste et le Sud resta marginalisé. Cette thèse défend l'idée que l'État égyptien est entré dans un processus de « normalisation » dans lequel les recettes fiscales normales doivent substituer aux recettes rentières exceptionnelles. Le dilemme du régime est alors d'augmenter le fardeau fiscal sur la société sans produire de résistance politique. L'étude contredit la maxime « no taxation without representation » (pas d'impôt sans représentation) et montre comment, la situation en Égypte aujourd'hui doit être plutôt qualifié de « more taxation and less representation » (plus d'impôts et moins de représentation). Le rôle joué par l'appareil judiciaire dans l'allègement des crises politiques du régime de Moubarak est proposé pour expliquer ce paradoxe. Ce rôle a affaibli toute politisation et agrégation des résistances face à l'impôt. La Justice a effectivement supprimé plusieurs impôts du fait de leur nature non constitutionnelle. Les données quantitatives avancées révèlent une implication croissante de la Justice dans la résolution des conflits entre l'État et la société dans ce domaine. Un fait qui a produit une « juridisation » des conflits. L'étude suggère que la reproduction du régime autoritaire malgré la chute structurelle de ses revenus rentiers tient à la stratégie de la survie du régime, basée sur « la stagnation institutionnelle » et « l'adaptation fragmentée ». Cette stratégie a été efficace dans la neutralisation des revendications économiques et sociales. Le régime a insisté à maintenir la configuration institutionnelle et constitutionnelle de l'État intacte et, dans le même temps, il s'est adapté à sa crise budgétaire par des aménagements institutionnels informels et fragmentés. La politique égyptienne est en train de changer, mais ce changement est lent, fragmenté et difficilement visible. Le cas égyptien est celui du succès d'un régime et l'échec d'un État. Le régime a réussi puisqu'il est parvenu à se reproduire, mais l'État a échoué puisque il n'est pas en mesure de faciliter le développement capitaliste dans ce pays. Cette thèse essaie de montrer comment le succès du régime a produit l'échec de l'État en Égypte. L'utilisation conjointe dans cette étude des concepts de l'État et du régime avait pour objectif d'inclure dans l'analyse, à la fois, d'une part les structures objectives et les stratégies des acteurs, et d'autre part les contraintes d'un système et la liberté relative des acteurs.

Over the past two decades authoritarian regimes in many parts of the developing world, as well as in East/Central Europe, have been replaced by democracies. This paper looks at the issue of democratization from a gender perspective. While many of the problems afflicting the 'new democracies' (such as the elitist character of political parties, and the failure of the state to guarantee civil and political rights or make a significant dent in poverty) affect all citizens, they are manifested and experienced in gender-specific ways. Women's persistent exclusion from formal politics, in particular, raises a number of specific questions about how to reform democratic institutions, since these institutions are not automatically gender-equitable. In a democratic polity citizens are presumed to have equal rights, opportunities and voice in the governance of the public domain. All versions of liberal democracy link the right to vote with the right to stand for office. Yet women are hugely under-represented in national assemblies and governments. Women's political invisibility is particularly striking in those countries where their political mobilization contributed to the demise of authoritarianism and the transition to democracy. The suppression of the conventional political arena under authoritarian rule very often shifts the political centre of gravity to 'movement-type activities' and gives prominence to women's political mobilization. What very often unites the disparate groups constituting the women's movement in these contexts is their commitment to bringing about a change in government. Nevertheless, social, political and ideological heterogeneity of women's groups, tensions between the feminist and the feminine streams, and divisions over strategy foreshadow future difficulties in forging political coalitions and aggregating interests to effect change in more 'normal' times. The new wave of democratization has not had a feminizing affect on the parliaments and the governments of the new democracies. Deeply entrenched barriers exclude women from meaningful participation in political parties. In the post-transition period, the more established political parties in countries like Brazil and Chile have remained remarkably resistant to women's participation. Newly formed parties of the left have been more accessible to women, though participation in these smaller parties may arguably produce more symbolic than real benefits. The masculine construction of political authority makes it extremely difficult for women to be elected into office without some form of electoral engineering, such as quotas or reserved seats. The adoption of quotas and reserved seats for women by the South African ANC and the Ugandan NRM, which dominate politics in their respective countries, has produced a significant increase in women's political profile. But given the lack of any realistic political options for women outside these two parties, women's political leverage vis-à-vis the party hierarchy remains strictly limited. Besides the issue of political equality and democratic justice, the argument for increasing women's representation in decision-making bodies also hinges very often on an implicit assumption that women can, more effectively than men, contribute to the formulation of woman-friendly policies because they are somehow better able to represent women's interests. But this is a controversial assumption. Questions continue to be raised about how such a diverse group as 'women' can find meaningful representation in the polity in the absence of procedures for establishing what the group wants or thinks, and in the absence of mechanisms for keeping the 'representatives' accountable to their constituents. Questions have also been raised as to why the growing presence of women in politics (in some contexts) is not translating into substantive change toward policies capable of making a positive impact on the lives of ordinary women. Given the limited success to date in feminizing political parties and getting women elected, it is not surprising that other strategies are also needed for bringing women's interests into the policy-making process. One such strategy is to enter and work directly through the public administration. Democratic transitions, however restricted, represent propitious moments for making interventions because the state is potentially more fluid than at other times. But this space is often limited because of the top-down, elitist nature of the transition. Moreover, the ability of those working on the 'inside' to push for change on a sustained basis depends less on having an institutional space per se, and much more on the relationships with autonomous women's organizations on the 'outside' that they are able to establish and exploit. But it is very often difficult to establish effective inside-outside relationships-popular women's movements and groups, in particular, may feel alienated from the 'women's machineries' in the public administration and from the women who staff these units. They may also deliberately distance themselves from public authorities because of recent experiences of corruption and co-optation. Moreover, the creation and staffing of women's spaces within the state may in itself weaken the women's movements outside the state. Although in some contexts the state has incorporated the participants and the banners of the women's movements, it has been extremely difficult for those on the 'inside' to translate even the watered-down goals of the movement into concrete policies capable of making a positive impact on the lives of female citizens. The efforts to induce change have been patchy and, in the realm of public expenditure decisions, extremely difficult. This is in part due to the lack of effective pressure from an organized women's constituency (noted above) that can articulate a coherent set of issues and priorities for policy attention, and monitor its adoption and implementation by state agencies. It is also due to the disabling environment in which women bureaucrats find themselves. The deliberate attempt to create insulated technocracies, as is currently occurring in some countries and some areas of policy, has serious implications for democratic consolidation. While gender bureaucrats well-versed in economic analytical skills may be able to contribute to what goes on inside insulated technocracies (in ministries of finance, for example), this can hardly substitute for open public debate enabling women's groups and networks, along with other social groups, to scrutinize economic decisions and policies that affect the well-being of their constituents. But women's machineries and women parliamentarians have had more significant impact in some critical areasraising the legitimacy of violence against women as a political issue; enhancing women's awareness of their existing rights through civic education; and facilitating social legislation on highly significant issues such as divorce, child custody, domestic violence, and reproductive health and rights, which address very fundamental aspects of women's oppression. But here again, success in raising these controversial issuesand maybe even legislating for themhas gone hand in hand with a failure of the state (the judiciary and the police, in particular) to guarantee such important individual civil rights across national territories and for all social strata. One cross-cutting concern in the post-transition period is that the national women's movements have been stripped of their most competent cadres, as leaders and key organizers have been drawn into the new state institutions representing gender issues, into political parties and into parliament. Another common concern is the 'NGO-ization' of women's movements, especially through donor-driven, poverty alleviation programmes. Together, it seems, they have contributed to the weakening of both national women's movements and the cross-class alliances that some had managed to forge. The formalization provoked by the proliferation of NGOs and the competition for funds has several problematic implications. Self-reliance and self-help, which characterize this model of social provisioning, can be euphemisms for reliance on the unpaid work of women (who are recruited by NGOs in voluntary and secondary positions). Moreover, politically these projects seem to have taken away the advocacy and campaigning element of local participation. The perennial issue of feminist autonomy continues to preoccupy members of women's movements-whether 'in' or 'out' of the mainstream institutions. Given the dangers of co-optation by the state or party in power, there is a distinct need for maintaining some autonomous space for interest articulation and aggregation. But at the same time, by taking an autonomous path, women's groups and movements also run the risk of becoming politically isolated-hence the need for a politics of engagement with the mainstream. Ultimately, the long-term viability and effectiveness of the women's movement depends on its ability to work at different levels and in different arenas-both 'inside' and 'outside' the mainstream-forging strategic insider-outsider alliances. This message is sometimes lost on advocates of 'mainstreaming' who see the process of institutional change as a purely technocratic exercise of tinkering with institutions in a political vacuum. To be effective and sustainable, the two sets of strategies need to go hand in hand.

