Suchergebnisse

This article analyzes the formulation of two food security policies –the Food Acquisition Program (aap) and the National School Food Program (neap)– emphasizing the role of ideas, interests and institutions. The establishment of aap dates back to the 2003, a period characterized by the implementation of the policy Fome Zero (Zero Hunger), a public action which was the flagship of Luiz Inácio «Lula» da Silva first mandate policies to fight poverty. This program aims to promote food security based on family farm supply. These ideas, the actors and the institutions that have shaped this policies were also the basis for the reformulation of the neap. In this sense, this article provides not only an analysis of two policies that are the object of transfer to other countries (Latin America and Africa), but also a «portrait» –limited, but informative– of a political juncture of Brazilian history./n ; Este artículo analiza la formulación de dos políticas de seguridad alimentaria en Brasil – el Programa de Adquisición de Alimentos (PAA) y el Programa Nacional de Alimentación Escolar (PNAE) - haciendo hincapié el papel de las ideas, los intereses y las instituciones. El establecimiento del PAA remonta 2003, un período caracterizado por la formulacion de la política de Fome Zero (Hambre Cero), una acción pública que fue el abanderado de la política contra la pobreza del primer gobierno de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Este programa tiene como objetivo promover la seguridad alimentaria por medio de la oferta de alimentos de la agricultura familiar. Las ideas, actores y instituciones que les han dado forma a el PAA fueron también la base para la reformulación de la NEAP. En este sentido, este artículo proporciona no sólo un análisis de dos políticas que son el objeto de la transferencia a otros países (América Latina y África), sino también un "retrato" - limitado, pero informativo – de un período de historia política de Brasil

National audience ; It is not possible to understand the situation of research funding today without replacing it in the institutional and political changes that have taken place since the end of World War II. Political choices of State modernization in the 2000s related to both the crisis and the importation of new public management seek to link research costs and efficiency. However, while research by projects weakens the position of research, it may, in some ways and paradoxically, encourage projects. We wish to present a diachronic perspective on the evolution of the management of French public research, in order to understand the impact of funding on the implementation and construction of new research questions through the analysis of two schemes of food accessibility for people living in poverty. This article is about the institutional dimensions and organizational consequences, and not about interaction between individuals. ; Il n'est pas possible de comprendre la situation du financement de la recherche aujourd'hui sans la replacer dans les changements institutionnels et politiques de celle-ci depuis la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale. Les choix politiques des années 2000 de modernisation de l'état, liés à la fois à la crise et à l'importation du new management public, vont chercher à mettre en rapport le coût et l'efficacité de la recherche. Pour autant, si la recherche par projet fragilise les postures de recherche, elle peut, par certains côtés et de façon paradoxale, favoriser l'émergence de projets. Nous proposons, à partir d'un regard diachronique sur l'évolution de la gestion de la recherche publique française, de comprendre l'influence du mode de financement sur la mise en œuvre et la construction de nouvelles questions de recherche, à travers le récit de deux dispositifs sur l'accès à l'alimentation des personnes en situation de pauvreté. Cet article se situe sur les dimensions institutionnelles et leurs conséquences organisationnelles et non sur les dimensions d'interactions entre les ...

The proliferation of export and import of social, economic and policy management models has recently found a new arena: that of South-South relations. Brazil gained wide international recognition during the 2000s for its agricultural modernisation and social policies. The country's domestic moves were especially significant in a context of weak political responses to the worldwide challenges of « fight against poverty ». Global interest in Brazil has strengthened in view of its diplomatic efforts to intensify cooperation, trade and investment with developing countries, especially in Africa. This study aims to understand the content, the process and the political implications of the internationalization of Brazil's rural public policy instruments. The study also intends to broadly analyse the dynamics of power distribution at the international level resulting from the emergence of new actors and new public policy frameworks, taking into account the historical and political distinctiveness of South-South exchanges. We show that the influence of Brazilian actors in the production and the circulation of international norms of rural development has been more effective in producing organisational and normative change within multilateral institutions, such as the FAO, than in the reorientation of policy instruments and institutions in the Global South, and in particular in Mozambique which is our case study. This assumption is grounded in the idea that internationalization of policy instruments is subject to a political process involving actors' networks at multiple levels. For our study, we identify three factors influencing the interactions between Brazilian players and the "receivers" of norms at multilateral and national levels: i) strategies of the actors involved in the redistribution of political resources; ii) changes in the cognitive frame of the ruling coalition; and/or iii) changes to the internal or external context of the political system (opportunity structure). This analysis should enable a clearer ...