Part 1. Global -- 1. International Boundaries, Biological Borders, and the Public Governance of the COVID-19 Pandemic: Are we Entering a Whole New Era? (Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly) -- 2. Pandemic Geopolitics in the Anthropocene (Simon Dalby) -- 3. COVID-19 and the Science of where (Michael F. Goodchild) -- 4. Coronavirus and Conservation: Environmental Repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic (Helen D. Hazen) -- 5. Pandemic Geopolitics and the Bordering of COVID-19: Academic and Lay Geographies of the Pandemic and Policies to Contain and Mitigate the Novel Coronavirus (Virginie Mamadouh) -- 6. Rethinking Distance and Presence Conceptions in Times of COVID-19 and post-COVID-19: The Search for a New Educational Literacy (Paulo Quadros) -- Part 2. States, Cities and COVID-19 -- 7. The Swedish COVID-19 Enigma/Exception (Sebastian Abrahamsson and Richard Ek) -- 8. Insularity in a Connected World? The COVID-19 Pandemic in Iceland (Karl Benediktsson, Benjamin D. Hennig, Anne-Cécile Mermet, and Sigríður Haraldsdóttir) -- 9. Impacts of the COVID-19 Pandemic on a Small Island: The Isle of Man Case Study (Sharon C. Cobb) -- 10. Medical Philately and the World of COVID-19 Postage Stamps: Issues of Truth, Health and Wealth (Stanley D. Brunn) -- 11. The COVID-19 Pandemic in Ukraine: A Mosaic of Regional Patterns and Voices of Social Disparity (Eugenia Maruniak and Olena Dronova) -- 12. COVID-19 Policy in Uzbekistan: Slipping Back Toward Authoritarianism? (Reuel Hanks and Dilshod Achilov) -- 13. The Pandemic in Belarus in 2020-21: COVID-19 in the Shadow of Politics (Ales Kirkevich and Alena Makouskaya) -- 14. COVID-19, the Stay-Home Discourse and a 'New' Geographic Haven (Mohamed Salah Eddine Madiou) -- 15. COVID-19 Geopolitics in Southeast Asia: Regional and National Health (in)Securities in Times of Pandemic (Carl Grundy-Warr) -- 16. Three Challenges Facing Guatemala's COVID-19 Crisis: Mobility, Violence and Governance (Trudy Mercadal) -- 17. COVID-19 Waves and Politics in Costa Rica (Ivan Molina) -- 18. Societal Perceptions of the Saudi Government's Response to the Coronavirus Pandemic (Mark C. Thompson) -- 19. Tackling Challenges of COVID-19: An Assessment of the Convergence-Divergence Debates from the Global South-India (M. Satish Kumar and Aditya Singh) -- 20. Health Geography of COVID-19: An Exploratory Analysis of the Pandemic During its First Phase in the Compact Cities of Barcelona and Madrid, Spain (Montserrat Pallares-Barbera, Simón Sánchez-Moral, Rafael Vicente-Salar, and Alfonso Arellano) -- 21. Three impacts of COVID-19 in Pakistan society: Home Confinement, Social Survey Data and Maps Showing Diffusion (Tahir Awan, Tehreem Raza Ch, and Mavia Mumtaz) -- Part 3. Political impacts: Laws, Borders, Diplomacy, Elections, Peacekeeping -- 22. Peacekeeping Operations: Challenges and Opportunities in the Midst of Health Crises (Jessica Di Salvatore) -- 23. Travel Restrictions and Border Security Measures on the Canada–U.S. Border During the COVID-19 Pandemic—Does Law Matter in a Crisis? (Roger S. Fisher) -- 24. Forgotten Ones: Rhetoric of Migration and Tourism Governance in South Africa in the Sedentary Epoch of COVID-19 (Samuel Umoh Uwem and Oyewo Adetola Elizabeth) -- 25. From European Union Student Mobility to Lockdown: "Virtual Study Mobility" in the COVID-19 Era and a Case Study of Transnational Law in an International Classroom Delivered Online (Cherry James, John Koo, and Emmanouela Mylonaki) -- 26. Vaccination Nation: Vaccine Diplomacy and the U.S. Vaccine Rollout (Shaun J. Johnson) -- 27. Changing COVID-19 Border Restrictions and Borderland Resilience: The Finnish-Swedish Border Case (Eeva-Kaisa Prokkola and Juha Ridanpää) -- 28. Free Movement of Persons and Goods in the European Union During COVID-19 (Lehte Roots) -- 29. Intertwined Geographies of the Pandemic and the U.S. Presidential Election of 2020: COVID-19 Prevalence and Donald Trump (Ryan Weichelt, J. Clark Archer, Robert Shepard, Robert Watrel, and Jill Archer) -- Part 4. Communication, Branding and the Media -- 30. Affective Immediately: Reading the Semiotic Landscape of COVID-19 in Lincoln, Nebraska (James E. Baker) -- 31. Local Newspaper Coverage of the COVID-19 Pandemic in Two Major Texas Cities: A Visual Comparison of Houston and El Paso (Sarah A. Blue and Mary Stycos) -- 32. COVID-19 as the Great (un)equalizer: The Framing of Women in Media Coverage in China, the Middle East, and the U.S. (Mari A. DeWees and Amy C. Miller) -- 33. Place-Branding for Immigrant and Refugee Integration and Receptivity Amid the COVID-19 Pandemic: Responses of U.S. Cities in the "Welcoming America" Network (Paul N. McDaniel, Rajit H. Das, and Darlene Xiomara Rodriguez) -- 34. Lost in Translation: Reporting About COVID-19 Pandemic by Community Vernacular Radio Stations in Rural Kenya (Lilliane Atieno Oloo and Daniel Ochieng' Orwenjo) -- 35. Examining Effective Communication during COVID-19 Through Prime Minister's Speeches: The Case of Malaysia (Teresa Wai See Ong) -- 36. Trump and the Coronavirus: The Triumph of Incompetence (Barney Warf) -- Part 5. Communications: Websites, Social Media -- 37. Presenting, Representing, and Misrepresenting COVID-19 in the five Central Asian States: The Political Underpinnings of Official State Coronavirus Websites in Authoritarian Regimes (Ryan P. Cabana) -- 38. The Role of User-Generated Content Data for Collaborative Learning: Identifying Tourism Hot Topics During the Pandemic (Nuria Recuero Virto) -- 39. The Impact of COVID-19 and use of Geo-Tagged User Data in Territories without Planning: The Case of São Tomé and Príncipe (Nagayamma Aragão and Carlos Smaniotto Costa) -- 40. Social Distancing and Politeness: Hungarian Emailing Practices During the Coronavirus Epidemic (Ágnes Domonkosi and Zsófia Ludányi) -- 41. Application of GIS in Vaccine Distribution During COVID-19 (Jing Wu) -- Part 6. Cartoons and Cartooning -- 42. More than a Message: Public Health Advocacy, Political Cartooning and COVID-19 Challenges in Pakistan (Ayesha Ashfaq and Joseph Russomanno) -- 43. What's so Funny about COVID-19? How some Comic Strip Artists have Approached or Avoided a Sensitive Subject (Thomas L. Bell) -- 44. Visualizing the Unspeakable in Thought: A Multi-Model Discourse Analysis of Cartoons as a Device for Communicating (Maxwell Mpotsiah) -- Part 7. Maps and Mapping -- 45. One Year of COVID-19: Mapping the Spread of a Global Pandemic (Benjamin D. Hennig) -- 46. Mapping Silenced Spaces During Increased Overdose and COVID-19: Opportunities for Danger and Harm Reduction in Southern Appalachia (Lesly-Marie Buer, Bayla Ostrach, Sam Armbruster, and Erin Major) -- 47. COVID-19 in Tunisia: Mapping and Documenting the Impacts on those on the Margins (Betty Rouland and Marouen Taleb) -- 48. Mapping the COVID-19 Spatial Behaviors and Narratives of Women in an Architecture School in the Midwest USA" (Mania T. Taher) -- 49. Increased use of Maps During the COVID-19 pandemic: An example from Morocco (Abdallah Zouhauri) -- Part 7. Cultures: Diffusion and Social Well-Being) -- 50. The Way from the Leading Position to the Last: Geodemographic Analysis of the COVID-19 Pandemic in Czechia (Dagmar Dzúrová, Klára Hulíková Tesárková, Pavlína Netrdová, and Lukáš Brůha) -- 51. COVID-19 Deaths in México: A Spatiotemporal Analysis (Oscar Gerardo Hernández-Lara, José R. Díaz-Garayúa, and Kevin A. Butler) -- 52. Impacts of COVID-19 on Nigerian Culture (Ibrahim Badamasi Lambu) -- 53. Research Frontiers on COVID-19 Issues in Brazilian Context (Paulo Quadros) -- 54. Geography, Factors and Consequences of COVID-19 Diffusion in Russia (Stepan Zemtsov and Vyacheslav Baburin) -- Part 9. Mobility and Immobility -- 55. Effects of COVID-19 on Urban Mobility and Public Space use in Kumasi, Ghana (Clifford Amoako, Kwasi Kwafo Adarkwa, and Michael Poku-Boansi) -- 56. Impact of COVID-19 on Nepal's Labour Migration (Sadikshya Bhattarai and Jeevan Baniya) -- 57. Voting with their Feet: Coronavirus Pandemic Refugees and the Future of American Cities (James H. Johnson, Jr.) -- 58. Exploring Human Mobilities in the COVID-19 Era in Urban and Rural Canada (K. Bruce Newbold, Curtis Towle, and Kaylah Vrabic) -- 59. Rearranging Mobilities and Immobilities and Placeremaking During COVID-19: Governing the Pandemic Situation through (im)mobilities in South Korea (HaeRan Shin) -- Part 10. Inequalities and Divides) -- 60. Pandemic and Education: Persistent Deepening of Educational Inequalities in Argentina as a Consequence of COVID-19 (Gustavo Javier Annessi and Paola Demirta) -- 61. COVID-19 and the Comorbidities of Spatial Inequality and Colonial Legacy: Two Caribbean Cases – Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago (April K. Baptiste and Hubert Devonish) -- 62. Digital Inequalities in Times of the COVID-19 Pandemic in Israel and Germany (Elisabeth Sommerlad and Yossi David) -- Part 11. Marginalized Groups: Refugees, Silences, Gender, Racism, Survival -- 63. Beyond the Ecumene: Roma Genesis, Community and Survival in the COVID-19 World (Krasimir Asenov) -- 64. Ethnic Minorities in Poland in the Face of the COVID-19 Pandemic: Threats, Stigma and Forms of (in)visibility (Bartłomiej Chromik, Joanna Maryniak, and Justyna Olko) -- 65. Everyday Morbid Geography: Street life and COVID-19 State Regulation in Manila and Hanoi (José Edgardo A. Gomez, Jr., Redento B. Recio, Ha Minh Hai Thai, and Phuong Thu Nguyen) -- 66. Undocumented Migrants and the COVID-19 Pandemic: Similar and Dissimilar COVID-19 Stories Comparing Finland and Iran (Jussi S. Jauhiainen and Davood Eyvazlu) -- 67. 'If I don't Sell Food, How Would I eat?' Negotiating Street Vendor Livelihoods in the Context of COVID-19 Lockdowns in Urban Thailand, Vietnam, and Laos (Jennifer C. Langill, Binh N. Nguyen, and Sarah Turner) -- 68. Impact of COVID-19 on Local Planning Practices: Focusing on Tactical Urbanism, Slow Streets and low-Income Communities in Oakland, Los Angeles, San Francis.

The state of intellectual freedom is, in many ways, both a Treflection of the degree of openness and inclusiveness of our societies and of the state of democracy. Academic freedom, in the words of Thandika Mkandawire, is, in truth, about the building of a new civilization. It is a site of struggle for democracy, and one could argue that where intellectual freedom really exists, authoritarianism and fundamentalism will find it more difficult to go unchecked.
When, in November 1990, participants in a CODESRIA conference held in Kampala, Uganda, were adopting the Kampala Declaration on Intellectual Freedom and Social Responsibility, the continent was experiencing profound political changes, with authoritarian regimes collapsing one after the other, or receding as democratic space expanded with the struggles and intense pressures for democratic change coming from civil society and social movements. The state was then still seen as the main perpetrator of academic and intellectual freedom violations, but it certainly was no longer seen as the only institution or actor that was guilty of such restrictions. As can be seen in the conference papers and report1, most of the phenomena that we are witnessing more clearly today were already quite discernible then: groups based in civil society could harass scholars or public intellectuals for writing or making public statements that were considered to be contrary to religious principles, or to national interests, or to dominant social values, customs and 'traditions'. Donors could also restrict the freedom of research in many different ways.
Within the academia itself, the violations of academic freedom could take forms ranging from sexual harassment, through the trading of grades for different kinds of favours, to student groups threatening academic staff or other students and wreaking havoc on university campuses. The triumph of neoliberalism, and dominant notions of political correctness, and the rise of fundamentalisms of different kinds have led to the shrinking of spaces for critical thinking, not only in society, but also on our campuses. What were emerging phenomena then have now become major problems, with university campuses like Garissa University College in Garissa, Kenya, and the Ahmed Baba library in Timbuktu being raided by armed fundamentalist groups or rebel movements. Disciplines like history are barely surviving. Although it is now recognized that higher education and research have been key to all the successful and sustainable structural transformation and development experiences of the past few decades, most policy makers of our continent tend to be dismissive of the social sciences and humanities. Yet without the social sciences and humanities, no deep understanding of global and local challenges, and therefore no genuine human and people-centered development and meaningful empowerment of civil society and ordinary citizens are possible.
The good news is, as one of the participants in the conference held in Lilongwe, Malawi, in April this year to celebrate the 25th anniversary conference of the Kampala Declaration, rightly pointed out, there are provisions explicitly protecting academic freedom in the constitutions of fifteen African countries, and in many of these cases, the inspiration came from the Kampala Declaration.
The part of the Kampala Declaration that is rarely mentioned, but which is equally important, is the part dealing with the social responsibility of academics and intellectuals, more generally. The number of professors and lecturers who pay insufficient attention to ethical issues is, unfortunately, very large. This could be anything from the neglect of teaching and the responsibility to supervise theses and dissertations and mentor graduate students and junior colleagues, to a total lack of interest in the issues and challenges facing the communities where the universities are located. Too large a number of academics are prioritizing moonlighting activities instead of their duties at the institutions where they are employed. Yet the defense of academic freedom and the autonomy of the institutions of higher learning are best done if they go with a strict adherence to ethics, accountability, and the fulfillment of the social responsibility of academics.