The proliferation of export and import of social, economic and policy management models has recently found a new arena: that of South-South relations. Brazil gained wide international recognition during the 2000s for its agricultural modernisation and social policies. The country's domestic moves were especially significant in a context of weak political responses to the worldwide challenges of « fight against poverty ». Global interest in Brazil has strengthened in view of its diplomatic efforts to intensify cooperation, trade and investment with developing countries, especially in Africa. This study aims to understand the content, the process and the political implications of the internationalization of Brazil's rural public policy instruments. The study also intends to broadly analyse the dynamics of power distribution at the international level resulting from the emergence of new actors and new public policy frameworks, taking into account the historical and political distinctiveness of South-South exchanges. We show that the influence of Brazilian actors in the production and the circulation of international norms of rural development has been more effective in producing organisational and normative change within multilateral institutions, such as the FAO, than in the reorientation of policy instruments and institutions in the Global South, and in particular in Mozambique which is our case study. This assumption is grounded in the idea that internationalization of policy instruments is subject to a political process involving actors' networks at multiple levels. For our study, we identify three factors influencing the interactions between Brazilian players and the "receivers" of norms at multilateral and national levels: i) strategies of the actors involved in the redistribution of political resources; ii) changes in the cognitive frame of the ruling coalition; and/or iii) changes to the internal or external context of the political system (opportunity structure). This analysis should enable a clearer ...

Delaware Supreme Court Chief Justice Leo Strine and Nicholas Walter have recently published an article arguing that the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Citizens United v. FEC undermines a school of thought they call "conservative corporate law theory." They argue that conservative corporate law theory justifies shareholder primacy on grounds that government regulation is a superior constraint on the externalities caused by corporate conduct than social responsibility norms. Because Citizens United purportedly has unleashed a torrent of corporate political campaign contributions intended to undermine regulations, they argue that the decision undermines the viability of conservative corporate law theory. As a result, they contend, Citizens United "logically supports the proposition that a corporation's governing board must be free to think like any other citizen and put a value on things like the quality of the environment, the elimination of poverty, the alleviation of suffering among the ill, and other values that animate actual human beings."This essay argues that Strine and Walker's analysis is flawed in three major respects. First, "conservative corporate law theory" is a misnomer. They apply the term to such a wide range of thinkers as to make it virtually meaningless. More important, scholars who range across the political spectrum embrace shareholder primacy. Second, Strine and Walker likely overstate the extent to which Citizens United will result in significant erosion of the regulatory environment that constrains corporate conduct. Finally, the role of government regulation in controlling corporate conduct is just one of many arguments in favor of shareholder primacy. Many of those arguments would be valid even in a night watchman state in which corporate conduct is subject only to the constraints of property rights, contracts, and tort law. As such, even if Strine and Walker were right about the effect of Citizens United on the regulatory state, conservative corporate law theory would continue to favor shareholder primacy over corporate social responsibility.

National audience ; It is not possible to understand the situation of research funding today without replacing it in the institutional and political changes that have taken place since the end of World War II. Political choices of State modernization in the 2000s related to both the crisis and the importation of new public management seek to link research costs and efficiency. However, while research by projects weakens the position of research, it may, in some ways and paradoxically, encourage projects. We wish to present a diachronic perspective on the evolution of the management of French public research, in order to understand the impact of funding on the implementation and construction of new research questions through the analysis of two schemes of food accessibility for people living in poverty. This article is about the institutional dimensions and organizational consequences, and not about interaction between individuals. ; Il n'est pas possible de comprendre la situation du financement de la recherche aujourd'hui sans la replacer dans les changements institutionnels et politiques de celle-ci depuis la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale. Les choix politiques des années 2000 de modernisation de l'état, liés à la fois à la crise et à l'importation du new management public, vont chercher à mettre en rapport le coût et l'efficacité de la recherche. Pour autant, si la recherche par projet fragilise les postures de recherche, elle peut, par certains côtés et de façon paradoxale, favoriser l'émergence de projets. Nous proposons, à partir d'un regard diachronique sur l'évolution de la gestion de la recherche publique française, de comprendre l'influence du mode de financement sur la mise en œuvre et la construction de nouvelles questions de recherche, à travers le récit de deux dispositifs sur l'accès à l'alimentation des personnes en situation de pauvreté. Cet article se situe sur les dimensions institutionnelles et leurs conséquences organisationnelles et non sur les dimensions d'interactions entre les individus.

Active participation of the girl child in development is hampered by Menstrual Hygiene Management (MHM) challenges. MHM is an important gender issue and a critical component in holistic human development. It affects about 25% of the global population aged between 15 and 49 years. Water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) interventions in schools have not prioritised MHM, thus exposing girls and the entire school community to health related hazards. The study explored knowledge, attitudes and community practices, and investigated the impact of religious and cultural beliefs on MHM and how they impact on the girl child in Masvingo district. The survey was largely qualitative and employed methodologies of document analysis, Focus Group Discussions (FGD) and structured interviews. Participants included four churches, 13 NGOs, eight government departments and 40 women. Findings revealed deeply embedded power relations, a culture of silence around MHM, noninvolvement of men in MHM issues, limited availability in terms of information, and a girl unfriendly infrastructure, and limited access to menstrual hygiene products due to poverty and poor management and disposal practices. Resultant effects ranged from poor class participation, lack of concentration and constrained interactions with peers and teachers, low self-esteem, anxiety and the general feeling of being discriminated against. Results confirmed the need for increased awareness initiatives on MHM in a bid to tackle inherent religious and cultural beliefs that are a barrier to effective holistic implementation of WASH interventions that empower women and girls. Lobbying government to provide an appropriate policy framework, education and training, construction of girl friendly sanitary facilities, exploring and capitalisation of local production of Reusable Menstrual Pads (RUMPS), more research targeting children living with disabilities, those living in refugee and makeshift camps and Orphans and Vulnerable Children (OVC), are some of the recommendations coming out of the study. ; https://doi.org/10.4102/jamba.v8i2.204

In Africa the adoption of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) varies considerably from one country to another, for example between Kenya and Tanzania on the one hand and Ethiopia on the other. In Kenya and Tanzania telecommunications systems have been liberalized, while in Ethiopia all ICT infrastructures and services are provided by one single telecommunications operator – one that is owned and run by the government. ICT plays a significant role in poverty reduction and empowerment of the disadvantaged, but this requires that ICT has first to be adopted by them. The main research question is: what are the factors affecting the adoption of ICT in the small hotel and tour operator sector? The purpose of this paper is to examine the factors that affect the adoption of ICT in small hotels and tour operators in Ethiopia's capital city, Addis Ababa. The sector was chosen because, driven by demand from customers, it uses ICT more than many other sectors, and because the government requires hoteliers to use a particular software for tax purposes. During the course of several visits between 2009 and 2013 data were collected from hoteliers and tour operator owners/managers. Sixteen hoteliers who had adopted ICT in their businesses were interviewed. One hundred and twenty-eight hoteliers and 57 tour operators responded to a questionnaire. Analysis of the findings indicates that factors affecting the adoption of ICT in these organizations can be arranged according to three levels: individual, organizational and national. The major factors that affect the adoption arise from the national level factors: the political, socio-economic, technological and legal factors that play a critical role in the adoption or rejection of ICT in this sector. This paper provides insights into the impact a monopolized telecommunications service can have on the adoption of ICT.

The Térraba-Sierpe National Wetland is located in Puntarenas province (Costa Rica). Nearby communities are engaged in primary activities such fishing and shellfish extraction, of which the residents are dependent. The purpose of this research was to develop a situational analysis of the fisheries sector, in order to find solutions focused on integrated management. Methods included visits that were made to Coronado, Ciudad Cortés and Sierpe; government institutions, fishing downloads receivers, and a total of 75 interviews to fishers (85% of total about their socio-economic condition, and the current situation of the fishery sector. The study was developed from November 2012 to April 2013. Socially, fisher communities were characterized by high levels of poverty, low education, and a limited use and access to bank loans. There was a weak in institutional management, formal education, and special training processes to strengthen associations. ; El Humedal Nacional Térraba-Sierpe se encuentra ubicado en el cantón de Osa, provincia de Puntarenas (Costa Rica). Dentro de las principales actividades primarias a las que se dedican las comunidades aledañas, se encuentran la pesca y la extracción de moluscos, de las cuales se depende económicamente. El propósito de esta investigación fue desarrollar un análisis del sector pesquero, con el fin de encontrar soluciones que se centraran en una gestión integrada. Los métodos incluyeron visitas a Coronado, Ciudad Cortés y Sierpe, instituciones gubernamentales y recibidores de pescado, así como un total de 75 entrevistas a los pescadores (85% del total), acerca de su condición socioeconómica y la actividad pesquera. El estudio fue desarrollado entre los meses de noviembre de 2012 y abril de 2013. Socialmente, las comunidades de pescadores se caracterizan por altos niveles de pobreza, bajo nivel de educación y un acceso limitado a los préstamos bancarios. Se presentaron debilidades en cuanto a gestión institucional, educación formal, procesos de capacitación y organización de asociaciones.