The development of a vibrant knowledge economy in Africa is something that CODESRIA has always taken keen interest in and researched with relentless vigour over the years through its programmes. At its 14th CODESRIA General Assembly held in June 2015, which focused on the creation of Africa's futures in an era of global transformation, one of the key points over which there was a broad consensus is the need for research and new knowledge, and to critically interrogate the narrative and counter- narratives, not only on Africa's development, but also on innovations and technology as engines of growth and development in Africa. One critical issue today is, precisely, that of the private appropriation, out of power and profit motives, of knowledge produced through scholarship that has been funded with public resources, thus making the availability of that knowledge to African universities or African and southern development extremely difficult.
The future of Africa's knowledge economy is, therefore, a subject that has continued to generate vigorous debate. In one of the articles featured in this issue of CODESRIA Bulletin, titled: Defining Structural Transformation in Africa, Carlos Lopes calls for a shift away from the present economic models in various African countries. He identifies poor investment in research and development as one of the banes of growth in Africa, in addition to several other political, social, environmental and economic factors.
Henning Melber's article in this issue of the Bulletin: Development and Environment: The Challenges for Research Collaboration in and with Africa underscores the importance of new research and new knowledge for development while drawing attention to the gap in knowledge production between the North and the South. He however noted that ''relevant insights for local policy makers and communities in the South generated by new research end in peer reviewed journals whose commercial publishing priority remains prohibitive for access by those who might benefit most from it.''
The subject of restricted access to scientific knowledge and scholarly communication (which, in effect, is a form of restriction of research and academic freedom), which Melber decried in his article, was the focus of an international conference hosted by CODESRIA in Dakar, 30 March - 1 April 2016, with the theme: ''Open Access and the Future of the African Knowledge Economy''. The conference which drew participants from 20 countries in Africa and across the globe focussed on the value of open access to scholarly communication in an increasingly globalised knowledge economy. The urgent need for the African scientific community to engage the open access movement as a driver of change and development on the continent was emphasized. A call was also made for a stronger South-South dialogue and cooperation on open access and scholarly communication at the conference which also had a strong participation by UNESCO, the Latin America Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO), the Indian Citation Index, Africa Journals Online (AJOL), the National Research Foundation (NRF) of South Africa, the Academy of Social Sciences of South Africa (ASSAF), and several other partner institutions such as the Human Sciences Research Council, the Nordic Africa Institute, and the African Studies Centre of Leiden. A report from the conference is included in this Bulletin.
Also in this Bulletin, we have featured tributes to two of Africa's great scholars: Thandika Mkandawire and Helmi Sharawy, who are both among the founding fathers of CODESRIA. The tributes are in recognition of their long association with and service to CODESRIA, and the African social science community.
Thandika is one of the leading global scholars of the day, whose devotion to the African cause and contribution to knowledge on the continent is very widely acknowledged. In the words of Jimi Adesina, ''Thandika was always driven by giving voice to Africans and elevating African voices. His was not simply being Africa-focused but facilitating the authentic interlocution for Africa and its peoples''. The Kampala Declaration was adopted during his tenure as executive secretary of CODESRIA. The theme chosen for the colloquium held in Malawi to celebrate Thandika the scholar, mentor, pan Africanist, institution-builder, friend, and eternal CODESRIA militant, was Thinking African: Epistemological Issues. Indeed, both as a CODESRIA leader and in his own work, Thandika has consistently engaged social science concepts and theories from a critical point of view, interrogating their significance for Africa and the continent's peoples. He has tried to enhance the visibility of African scholarship both within Africa and globally, and promoted scholarship that contributes to the enhancement of the freedom, well-being and dignity of the peoples of the continent.
Helmi Sharawy is also one of the most illustrious leaders of our community who played a pioneering role in the development of CODESRIA, in the promotion of the study of Africa, and in the formation of a number of institutions and associations, such as the African Association of Political Science (AAPS). He was elected and served two terms as a member of CODESRIA's Executive Committee. Helmi has also been a great champion of African liberation. Many great leaders, such as Amilcar Cabral, Agostinho Neto, Eduardo Mondlane and others, who visited Cairo during the years when Gamal Abdel Nasser was the President, were invited to his home and enjoyed the hospitality of his family. On 11 May 2016, CODESRIA and the Arab and African Research Centre in Cairo organized a round table to celebrate Professor Helmi Sharawy. Some of the tributes to Sharawy and Mkandawire are published in this issue of the Bulletin.
The people who have made, and continue to make, great contribution to scholarship in Africa and to the growth and development of CODESRIA are many. More celebrations, taking different forms, will therefore follow. We also invite articles on, or critically engaging the work of, great African intellectuals and their contributions for publication in the CODESRIA Bulletin, or in other CODESRIA journals.
Bonne lecture!

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :행정대학원 행정학과(정책학전공),2019. 8. 우지숙. ; 본 논문은 브라질의 인터넷권리보호법(Marco Civil da Internet)이 어떠한 전개과정을 거쳐서 지금에 이르게 되었는지 고찰한다. 각국이 인터넷의 자유와 규제의 딜레마 속에서 접점을 찾기 위해 노력하고 있는 가운데, 라틴아메리카의 브라질에서는 1990년대 이래 인터넷 규제에 관한 정책의제가 국가 내부에 존속하다가 오랜 논의 끝에 2014년 3월 25일 인터넷 이용자 표현의 자유, 개인정보보호, 망중립성(Net Neutrality) 보장 등을 골자로 하는 세계 최초의 인터넷 권리장전의 제정으로 이어진다. 연구는 '브라질의 Marco Civil은 어떠한 계기로 다른 정책들을 우선하여 정책결정자가 주목하는 주요 의제로 채택되어 제정으로 이어졌는가?'를 질문하고, 이러한 정책변동 사례를 Sabatier의 ACF 모형과 Kingdon의 MSF 모형의 결합모형에 적용하여 체계적으로 답을 모색하였다. 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 먼저, Marco Civil 정책은 각각 '평등주의'와 '시장주의'라는 상충하는 신념체계를 가진 찬반 옹호연합으로 분화되어 정책결정과정에서 첨예한 대립을 펼쳤으며, 정책학습의 기회에도 자신들의 신념체계를 견고화하였다. 둘째, 이들 옹호연합은 브라질 사회의 다양한 외적 변수에 직간접적인 영향을 받아 신념체계를 형성하였다. 셋째, Marco Civil은 수차례 입법 지연을 겪다가 Snowden 사건이라는 강력한 외부적 촉발기제에 의하여 정책의 창이 열리고 정책변동으로 이어질 수 있었다. 넷째, Marco Civil 정책결정과정에서 정책중개자와 정책선도자의 역할이 두드러진 것으로 나타났다. 특히 정책선도자인 Lula 대통령과 Dilma 대통령의 적극적인 역할은 Marco Civil 제정에 있어 결정적인 영향 요인이라고 판단할 수 있다. 연구의 함의는 다음과 같다. 먼저 이론적 함의로는 첫째, 연구는 ACF 모형과 MSF 모형의 적용 사례로서 비교적 새로운 분야인 인터넷 규제정책을 연구대상으로 삼았다. 인터넷 정책은 찬반 옹호연합의 첨예한 갈등이 나타나는 정책이라는 점에서 결합모형에 따른 설명력이 높게 나타났다. 둘째, 모형이 개발된 다원주의적인 서구사회가 아닌 권위주의와 엘리트주의가 뿌리 깊게 작용하고 있는 브라질의 사례를 분석함으로써 ACF 모형과 MSF 모형의 유용성을 입증하였다. 셋째, 일반적으로 대통령의 적극적 관심을 가질 경우 빠른 정책 대안의 마련으로 합리적인 대응 방안을 찾아낸다는 합리적 모형으로는 쉽게 설명되지 않는 사례로서, 룰라 대통령의 적극적인 지원에도 불구하고 임기 내 법안 제정에 실패한 원인을 추적할 수 있다. 넷째, 정책의 흐름이 열려 정책산출에 이르는 데 정치의 흐름은 정책의 창을 여는 데 결정적인 역할을 하지는 않았다. 호세프 정부 시기 정치의 흐름은 법안 제정에 부정적인 영향으로 작용하여 Marco Civil 폐지의 위기에까지 갔으나 외부적 초점사건에 의해 제정에 이르게 된다. 정책적 함의는, 먼저 정책선도자의 리더십과 정책 방향의 중요성을 함의한다. 국민의 인권 보장을 위한 룰라 대통령의 일관된 사회정책과 리더십은 우리나라에도 시사하는 바가 많다. 둘째, Marco Civil 법은 국가가 인터넷을 어느 범위까지, 어떠한 방식으로 규율해야 하는가와 관련된 가치충돌적이고 논쟁적인 쟁점을 되짚어보고 추후 유사한 인터넷 권리법 제정 논의에 적용할 수 있는 교훈적인 사례이다. 셋째, 본 정책은 참여민주주의를 실천한 사례로서 정부에 대한 국민적 신뢰를 반영한다. 마지막으로 한국과 브라질은 공통적으로 2006년도 인터넷상 사이버범죄 규제안을 제정하였으나, 한국의 경우 해당 법이 임기만료로 폐기된 이래 의미 있는 논의가 이루어지지는 않은 반면, 브라질은 사이버범죄법 발의라는 '초점사건'이 휘발되지 않고 정책선도자의 적극적인 의지 아래 인터넷권리법의 제정으로 이어진다. 브라질의 인터넷 정책결정과정에 대해 검토하고 구체적인 법안의 추진 동기, 과정, 정책의 결정요인 등을 모색함으로써 우리나라의 인터넷 규제정책이 어떠한 위치에 놓여 있는지 비교해볼 수 있을 것으로 생각한다. ; One of the most significant policy goals in the internet arena in the last decade has been striving to seek a reasonable balance between freedom and regulation of the Internet. Brazil, as Latin America's economic giant, has also spent a long time finding the balance point between creating economic profits and protecting human rights under the pressure of mediating the conflicting values of regulating and protecting users' behaviors from circumstances of the internet. And it is one of the key policy initiatives associated with this shift to pass the world's first Internet Bills of Right which is called Marco Civil da Internet on March 25, 2014 after years of discussion, which calls for freedom of expression for the Internet users, protection of personal information and guarantee of network neutrality. This case study explores the policymaking process of the Marco Civil da Internet in Brazil. It examines specifically how Brazilian internet policy came into being applying the combination frameworks of Sabatier's Advocacy Coalition Framework and Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework, in order to learn more about the linkages between research and policy. The study began with a relatively simple question, 'On what occasion was Brazilian Marco Civil da Internet adopted as a major agenda for policymakers, prioritizing other public policies and being eventually enacted after long debate' and systemically sought an answer applying the example of this internet policy change through these policymaking process frameworks. The results of the study are as follows: First, the stakeholders in the policymaking of this legislation were divided into the a pro-MCI coalition and an anti-MCI coalition with a conflicting belief system between 'Equalityism' and 'Marketism' and strengthened their own belief system even in the opportunities of policy learning. Second, these advocacy coalitions formed these belief systems, directly or indirectly being influenced by various external variables in Brazilian society. The Snowden event in 2013 worked as a powerful external trigger mechanism of this policymaking process, as a strong variable that opened the window of policy and lead to policy changes after going through several legislative delays. Third, it was indicated that the role of a policy broker and a policy entrepreneur in MCI policymaking process was shown to be outstanding. In particular, the active role of policy entrepreneurs, the two Brazilian Presidents, Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff, could be judged as a decisive factor in enacting this legislation. Next, the implications of the study are twofolds. Firstly, the theoretical implications are as follows. First, the study targeted the Internet regulatory policy which is a relatively new field as an example of the application of the ACF and the MSF. The Internet policy might be highly adequate research topic, given that it is a policy that showed a strong conflict between a pro-MCI and an anti-MCI advocacy coalitions. Second, the study proved the usefulness of the ACF and the MSF by analyzing Brazilian case where authoritarianism and elitism have been deeply rooted rather than a pluralistic western society in which these theoretical frameworks were developed. Third, the study could track the causes for failure to enact this legislation within his term, despite President Lula's active support, which is not reasonably explained with a rational model supposing if the president has a active interest, he could find a reasonable and quick policy alternative. Fourth, Political Stream in this policymaking process did not play a crucial role in opening the window of policy. The political stream during the Rousseff administration had influenced a negative effect on enacting the legislation and reached the crisis of the abolition of the MCI, but an external focus event led it to be enacted in the conclusion. Political and practical implications are as follows: first of all, this study implies the importance of leadership and policy direction of policy entrepreneurs. President Lula's consistent social policy and leadership to ensure the human rights of Brazilian people provide a lot of implications for Korean administration. Second, the MCI is an instructive example that could be applied later in the discussion of enacting an Internet Bills of Right in other countries, which reflects on the value-conflicting and contentious issues concerning how the country should regulate the Internet. Third, as an example of practicing participatory democracy, the MCI policymaking process reflects public trust about the government. Finally, although each Korea and Brazil enacted regulations of cybercrime on the Internet in 2006, no meaningful discussion had been made in Korea since the law was scrapped at the end of its term, while Brazil's 'focus event' of trying to introduce the cybercrime law eventually led to the enactment of the Internet Bills of Right under the active will of policy entrepreneurs. It concludes that we can compare the position of our country's Internet regulatory policies with Brazilian case by reviewing the Brazil's Internet policymaking process and seeking specific incentives, processes, and determinants of policies. ; 제 1 장 서 론 11 제 1 절 들어가며 11 제 2 절 연구의 목적과 필요성 15 1. 연구의 목적 15 2. 연구의 필요성 19 1) 왜 ACF + MSF 결합모형인가? 19 2) 왜 브라질인가? 23 3) 왜 인터넷 규제정책인가? 27 제 3 절 연구의 대상 및 방법 30 1. 연구의 대상 30 2. 연구의 방법 31 제 2 장 연구의 분석틀을 위한 이론적 기초 33 제 1 절 이론적 논의 및 선행연구 33 1. 정책변동의 개념과 모형 33 2. 정책옹호연합 모형(ACF) 34 1) 정책옹호연합 모형(ACF)의 개념 34 2) 정책옹호연합 모형(ACF)의 구성요소 37 3. 정책의 다중흐름 모형(MSF) 49 1) 다중흐름 모형(MSF)의 의의 49 2) 다중흐름 모형(MSF)의 구성요소 50 3) 흐름의 결합과 정책의 창 54 4) 다중흐름 모형(MSF)의 정책선도자 56 4. ACF 모형과 MSF 모형의 결합모형 57 1) ACF 모형과 MSF 모형의 결합모형의 의의 57 2) 결합모형을 적용한 선행연구 60 제 2 절 인터넷 규제인가, 권리인가 74 1. 사이버 공간의 규제 : 자유주의와 개입주의 74 2. 사이버 공간의 특수성과 새로운 규범 모델 80 제 3 장 연구문제, 연구방법 및 분석의 틀 82 제 1 절 연구문제 82 제 2 절 연구대상 및 방법 85 제 3 절 연구의 분석틀 88 1. 브라질 인터넷정책의 결합모형 적용 가능성 88 1) 10년 이상 시간 필요성 88 2) 정책하위체제 단위의 유효성 88 3) 정책하위체제 차원의 타당성 89 4) 정책신념의 변화 89 5) 비합리적 정책변동 90 2. 분석의 틀 91 제 4 장 브라질 인터넷권리장전 Marco Civil 92 제 1 절 Marco Civil의 개요와 전개과정 92 제 2 절 Marco Civil 법의 주요 내용 95 제 5 장 브라질 Marco Civil 정책결정과정 분석 99 제 1 절 외적변수 99 1. 안정적 외적변수 99 1) 사회문화적 가치와 사회구조 99 2) 문제의 기본 속성 104 3) 법적 구조 105 2. 역동적 외적 변수 111 1) 사회경제적 여건의 변화 111 2) 정치체제 지배연합의 변화 119 3. 매개변수 : 연합기회구조 126 제 2 절 소 결 129 제 3 절 다중흐름모형과 촉발기제 134 1. 1기 : 룰라 정부 134 1) 정책문제의 흐름 134 2) 정치의 흐름 140 3) 정책대안의 흐름 143 4) 정책선도자 : 룰라 대통령 149 5) 정책중개자 : Ronaldo Lemos 150 6) 정책의 창과 정책산출 152 2. 2기 : 호세프 정부 153 1) 정책문제의 흐름 153 2) 정치의 흐름 154 3) 정책대안의 흐름 166 4) 정책중개자 170 5) 정책선도자 171 6) 정책의 창과 정책산출 172 제 4 절 소 결 174 제 5 절 정책옹호연합과 신념체계 178 1. 정책옹호연합 178 1) 아제리두 법을 둘러싼 옹호연합간 정책갈등 178 2) Marco Civil을 둘러싼 옹호연합간 정책갈등 180 3) Marco Civil의 신념변화와 정책학습 183 2. Marco Civil의 이슈별 신념체계 187 1) 망중립성 188 2) 프라이버시 보호 190 3) 저작권 191 제 6 장 결 론 193 제 1 절 연구의 요약 193 제 2 절 정책적 함의 205 제 3 절 연구의 한계 211 참고문헌 212 Abstract 234 ; Master

INTRODUCTIONThis work lies in the study of social fundamental right to decent work and most specifically in the fight against the work in analogous conditions to slavery. From the analysis of the Brazilian constitutional text, its resulting legislative policies and factual statistics data, it is presented, as the central research problem, some possible lacks of forecasts to ensure the so called decent work and the effective efforts to eradicate slave labor in Brazil.This theme is becoming one of the most worldwide debated issues, by the hand of the protective organizations for human rights. Considering the statistical analysis that prove the existence of serious violations of human rights in terms of social fundamental rights to decent work, it is justified the importance of this research,in the contemporary scenario,about the laboring under slavery conditions.In this context, the goal is to analyze the possible protection which can be provided – or its eventual lacks – considering the content of the Constitutional Amendment 81/2014 for the Article 243 of the Federative Republic of Brazil constitution, all in order to clarify whether the new constitutional rules contribute to the effectiveness of the social fundamental right to work, as a guideline for policies launched from the constitutional text against the contemporary forms of slavery. METHODOLOGYIt is adopteda comparative form of the deductive method with the help of specialized lawand sociological literature asreferences for quotation and, for sure, the core constitutional text. The research analyzes, initially, the relationship between public policymaking and the enforcement of Constitutional rights, most especially, the social fundamental rights, and so on, to right to work under decent conditions, effort which scrutinizes the notions of contemporary slave labor in opposition to the principle of human dignity.From the released ideas, the work follows studying the new Article 243 of the Brazilian Constitution, in order to raise some solution for the research problem, considering the practice of imposing workers anyrestriction to their freedom as something rude as to suppress their dignity by degrading work with deprivation of liberty. CONTEMPORARY SLAVE WORK, HUMAN DIGNITY AND PUBLIC POLICYIn the world and so on, in Brazil as well, since the most ancient times, the main cause of slavery was stated as the economic exploitation – which prevails also in the present time. Contemporary slavery practice manifests itself in the hinding form, marked by authoritarianism, combining the worker's freedom of retrenchment with the violation of their fundamental right to decent work.Contemporaneously, the notion of slave labor is identified by long working hours, paltry salaries, prohibition of circulating, wild discriminations and other precarious threats.Even nowadays, despite of allefforts to the adoption of certain means of protection against thepractice of slave labor, employee is usedto consider some alternatives as "not bad" as others which are even worst. It motivates the acceptation of lots of alternative forms of "job", in order to find a way of survival. This situation is often found, very frequently in the urban industrial areas, coming to demystify the slave labor binding only with the countryside.For a long time, there existed no effective protection mechanism that workers could use, when subjected to abuse. The work has been related to thestatus of toolfor implementation of human dignity as it happens to its nature as social fundamental right, in accordance with severalcountries' constitutions. Throughout the long own history, until, in modern times, it is said, even when it is not true.In the Brazilian case, looking forward to follow up on commitments assumed by Brazil upon ratification of Convention No. 29 and 105 and also when the adoption of the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ILO launched the Project for Technical Cooperation to Combat Forced (Slavery) Labor in Brazil.This measure sought to promote integrated operations and to strength the actions of all national partner institutions that protect human rights, particularly within the National Commission for the Eradication of Slave Labor, also providing for the rehabilitation of rescued workers to prevent their return to slave labor.In addition, at the Brazilian normative level, the behavior of subjecting someone to conditions analogous to slavery is typified in Article 149 of the Penal Code. In the labor legislation, the provision to rural areas is more than forty years old (Law no. 5,889 / 1973, as amended by Provisional Measure no. 2164-41 / 2001 and Law n. 11,718 / 2008).However, both the question of jurisdiction over the crime as the current setting of the minimum penalty provided for in this article, which is two years, have inhibited any effective prosecution, and there are several favorable devices to the convict that allow to slow down the eventual execution pen. ARTICLE 243 OF THE BRAZILIAN CONSTITUTION CONTEXT AND THE FIGHT FOR ELIMINATION OF CONTEMPORARYSLAVE WORKAccording to the Ministry of Labor and Employment, it were freed from slavery in Brazil 49,816 people between 1995 and 2015, which seems to be very insufficient numbers to close upwhat to what is estimated to exist. This demonstrates that, despite conveyed policies, slavery work practice has not been eliminated in Brazil. Therefore, legislative measures and other government actions remained being taken, against the continuation of criminal conduct in labor relations, recognized long ago as so offensive to human rights.The issue, therefore, was the subject of most discussion from the issue of Amendment to the Constitution Proposal (PEC) n. 57 from 1999, which was finally, and very lately, approved by the Senate only in 2014, with progress in the House of Representatives under the number 438/2011.The project culminated in the Constitutional Amendment. 81 of June 5, 2014, by which was given new wording to Article 243 of the Constitution, which has been determined that rural and urban properties with illegal plantations of psychotropic plants or slave labor exploitation are expropriated for subsequent allocation to land reform and implementation of public housing programs, without compensation to the owner (BRAZIL, 1988).From the new Constitutional provision, there exists the possibility of applying sanctions of various kinds by the practice of exploitation of slave labor. Noteworthy is the fact that any economic good linked to the forbidden practice can be confiscated, reversing the special fund allocations, under specific legal regulation, when checking exploitation of slave labor.It was instituted, thus, the confiscation of all material linked to the exploitation of slave labor. From this point on, all legal institutions such property are subjected to expropriation under those conditions. Starting from the primary notion that "expropriation" was a genre in which to understand the species "expropriation" and "seizure" (differing, both because there or not payment of a prior compensation to loss of well ownership), one is really facing a confiscation and the state.This is justified by the reason of, as a punitive measure, it could not have any payment as a form of compensation for the economic value lost.It shall be emphasized that, by providing for the loss of property as a penalty to the employer that adopts the slave labor practice, the rule of law clarifies the clear linkage of mutual respect that should exist between the employer and the employee, under penalty of sanctions.The current wording drew attention also to the need of a continued adoption of effective measures in the fight against this practice, which repeatedly occur in national territory, imposing a deep study about the possible forms that forced labor takes in the contemporary era and about the several reactions it causes, in order to mobilize people and garner more support for its eradication.After all, in the twenty-first century, Brazil can no longer affordnor the Brazilian civil society can remain inert about this pernicious violation of the Constitutional principle of human dignity. CONCLUSIONSThe wording given to Article 243 of the Brazilian constitution by constitutional amendment No. 81/2014 evaluates the importance of productive men and its working force and consequently the production, to the aggrandizement of economic power.At this point, it remains shown the relevance of the new constitutional provision against the feeling of the exploiters of slave labor, to impart a bias of "reification" to employees which demonstrate the extreme value of "owning" in defeat of the human being respect.Thus, it is expected that the risk of having confiscated their properties (because of badly treating people – as object of their property – will motivate a higher abstention from slavering practice by the land or building owners who act as bad employers. Although this behavior change can, possibly, be adopted only to avoid losing real property that is used slave labor, it creates an opportunity of an effective change in the employing practices and conditions.Therefore the formal existence of legal policies to combat modern-day slavery, if considering the greater reach and relevance they should have, they have not been strong enough to eradicate the practice of labor under those conditions that reduce workers to conditions analogous to slavery and ensure the effectiveness of the fundamental right to decent work.Thus, it is necessary that all information against slave work can reach the appropriately the legal authorities, so that the monitoring shall be effective and the sanctions have to be seriously imposed. The adoption of the measures to combat slave labor with constitutional statusis expected as to enforce government actions to implement and disseminate a greater awareness of civil society with regard to collaboration with complaints and dissemination of eradication campaigns.Thus, the wording given by Constitutional Amendment 81/2014 Article 243 of the Constitution, with the institution of confiscation of properties where slave labor is caught, foreshadows the landscape will suffer some important changes. It looks clear, therefore, that the new constitutional discipline shall contribute to the realization of the social fundamental right to decent work as a barrier to contemporary forms of slavery, allied form, however, other measures.Unfortunately it will not be enough to put an end at this horrible practice. This first effort must be complemented by other measures, if it is considered how the starting point of a job can represent awareness under conditions of greater social vulnerability.It is absolutely imperative to eradicate degrading forms of labor, in compliance with constitutional rules, with greater effectiveness of the social fundamental rights to decent work.[1] Do not take this document as a complete Paper for Discussion. This is merely the format which is supposed to be adopted by authors for submissions to SPRING 2016 | UNOESC INTERNATIONAL LEGAL SEMINAR.

 This winter/spring was the first time I lived abroad for three months--Japan was six weeks broken up into two parts in 2016 and 2017 and London was seven weeks back in 1987.  I have had a great time and have learned a lot, and while I am eager to go home to my much bigger kitchen (Mrs. Spew is with her mother right now), I am also looking forward to coming back next winter.  The Humboldt Award brings foreign academics to Germany for six or more months.  So, I have completed half of that time, and as I have to return home for a variety of family stuff (a wedding most importantly), I will do the second half next winter.  Any academic will say that they didn't get enough done, and I definitely did not get enough done, but what did I do?I helped my co-authors revise the book on parliamentary oversight and submit it.I interviewed enough German experts, MoD officials (past and present), and military officers (retired and active) to have enough to draft a rough case for the MoD/militaries book.  I have more interviews to do, and will do those next year hopefully.  I haven't really cracked the case yet, but hopefully things will fall together as I write the case study.I went to Finland to do that case study for the same project and talked to pretty much everyone I needed.  I transcribed all of my notes, but have not yet written the case study--one of those things I wish I had gotten done.  But upon returning to Berlin, my wife arrived for two weeks of great tourism by car, plane, boat, train, tram, and bus (do busses to and from the planes at airports that don't park their planes at the terminal count?) followed by my sister and her boyfriend and then by Melissa, the CDSN's COO, and her daughter.  My last week in Berlin involved one conference, one presentation, and much packing.I wrote up more of the South Korean case study from October for the same project, but didn't finish it because, damn, this book is hard.I received much feedback on the MoD/militaries book with multiple presentations at Hertie, a presentation at Central European University in Vienna, and a talk to a class in Potsdam. I have done much networking to develop more European partners for the next CDSN grant application and to develop more ways for us to work together to make the partnership more meaningful.I had opportunities to learn how the Europeans are seeing things these days, especially at a Hertie conference on whether each country is experiencing its own zeintenwende (watershed/turning point in its world view after Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine) or not.I also learned the whole "the Germans have a word for everything" gag is very true but also played out.I learned much about comparative authoritarianism at a workshop organized by Hertie folks.Speaking of Hertie, I had some chats with some of the students here about their work as folks here are working on NATO and on other stuff I have studied at some point.  I am crashing a dissertation defense today as the student used some of the data from my long languishing diaspora project with Erin Jenne that Kathleen Cunningham and Connor Kopchick resurrected.SI saw a lot of Berlin, first by myself and then with the aforementioned waves of visitors towards the end.I saw much more of Germany than I had seen before: Bamberg, Dresden, Leipzig, Nuremberg, Erfurt, and more of Potsdam than before.I saw much more of Austria than I had seen before: Vienna (my first time) and the Austrian Alps (Zurs and Lech and the train ride to and from the Bodansee).I saw more of northern Italy than I had seen before: Venice, Milan, and Como. I learned much about the German politics of EU parliamentary campaign via interesting campaign signs (see my this post).I found out that people use the gym in so many different ways.  There was a largely unstaffed fitness center near me, and I went nearly daily, trying to recover from the combo ski trip/amusement park trip.  I was amazed at how every person has a very different exercise regiment.  I was mostly treadmilling and doing various knee stretches/exercises.  My first time in a 21st century gym essentially, and I was almost always the oldest, most out of shape person there.   Oh, and the kids really do have a lot of tattooes. So, nope, didn't do much, I guess 😉To dig up one of the oldest tropes here, what did I find to be the most surprising, troubling, enchanting, and humbling from my time in Berlin and Europe? I guess I have been the most surprised by how much English I heard, not just by me, as I wandered through Berlin.  Apparently, East Berlin has many foreign folks, including North Americans, so it is increasingly a bilingual city.  That and the graffiti of East Berlin.I am most troubled that Germany is so hamstrung by past decisions and laws that it may not make the changes it needs to make to thrive.  Just the other night, I heard folks complaining about the governing coalition being frozen by the wide ideological divide between Liberal Democrats (think libertarians), Greens, and Social Democrats.  Good for the Steve and Dave book of yore, not so good for dealing with Russia, climate change, or China.I am most enchanted by, yes, the good weather of Berlin (it rained a lot my first few weeks but has been mostly sunny since) that allowed me to explore lots and lots of neighborhoods, finding great gelato places and Indonesian food and absolutely terrific doner kebabs from the many, many Türkische places.  I am most humbled by how sharp the people at Hertie and at the Canadian embassy and the various other folks I have bumped into.  Berlin is chock full of really smart, incisive, multilingual, experienced people.  I again feel like a recently unfrozen caveman when hanging around with these folks.  I have learned a lot, and, yeah, I got into this business because I have an insatiable curiosity, so woot!  I am also humbled by how crappy I skied on mixed snow in Zurs.Was this my best sabbatical?  I could say it is too soon (IT IS TOO SOON!!) as my sabbatical does not end until July 1st.  However, most of the next 1.5 months will be doing catch up on paperwork and CDSN-ing, family stuff (that aforementioned wedding, the first of the next generation of Saidemans and perhaps the first millennial wedding I will be attending), and then conferencing.  So, probably not too soon.  I have had three sabbaticals and one leave (the Pentagon experience), so, as is my tendency, a few rankings:Best food:Toyko in 2016-17Germany this year (mostly the non-German food I ate), as I learned what the Hokey Pokey is really all about (ice cream).The sabbatical at home plus travel of 2006-2007The Pentagon year.  Most of the rankings here are of relatively good stuff, but that year was not good for my diet and was not tasty either.Biggest career impactPentagon year and it is not close as it helped get me the jobs at McGill and Carleton and re-directed my research from the IR of ethnic conflict to alliances and then civil-military relations.Tokyo--I had never done any research on Asia before that sabbatical.  I am not an Indo-Pacific expert, but I have a far better idea of what the big questions are out there, and that has influenced my teaching, and the Tokyo work did lead to the question I am exploring this year in Europe.Sabbatical at home as it gave me a chance to catch up and shift to civ-milThis one--I am nearing the end of my career, so it is hard to move it that far from the current path.  Most productive in terms of academic research/output:It might be this one--two case studies, revising the book (we made a lot of progress last summer and then this winter), getting feedback.  the sabbatical at home--I finished the Steve and Bill book on irredentism if I remember correctly and shifted to a new research agendaTokyo: I got that case study done, but the survey took years to complete and we haven't published anything from it yet.  I thought I had a partnership that was going to produce a lot of work, but it fizzled.Pentagon: I got one week of fieldwork done, and it fostered a heap of questions, but I was too busy desk officer-ing to do much academic stuff.FavoritePentagon.  I learned so much about so many things at a pivotal time in US foreign policy and international relations from the nexus of US defense policy.  Did I mention it helped get me out of Lubbock?Tokyo.  Watching Shogun this winter reminded me of how wonderfully addictive Japan is--I went from never going there to visiting at least six times--so many times that I am losing track.  Which competes with how many times I have been to Germany.This one.  It has been a terrific three months in Germany.  My sabbatical this year also includes the South Korea trip, which was also pretty cool.  My first one in 2006-2007.  It wasn't bad, it just wasn't as special.  I barely remember what I did that year.  I will always remember my times in the Pentagon, in Japan, and, here.   I will soon start counting down until the next one, and I have a cool idea, but we shall see if I can make it happen.  It will be my last one, so I hope I can make it count.As I keep saying, I am very lucky.  The Humboldt Award was a great break, giving me the chance to hang out with the sharp and generous folks at Hertie.  I haven't baked in three months and desperately miss my kitchen (facebook is reminding me of the renovation that took place this time last year).  So, I am ready to go home, but I will soon be eager to come back.  My plans for my next Eurotrip?  More Germany, more Nordic case studies (Sweden and Norway), the Italian Alps, and probably Greece. I will write another post about what I have learned over the course of the past few months.    

The Horn of Africa (HOA) is one of the most underdeveloped regions on earth. It is also one of the most conflict-ridden, insecure regions in the world. While Africa as a whole has enjoyed a trend in recent years toward reduction and termination of many of its civil wars, the HOA is the exception to the rule. Indeed, the region's prolonged armed conflicts have spread, engulfing several neighboring states in warfare and partial state collapse. While aspects of the HOA case are obviously unique, and sensitivity to context and complexity must be privileged in both analysis of and policy toward the Horn, the region's crises are not so distinct that they preclude useful comparative analysis. This paper considers conflict dynamics across the entire Horn of Africa, but devotes special attention to the case of Somalia which, because of the depth, length, and significance of its crisis, is a source of particular international concern. Because Somalia's crisis has been so protracted and has gone through several very distinct phases, it provides an opportunity to compare conflict dynamics in a single country over time.

In her recent book published after the election of Donald Trump as the US President in 2016, Cynthia Enloe argues that the patriarchy, similar to our smart phones, has updated itself as a reaction against the achievements of the second and third wave feminisms. The updated patriarchy has this time renewed itself through the beliefs and values about the ways the world works (2017). The competing foreign policies representing the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity of the current world politics and its authoritarian leaders are the outputs of this new updated version of patriarchy. Enloe doubts that having gained sustainability with its updates, the patriarchy could be fought against simply with street demonstrations, as it was before. The patriarchy could be forced to retreat only by incessantly asking "curious" feminist questions that would expose all masculine patterns of life (2017). Continuously asking questions without giving up or giving in would make the patriarchy transparent and vulnerable. In the face of curious, non-stop questions from a gender perspective and the conscious use of the terms supporting gender equality, the patriarchy, albeit updated and sustained, does not stand a chance.
Enloe explains the reason why incorporating gender in International Relations has been considered irrelevant by the power- and security dominated character of the discipline. Also, because the heavy majority of the academics associated with International Relations are male, it is them who choose what is important and worthy of 'serious' investigation (Enloe, 2004, 96). This masculine attitude, however, has been clearly excluding multiple human experiences and hindering their capacity to create new possibilities for peaceful co-existence in international relations (Youngs, 2004).
As a matter of fact, when we look at the emergence of International Relations as a separate discipline, and the political theories that it takes as its first point of reference, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen) – the human rights document at the time of the French Revolution – Machiavelli's The Prince; and Man, the State and War, written in 1959 by Kenneth Waltz, the founder of neo-realism, were the mainstream writings that brought liberal (libertarian) and realist perspectives to the discipline of International Relations, respectively. The fundamental aim of these texts was, in fact, to make an analysis based on history and 'his' problems. Although these texts put forward a desire for rights and freedoms, as well as the achievement of peace, these values are mostly targeted towards men. Thus, over time, the prominent concepts of International Relations, such as security and hegemony, were defined from a masculine and patriarchal perspective. For instance, from the theoretical view of realists, hegemony is attributed to the order established and led by the most powerful state of the international system– both militarily and economically– while sovereignty evokes the Hobbesian Leviathan (the Devil), with its masculine nature and might. Raewyn Connell responds to these masculine conceptualizations by pointing out that hegemony includes organized social domination in all spheres of life, from religious doctrines to mundane practice, from mass media to taxation (1998: 246). As Connell reminds us, "hegemonic masculinity" expresses the domination of men over women intellectually, culturally, socially, or even politically, thus establishing an unequivocal linkage between gender and power (Connell, 1998).
Just as the Western approach to reading and identifying the East and its fiction found an answer in Edward Said's critique of Orientalism, the theory of political realism put forth by Hans Morgenthau was criticized by Ann Tickner for conceptualizing international politics through the lens of an assumed masculine subject (Tür & Koyuncu, 2010: 9). Critical theory and postmodernism, as alternative approaches in International Relations, drew attention to the otherization of different geographies, civilizations and identities. Yet, on the issue of gender equality, the otherization of women has not been sufficiently recognized; the superiority of man and patriarchy is made possible through the othering of women. From this point of view, it would be beneficial to make a holistic reading of the International Relations literature, and to dismantle these masculine concepts by asking "curious" questions of the discipline.
In Terrell Carver's words, "Gendering IR" is...a project; "gendered" IR is an outcome" (Carver, 2003: 289). In order to achieve such outcome, it bears utmost importance for the gender-equality advocates to insist on, institutionally and practically, gender-based approaches and to not agree with the priority list of the masculine agenda. Security, order, control and retaliation increasingly dominate the discourse shaping the world politics. The gender perspective in International Relations develops to create alternative paradigms that would break this vicious circle of (in)security.
Feminist theory in International Relations has demonstrated significant progress since the 1990s and opened pathways in an uncharted territory. Cynthia Enloe, Ann Tickner, Spike V. Peterson and Christine Sylvester, among others, are the most prominent forerunners of this field. Through their works, feminist theory has adopted a perspective critical of the masculinity and the masculine values of international politics by taking not only 'women' but a wider category of gender into its centre. These feminist scholars have deconstructed International Relations theories by posing gender-related questions and displayed the masculine prejudice embedded in the definitions of security, power and sovereignty. The feminist theories of International Relations have thus distinguished themselves from the other theories of the discipline by paying a 'curious' attention to the power hierarchies and relation structures through inclusiveness and self-reflexivity (True, 2017: 3).
As Cynthia Enloe puts it, the gender perspective in International Relations must first be guided by a feminist consciousness (2004: 97). The feminist International Relations, however, although more than a quarter of century has passed since its emergence, are still struggling with the masculine theories to be considered as an equally legitimate way of understanding how the world works. Various epistemological, ontological and ethical debates may have enriched the field (True, 2017: 1), but at the same time, too many as they are, such debates may paradoxically be accusing the spreading-thin of the gender coalition. The capacity of the feminist International Relations' ethical principles to participate in the global politics has been limited to the United Nations Security Council's decision number 1325 and the Swedish feminist foreign policy.
The feminist attempt to facilitate substantial change and interaction by creating a normative agenda has been called 'normative feminism' by Jacqui True (2013: 242). Normative feminism is a project of institutionalising gender in foreign policy by focusing on socio-economic and political changes. The special issue here is our attempt to partake in this project of change in international relations. We have aimed to enhance the visibility of the gender norms of behavior and decision-making with the presupposition that they would pose an alternative to the masculine norms in International Relations by better supporting the human priorities of peace and co-existence.
Adopting Judith Butler's notion of performativity, the feminist existence in international politics has an undeniable connection to engaging in continuous activities. As Rihannan Bury suggests, "what gives a community its substance is the consistent repetition of these 'various acts' by a majority of members." "Being a member of community," therefore, "is not something one is but something one does" (2005: 14). In Turkey, too, in order to challenge the recognition of the 'hyper' version of the hegemonic masculinity as the only viable world view, gender-charged normative discourses, interactions and agendas must be continuously created and multiplied. We hope that the Turkish literature-review and the articles published here will serve this purpose.
As is the situation in all disciplines, the feminist International Relations has nurtured many onto-epistemologies, some in competition with one another. Such multitude, though definitely a richness, has been challenging the feminist stance's capacity to stand united against the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity. In her latest book, Enloe calls for a continuous struggle of a new and wider feminist coalition against the updated authoritarianism of the patriarchy –inspiring our title "Don't Give Up! Don't Give In!." Such expanded coalition could rise on the common purpose of fighting male dominance and ignore the differences of discourse created by the debate on identity. The gender-guided change and transformation desired in international politics could be achieved more easily in this way (Hemmings, 2012: 148, 155). On this account, in parallel with Enloe's proposal of establishing a wider consensus simply on peace and co-existence (2017), a new era, in which questions of identity will, for some time, not be asked, may be dawning. A grand coalition of consensus has better chance of resisting the authoritarian leaders of hyper hegemonic masculinity.
Our special issue of Gender and International Relations opens with a Turkish literature review with the aim of introducing the topic to Turkish readers. Çiçek Coşkun, against a historical background, presents some of the prominent feminist scholars who have left their footprints in this very masculine area with their fresh gender perspectives. In doing that she offers us a comparative framework in which works by the Turkish and international scholars could be assessed simultaneously. Nezahat Doğan's article seeks to establish the relation between global peace and gender by using the data obtained from the Global Peace Index, Gender Inequality Index and Social Institutions and Gender Index. In this way, adopting a currently trendy approach, Doğan investigates the interaction between gender and International Relations through a quantitative method. Zehra Yılmaz's article discusses the temporary position of Syrian women asylum seekers in Turkey from the perspective of the post-colonial feminist concept of subaltern. The article aims to combine feminist migration studies and post-colonial feminist literature within the context of International Relations. Sinem Bal's article questions whether the EU has designed its gender policies as an aspect of the human-right norms of the European integration or as a way to regulate market economy. Bal pursues such questioning through the reading of the official documents of the EU that prescribes what Europeanization is for Turkey. Thus, all articles constitute a well-rounded understanding of what gendered approaches can achieve in the current practice of international studies.
The co-authored article written by Bezen Balamir-Coşkun and Selin Akyüz examined how the images of women leaders in international politics were presented in the international media. The selected images the three most powerful women political leaders list of Forbes in 2017 –Angela Merkel, Theresa May and Federica Mogherini were analysed in the light of the political masculinities literature from a social visual semiotics perspective. It is believed that such an analysis will contribute to the debates about gendered aspect of international relations as well as the current debates on political masculinities. Gizem Bilgin-Aytaç points out that the global policy that emerged after the Cold War and the emergence of the new way of approaching the IR from a feminist perspective have improved the scope of conceptual analysis in peace theories as well. Bilgin-Aytaç discusses global peace conditions with a gender perspective - in particular, referring to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, with a focus on exemplary contemporary issues. Fulden İbrahimhakkıoğlu, in her article, discusses the debate between Ukraine-based feminist group FEMEN staged several protests in support of Amina Tyler, a Tunisian FEMEN activist receiving death threats for posting nude photographs of herself online with social messages written on her body and the Muslim Women Against FEMEN who released an open letter criticizing the discourse FEMEN used in these protests, which they found to be white colonialist and Islamophobic. Thus, İbrahimhakkıoğlu aimes to examines the discursive strategies put forth by the two sides of the very debate, and unveiling the shortcomings of liberalism as drawn on by both positions, the author attempts to rethink what "freedom" might mean for international feminist alliances across differences.

The inability to unlock natural resource wealth for the benefit of developing countries' local populations, a phenomenon popularly known as the 'resource curse' or the 'paradox of plenty', has spawned extensive debate among researchers and policy makers in recent years. There is now a well-established body of literature exploring the links between natural resources and conflict, with some sources estimating that over the past 60 years, 40 percent of civil wars have been associated with natural resources. Following this introduction, Section two provides an overview of interstate tensions in West Africa in order to improve understanding of the drivers of fragility that trigger conflict between countries around extractive industry investment. Here, the discussion is grounded in examples in which interstate tensions have been apparent, including the case of the Mano River Union, Cote d'Ivoire, Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, a region with a history of conflict, and where the exploitation of commercial deposits of high-value resources may continue to have a potentially destabilizing effect. Section three focuses on the decentralization of natural resource revenues, a process that proponents believe can help manage grievances and defuse intrastate tension in areas directly affected by resource extraction, but one that is also not without challenges. Drawing upon the case of Ghana's Mineral Development Fund, the section explores the potential for conflict (and conflict triggers) to arise when the redistribution of extractive industry revenues to subnational regions takes place. In doing so, it becomes apparent that the capture and misuse of revenues from the fund is as much a political issue as it is a policy or technical one. This sets the stage for section four, which focuses in greater detail on extractive industry-related conflict within catchment communities, and how contestation is most often a result of unequal power relationships. Section five, the conclusion, summarizes and reflects upon some of the challenges and struggles over resource management associated with West Africa's recent resource boom, and draws out some of the cross-cutting themes. Here, suitable entry points for future lines of inquiry and engagement are identified.

Glavni cilj disertacije je analizirati ideologiju glavnih predstavnika radikalne desnice u Poljskoj. Ova doktorska disertacija dizajnirana je kao studija slučaja unutar okvira kulturalnog pristupa u političkim znanostima. Kao metoda istraživanja odabrana je kombinacija kvalitativne analize sadržaja i konceptualne analize ideologije Michaela Freedena. Iako je najveći fokus istraživanja na dvjema političkim strankama (Zakon i pravda i Liga poljskih obitelji) kao glavnim predstavnicima radikalno desne političke scene u Poljskoj, istraživanje se bavi i drugim akterima, prije svega organizacijama civilnog društva, društvenim pokretima i medijima, koji sudjeluju u konstruiranju i promoviranju ideologije radikalne desnice. Pritom istraživanje nije ograničeno na sadržaj ideologije i aktere koji tu ideologiju promoviraju, već ono uključuje i analizu procesa putem kojih se ideologija radikalne desnice eksplicira i formulira, kao i analizu dinamičnih odnosa među akterima procesa proizvodnje ideologije doprinoseći istraživanju ideologije radikalne desnice kao i istraživanju procesa konstruiranja političkih ideologija općenito. Kao polazište za navedenu analizu u disertaciji se koristi ponešto modificirana definicija radikalne desnice poznatog politologa Casa Muddea prema kojoj su konstitutivna obilježja radikalne desnice integralni nacionalizam, autoritarnost i populizam. Analizom je utvrđeno kako su sve tri ideološke karakteristike tipične za radikalnu desnicu prisutne kod glavnih aktera istraživanih u ovoj disertaciji. Na tragu konceptualne analize, ova disertacija je pokazala kako središnji konstitutivni koncept radikalno desne ideologije u Poljskoj predstavlja nacija, i kako svi ostali okolni koncepti detektirani analizom, poput solidarnosti, jednakosti šansi, pravde, demokracije, slobode, zadobivaju svoje značenje na temelju svog odnosa prema središnjem konstitutivnom obilježju ideologije. ; In the last thirty years or so, the influence of the radical right has been constantly growing throughout Europe. This political success has been accompanied by an increasingly intensive scientific research on the phenomenon of the radical right, which has resulted in several studies that address various aspects of the radical right phenomenon in Europe. Paradoxically, despite such an abundance of research papers, their review suggests that there are relatively few papers that have a systematic and in-depth approach to the political ideology of the radical right. This doctoral dissertation fills this research gap and focuses on the political ideology of the radical right, taking into account the thesis of the well-known researcher of political ideologies Michael Freeden, that political ideologies are the center of political analysis because the study of ideologies can provide relevant insights necessary for understanding politics and political processes. In the context of the debate on the wave of radicalism in Europe, Poland is a particularly interesting case. Firstly, it is the largest and most populous post-communist country that became a member of the EU and a country in which the radical right won three parliamentary and three presidential elections between 2005 and 2020. Secondly, in academic papers and media Poland is often portrayed as an example of a country that has successfully gone through the process of transformation to liberal democracy and as an example of the most successful transition economy in Europe. The Polish case is also interesting because it is a a country with more than 90% of declared Catholics and where, primarily due to historical development, Catholicism plays a significant role in political, social, and cultural life; it has become a key component of the Polish national identity. In contrast to Western European countries, in Poland Political Catholicism, did not spark the development of strong Christian- Democratic parties, it rather gave rise to radical right-wing parties instead. In addition to cultural factors, historical heritage is often considered a fertile ground for the emergence of this type of parties, especially its influence on political processes and on the processes of building a national identity. Namely, the Polish historical heritage, specifically the one related to the 20th century, was marked by a short period of democratic rule (1918-1925), and two long periods of authoritarian rule, that of Jozef Pilsudski (1925 to 1939), and that of the communist authoritarians (1945 to 1989). Thus, the main goal of the dissertation is to analyze the ideology of the main representatives of the radical right in Poland by exploring its discursive manifestations, as well as the way in which the radical right ideology is produced. This doctoral dissertation is designed as a case study within the framework of a cultural approach in political sciences. The cultural approach is characterized by the insistence on the importance of context, which, on the other hand, makes it difficult to define clear independent, dependent, and intervening variables. Therefore, in the cultural approach, a case is most often taken as the analytical unit taking into consideration all the complexity of its historical and socio-political distinctiveness. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as the research method, and conceptual analysis of Michael Freeden's ideology was added to it, since this approach allows us to better understand the morphology of ideologies and their operationalization in politics. The first chapter is about the theoretical and methodological framework. Since the concept of the radical right is one of the deeply contested concepts which there is no consensus about in political science, and since the aim of this doctoral dissertation is to explain this concept, the first part of the chapter consists of a review and analysis of recent literature. The notion of the radical right was analyzed through comparison with related terms such as the extreme right, right-wing populism, and the far right. As a starting point for analysis in the dissertation, a somewhat modified definition of the radical right by the well-known political scientist Cas Mudde is used. According to him, the constitutive features of the radical right are integral nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism. Like the concept of the radical right, the concept of ideology is also ambivalent and can be understood in different ways which result in multiple uses of the term ideology which are often contradictory. This doctoral dissertation is largely based on the morphological approach to the study of ideology developed by Michael Freeden. The second chapter deals with the history of Poland before 1989. The first part of the chapter explains the early context of the emergence of Polish nationalism, which has its roots in the 'noble democracy' of the 17th century, as well as in the national struggles for independence of the 19th century. However, the chapter focuses on two periods that significantly influenced the emergence and growth of Polish political nationalism in the early 2000s. The first is the interwar period (1918-1939) in which two traditions of Polish political thought, Sanacja and Endeca, crystallized, and from which two visions of the Polish nation, national identity, and the nation-state, emerged. The second period is after the Second World War, i.e., the period of the People's Republic of Poland in which the legitimization and institutionalization of the nationalist discourse take place. Equally, in this period there emerged and formed social groups with different visions of the Polish state after the fall of communism. The third chapter deals with the transformation of the People's Republic of Poland into the The third Republic and with an account of political and social events in the first decade after the fall of communism. This chapter sheds light on the political and social context within which the dominant social divisions in Polish society emerged, which in large part resulted in the evolution of radical right-wing parties in the early 2000s. In particular, the very nature of the transformation process emerged as the main subject of dispute. Namely, the Polish right believes that due to the contractual transformation of the system, the 'revolution' is not over and that the left-liberal groups have made an agreement with the former communist establishment. They believe that the Third Republic is a product of this agreement and that it serves the left-liberal and former communist elites to maintain positions of power and rule the The third Republic to the detriment of the oppressed people. This conspiratorial narrative represents the foundation around which the politics and ideology of the radical right have been built in Poland since 2000. The fourth chapter deals with the emergence and profiling of two radical right-wing parties, Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo I Sprawiedliwość – PiS) and the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin – LPR) . The chapter is structured in such a way as to first present the history of the formation of these parties, with an emphasis on the main actors who participated as the originators and implementers of these projects. In both cases, these are largely the 'family projects' of the Kaczynski brothers (Law and Justice) and father and son Giertych (League of Polish Families). From the Kaczynskis' biographies, it is obvious that they come from an environment dominated by the legacy of Sanacja, while father and son Giertych openly presents themselves as the heirs of the interwar Endecja. After presenting their political activities and the first successes in the elections, the ideology of these two parties is reconstructed, primarily from their programs and other party publications. The research showed that until 2005 both parties contained all the constitutive elements of the radical right according to Mudde's conceptualization. While these constitutive elements have been present in the League of Polish Families since its founding, the party Law and Justice gradually became radicalized. This period, at least from the perspectives of PiS and LPR, is dominated by the conflict between the post-communist elites (former communists and left-liberal intellectuals) gathered around the left Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and the so-called "patriotic' camp that emerged from Solidarity. This chapter also covers the period between 2005 and 2007 when these two parties, together with the Self-Defense party, formed a government that lasted less than two years. This first, shorter coming to power of the radical right in Poland is not important because of the public policies they pursued during that period, but because of the experience and lessons gained by PiS during its rule in the liberal democratic system. Namely, after 2007, the LPR disappeared from the Polish political scene, leaving the PiS as the only relevant political actor of the radical right. The fifth chapter covers the period between 2007 and 2015. It is the period of rule by the Civic Platform (Polish: Platforma Obywatelska, PO), a center-right party with strong pro-EU views and liberal economic and social policies. Due to the disappearance of the left from the Polish political scene, the main social and political conflict underwent a radical change. PiS formulated a new conflict – the struggle between solidarity and liberal or corporate Poland – and built its ideology around this conflict. This period in Polish political and social life was marked by the immigration crisis that hit Europe and the debate on the acceptance of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, the so-called Istanbul Convention. Both topics as well as the pro-European orientation of the PO government led to the mobilization of radical right-wing social groups and media that skillfully occupied public space by successfully imposing their topics on the public agenda. As this dissertation will show, PiS has adapted its discourse to that of radical right-wing organizations and has successfully presented itself as their political representative. On the one hand, this 'alliance' helped the PiS succeed in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, while on the other it marked the further radicalization of the PiS, especially when it comes to issues of morals and values. The sixth chapter deals with the period between 2015 and 2020. During that period, the PiS won both the presidential and the parliamentary elections twice. This chapter emphasizes how PiS translates its ideology into public policies. Namely, during this period PiS focused its efforts on two projects: 'repairing the state' and rebuilding the community (nation). The first project was marked by the judicial reform and the crisis related to the Constitutional Court; it aimed to strengthen the executive branch to the detriment of other branches of government. The PiS community reconstruction project was conceived as a change in the material and spiritual dimension of the community. The first is mostly related to social policies, the emphasis being on family policies. Changes in the spiritual dimension imply changes in cultural policy, within which there has been a reform of public media and the announcement of the "recolonization" of private media. In changing the spiritual dimension, PiS placed special emphasis on the defense of the traditional way of life on the one hand, and on the politics of history on the other, in which the Institute of National Remembrance played an exceptional role. The seventh chapter takes the form of a final discussion in which the basic theses of the radical right ideology in Poland are reconstructed. The aim of this discussion is to position the topic of this dissertation within the framework of a broader theoretical discussion between liberals and their critics. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main research results in this doctoral dissertation and points to the possible direction of future research, especially research of countries with a strong radical right and with a similar historical and cultural heritage. Equally, the conclusion points to the fact that this dissertation has not fully answered the research question related to finding out how ideology is constructed, and the actors involved in the process. Namely, the problem was the research design and selection of the analysis method. The conclusion is that a more complete answer to this research question would require some field research, preferably using the method of interview or survey. Finally, we believe that some future research on ideology should move in that direction.

A horas del comienzo de las OlimpíadasLos XXIX Juegos Olímpicos se realizarán en Pekín, capital de la Republica Popular China, entre el 8 y el 24 de agosto de 2008. El evento deportivo contará con 302 pruebas en 28 deportes a las que se estima participen sobre 10.500 atletas provenientes de 205 comités olímpicos nacionales. Los ojos del mundo están puestos en China, seguridad, los preparativos, detenciones, amenazas, derechos humanos, deportes, libertad de prensa, contaminación atmosférica, los conflictos con el Tibet son temas que salen a la luz en los principales medios de prensa internacional:"New York Times":"China Orders Highest Alert for Olympics":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/04/sports/olympics/04china.html?ref=world"Bush to Urge China to Improve Human Rights": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/06/sports/olympics/07prexy.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin Presenta su sitio web con información respecto a las olimpíadas:http://olympics.blogs.nytimes.com/"MSNBC":"Protests past, Olympic torch 'finally in Beijing'. Relay will tour city for three days before opening ceremony lighting":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26045609/"Bush: China must end detentions, ensure rights. President expected to express 'deep concerns' over lack of freedoms":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26049628/Presenta su sitio web con información respecto a las olimpíadas:http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24696691 "El Mercurio" de Chile: "Hay miles de efectivos desplegados, incluso en ciudades donde no se celebrarán eventos deportivos: China está bajo el control total de las fuerzas de seguridad que resguardan las Olimpíadas":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/06/internacional/_portada/noticias/AC74DB89-E951-4FD8-AB2C-603006AF608D.htm?id={AC74DB89-E951-4FD8-AB2C-603006AF608D}"China Daily":Presenta su sitio web con información respecto a las olimpíadas: http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/olympics/"El País" de Madrid:"La antorcha olímpica llega a Pekín. China ordena salir del país a los cuatro activistas que han desplegado esta mañana una pancarta pro-Tíbet":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/deportes/antorcha/olimpica/llega/Pekin/elppgl/20080806elpepudep_1/TesPresenta su sitio web con información respecto a las olimpíadas: http://www.elpais.com/especial/juegos-olimpicos/ "CCN":Presenta su sitio web con información respecto a las olimpíadas:http://edition.cnn.com/SPECIALS/2008/news/olympics/"Bush heads to Asia for talks, Olympics":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/08/03/bush.asia.ap/index.html "Los Ángeles Times":"Bush says U.S. firmly opposed to China's repression":http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-bush7-2008aug07,0,3693219.storyPresenta su sitio web con información respecto a las olimpíadas: http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/olympics_blog/ "Miami Herald": "China breaks promises on rights, media, pollution": http://www.miamiherald.com/news/world/story/629406.html"China apologizes for police beating of journalists":http://www.miamiherald.com/news/world/story/630705.html"Beijing feels the pressure to be perfect: China is proud -- and a bit nervous -- as the Olympic games approach. The country wants to show that it has reached the top level of the world's nations.":http://www.miamiherald.com/news/world/story/627475.html "The Economist":"China's dash for freedom: China's rise is a cause for celebration—but despite the Beijing Olympics, not because of them":http://www.economist.com/opinion/displaystory.cfm?source=most_commented&story_id=11848192"Welcome to a (rather dour) party: China is keen to show its best face at the games and that face is indeed a lot better than it once was. But do not expect any dramatic slide from authoritarianism":http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11841531"Time":"Bush: China Must End Detentions":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1829817,00.html"China To Athlete Activist: Stay Out!":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1829803,00.html"Fears about Olympic Press Freedoms":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1829781,00.html"La Nación":"China, bajo los trastornos de la naturaleza: Un terremoto de 6,1 grados afectó la provincia de Sichuan y provocó la muerte de una persona y 23 heridos; en tanto, Hong Kong fue invadida por una tormenta tropical que hizo peligrar las pruebas de equitación":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1036992 AMERICA LATINA"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "Cristina Fernández no se arrepiente de nada. La presidenta argentina asegura en su primera rueda de prensa desde que asumió el poder que repetiría cada una de las decisiones que ha adoptado durante sus ocho meses de gestión, incluida la que derivó en el conflicto con el campo": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Cristina/Fernandez/arrepiente/nada/elpepuint/20080802elpepuint_8/Tes"La Nación" informa: "Tras recibir a radicales K, el Gobierno marcó su malestar con Cobos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1037003"EL Mercurio" de Chile informa: " Argentina: Gobierno y agro retoman el diálogo tras conflicto":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/06/internacional/internacional/noticias/AE53BE80-6BBE-4840-B050-9AA6B1D7C944.htm?id={AE53BE80-6BBE-4840-B050-9AA6B1D7C944}"CNN" publica: "Putin eyes renewed Russian ties with Cuba":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/08/04/russia.cuba.ap/index.html"The Economist" analiza: "Cuba: Big brother's shadow": http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11848468"Time" informa: "Mexico Condemns Texas Execution":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1829804,00.htmlCrisis en Bolivia, varios medios nos informan.:"La Nación": "Faltan cuatro días para el referéndum: crece la agitación social: Estalla una ola de violencia en Bolivia. Choques entre mineros y policías dejaron dos muertos en una zona andina; una protesta frustró la cumbre presidencial en Tarija":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1036886"El País" de Madrid: "La violencia resurge en Bolivia. Mueren dos mineros en choques con la policía a cinco días del referéndum - Chávez y Cristina Fernández cancelan su viaje por las manifestaciones": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/violencia/resurge/Bolivia/elpepuint/20080806elpepiint_9/Tes"El Mercurio": "Manifestaciones fuera de control a pocos días del referéndum revocatorio: Violentas protestas en Tarija impiden reunión pública de Morales con Chávez y Cristina":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/06/internacional/_portada/noticias/009C1083-99C8-466C-871C-8A1D8D9ADBFB.htm?id={009C1083-99C8-466C-871C-8A1D8D9ADBFB}"The Economist" analiza: "Bolivia: Carry on voting": http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11848460ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA"La Nación" informa: "Bush comenzó una polémica gira por tres países de Asia. Asistirá a los Juegos Olímpicos de Pekín":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1036852"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "Bush inicia esta semana una gira por Asia, con la atención mundial puesta en los Juegos Olímpicos. El presidente estadounidense visitará Corea del Sur, Tailandia y China": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Bush/inicia/semana/gira/Asia/atencion/mundial/puesta/Juegos/Olimpicos/elpepuint/20080803elpepuint_6/Tes"CNN" publica: "No evidence of al Qaeda No. 2's illness or death, U.S. says":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/08/01/alzawahiri/index.html"Time" informa: "Bin Laden Driver Convicted at Gitmo":http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1829880,00.html"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "Un jurado militar declara culpable de apoyo al terrorismo al chófer de Bin Laden. Es el primer preso de Guantánamo juzgado y condenado.- Podría ser condenado a cadena perpetua": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/jurado/militar/declara/culpable/apoyo/terrorismo/chofer/Bin/Laden/elpepuint/20080806elpepuint_9/Tes"MSNBC" publica: "No time for Bush to see through 3 nuclear delas. Deals with India, North Korea, Iran will likely wait for next president":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26012694/Sitio con links a artículos sobre las elecciones estadounidenses:http://thepage.time.com/EUROPA"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "Serbia no renunciará a la adhesión a la UE ni a Kosovo. El presidente Boris Tadic pedirá a la Corte Internacional de Justicia su opinión sobre la independencia de Pristina.- Afirma que seguirá persiguiendo a los criminales de guerra": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Serbia/renunciara/adhesion/UE/Kosovo/elpepuint/20080803elpepuint_7/Tes"New York Times" publica: "Italy Begins Military Effort Against Illegal Immigrants":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/05/world/europe/05italy.html?ref=world"CNN" informa: "Italy deploys troops to fight street crime":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/08/04/italy.troops.ap/index.html"Time" analiza: "France Frees Sick Italian Terrorist":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1829568,00.html"MSNBC" anuncia: "Berlusconi takes fire for nipple cover-up, PM's office paints over oft-seen breast in painting; critic says move 'crazy'":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26010033/"CNN" informa: "Spain facing zero growth as economy suffers":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/08/04/spain.economy.ap/index.htmlAsia – Pacífico /Medio OrieNTE"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "Suben a 145 los muertos por una estampida en un templo hindú de India. Al parecer, el vallado del templo se ha derrumbado durante un festival religioso.- La mayoría de los fallecidos son mujeres y niños":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Suben/145/muertos/estampida/templo/hindu/India/elpepuint/20080803elpepuint_5/Tes"New York Times" publica: "In India, 148 Die in Stampede at Temple":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/05/world/asia/05india.html?ref=world"CNN" publica: "India: Deadly stampede after 'landslide rumor'":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/08/04/stampede.cause/index.html"New York Times" anuncia: "Ragtag Taliban Show Tenacity in Afghanistan":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/04/world/asia/04taliban.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin"Time" informa: "Philippines: 'Cholera' Kills 21":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1829832,00.html"Time" publica: "Four Tibet Activists Detained":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1829818,00.html"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "Al menos 12 muertos al estallar un coche bomba en Bagdad. El atentado se ha producido en un barrio suní del norte de la capital iraquí": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/muertos/estallar/coche/bomba/Bagdad/elpepuint/20080803elpepuint_4/Tes"La Nación" informa: "El programa nuclear: Irán evitó responder al plan de incentivos. Quedó expuesto a recibir sanciones":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1036854"El País" de Madrid informa: "El G-6 acuerda buscar nuevas sanciones contra Irán. Las potencias han decidido que la UE mantendrá un "contacto informal" con el negociador iraní para asuntos nucleares": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Bush/apuesta/castigar/Iran/ambigua/respuesta/oferta/potencias/elpepuint/20080806elpepuint_1/Tes"New York Times" publica: "Iran Escalates Military Rhetoric":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/05/world/middleeast/05iran.html?ref=world"CNN" publica: "Hamas arrests more Fatah members":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/08/01/palestinian.infighting/index.htmlAFRICA"CNN" publica: "Somalia bomb kills 21 women street cleaners":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/08/03/somalia.strife/index.html"MSNBC" anuncia: "Bomb kills 20 Somalis, imperils peace deal. Explosion fuels power struggles within government, Islamic insurgency": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25998939/Mauritania(Estado al noroeste de África): las Fuerzas Armadas tomaron el control del palacio de gobierno y arrestaron al presidente y al primer ministro, en medio de una grave crisis política. Varios generales que habían sido destituidos de sus puestos en la cúpula militar del país han encabezado una asonada contra el presidente Sidi Mohamed Ould Cheikh Abdallahi, el primer presidente democrático del país, que había llegado al poder en marzo de 2007 en unas elecciones avaladas por la comunidad internacional que supusieron el primer paso en el camino hacia la democracia. La Unión Africana (UA) y la Unión Europea ya ha condenado el golpe de Estado y han pedido la restauración del gobierno democrático. Varios medios informan al respecto:"Time": "New Junta Announced in Mauritania":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1829834,00.html"La Nación": "Golpe de Estado en Mauritania: Las Fuerzas Armadas tomaron el control del palacio presidencial en medio de una grave crisis política":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1037001"El País": "Golpe de Estado en Mauritania. Militares rebeldes, molestos con la reorganización del Ejército, toman el Palacio Presidencial y detienen al presidente y el primer ministro":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Golpe/Estado/Mauritania/elpepuint/20080806elpepuint_6/Tes"MSNBC": "Renegade troops seize power in Mauritania: Generals launch coup over elected president's links to Islamic hard-liners":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26050583/ "El Universal": "Condena EU golpe de Estado en Mauritania.El poder desbancado ha sido un gobierno democráticamente elegido y constitucional, y condenamos el acto militar, dijo hoy el portavoz adjunto del Departamento de Estado": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/528059.html"Le Monde": "Coup d'Etat militaire en Mauritanie":http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2008/08/06/coup-d-etat-militaire-en-mauritanie_1080856_3212.html#ens_id=1080863ECONOMIA "The Economist" publica su informe semanal: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11849942"CNN" publica: "BA talks to American Airlines about merger":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/08/04/ba.aa.ap/index.htmlLa crisis financiera internacional: Los grandes bancos europeos suman malos resultados. BNP Paribas, la entidad más grande entre las que cotizan en la bolsa francesa, reportó una caída del 34% en su ganancia; el alemán Commerzbank mostró una baja de sus utilidades de un 20,3%, "La Nación" anuncia:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1036999"MSNBC" publica: "The top 8 Olympic marketing screw-ups: Remember Dan and Dave? You better believe that Reebok still does":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26001006/"MSNBC" anuncia: "Wall Street pares losses on as oil declines: The well-being of Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae is still a big concern": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/3683270/OTRAS NOTICIASHiroshima en el 63 aniversario de la bomba atómica. Unas 45 mil personas se concentraron en el Parque de la Paz de Hiroshima para guardar un minuto de silencio a la misma hora en que tal día como hoy en 1945 Estados Unidos lanzaba la bomba atómica sobre la población civil: "El Universal" de Méjico publica:http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/527976.html"MSNBC" informa: "63 years on, Hiroshima mayor urges nuke ban: City marks anniversary of U.S. attack that killed 140,000 during WWII":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26050483/"La Nación" publica: "Ultimo adiós a Solyenitzin: Miles de rusos rindieron homenaje de héroe al escritor":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1036849"El País" de Madrid informa: "Rusia despide a Solzhenitsin: Putin y Gorbachov desfilan junto a muchos moscovitas por la capilla ardiente":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Rusia/despide/Solzhenitsin/elpepiint/20080806elpepiint_8/Tes"Los Angeles Times" anuncia: "Russians pay respects to Alexander Solzhenitsyn":http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-solzhenitsyn6-2008aug06,0,764866.story