Background: Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have a key role in improving health in low-and middle-income countries. Their work needs to be synergistic, complementary to public services, and rooted in community mobilization and collective action. The study explores how an NGO and its health services are perceived by the population that it serves, and how it can contribute to reducing barriers to care. Design: A qualitative exploratory study was conducted in remote Ecuador, characterized by its widespread poverty and lack of official governance. An international NGO collaborated closely with the public services to deliver preventative and curative health services. Data were collected using focus group discussions and semistructured interviews with purposively sampled community members, healthcare personnel, and community health workers based on their links to the health services. Conventional qualitative content analysis was used, focusing on manifest content. Results: Emerging themes relate to the public private partnership (PPP), the NGO and its services, and community participation. The population perceives the NGO positively, linking it to healthcare improvements. Their priority is to get services, irrespective of the providers structure. The presence of an NGO in the operation may contribute to unrealistic expectations of health services, affecting perceptions of the latter negatively. Conclusions: To avoid unrealistic expectations and dissatisfaction, and to increase and sustain the populations trust in the organization, an NGO should operate in a manner that is as integrated as possible within the existing structure. The NGO should work close to the population it serves, with services anchored in the community. PPP parties should develop a common platform with joint messages to the target population on the providers structure, and regarding partners roles and responsibilities. Interaction between the population and the providers on service content and their expectations is key to positive outcomes of PPP operations. ; Funding Agencies|Karolinska Institutet; Linkoping University; Ecuador

Indonesia, a member of the G20 since 2008, has become one of the largest economies worldwide with the promise of substantial growth potential in the coming decades. In order to realize this potential, the government of Indonesia has identified the role of the Micro, small and medium enterprise sector as pivotal to promoting growth, creating jobs, and alleviating poverty. This joint International Finance Corporation (IFC) study on Women-Owned Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) in Indonesia makes a significant contribution in understanding women's economic empowerment in the country by presenting a comprehensive analysis that captures original data. More than half of Indonesia's SMEs are owned by women. And even though businesses run by women and men should in theory contribute equally to economic growth, the reality is that women face many more constraints in starting and growing their businesses, including obtaining business finance. This study intends to inform the government, private and state-owned banks, and the international community about the constraints faced by small businesses, particularly those owned by women. Additionally, the objective is to establish a business case for banks to help them realize the growth opportunity and contribute to their profitability by servicing this sector. It is clear from this report that significant reform will be necessary to improve both the business enabling environment for women and more importantly, to increase their access to finance. This book is arranged as follows : Following introduction, Chapter 2 provides an overview of the SME sector and summarizes the key findings about the enabling environment. Chapter 3 discusses access to finance, and the supply and demand of bank loans for SMEs and women-owned SMEs, Chapter 4 focuses on specific challenges, patterns of access, usage and demand for financial services by women-owned SMEs. Chapter 5 provides recommendations for the government, Bank Indonesia and banks in general, and Chapter 6 draws conclusions.

In Africa the adoption of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) varies considerably from one country to another, for example between Kenya and Tanzania on the one hand and Ethiopia on the other. In Kenya and Tanzania telecommunications systems have been liberalized, while in Ethiopia all ICT infrastructures and services are provided by one single telecommunications operator – one that is owned and run by the government. ICT plays a significant role in poverty reduction andempowerment of the disadvantaged, but this requires that ICT has first to be adopted by them. The main research question is: what are the factors affecting the adoption of ICT in the small hotel and tour operator sector? The purpose of this paper is to examine the factors that affect the adoption of ICT in small hotels and tour operators in Ethiopia's capital city, Addis Ababa. The sector was chosen because, driven by demand from customers, it usesICT more than many other sectors, and because the governmentrequires hoteliers to use a particular software for tax purposes. During the course of several visits between 2009 and 2013 data were collected from hoteliers and tour operator owners/managers. Sixteen hoteliers who had adopted ICT in their businesses were interviewed. One hundred and twenty-eight hoteliers and 57 tour operators responded to a questionnaire. Analysis of the findingsindicates that factors affecting the adoption of ICT in these organizations can be arranged according to three levels: individual, organizational and national. The major factors that affect the adoption arise from the national level factors: the political, socio-economic, technological and legal factors that play a critical role in the adoption or rejection of ICT in this sector. This paper provides insights into the impact a monopolized telecommunications servicecan have on the adoption of ICT.

The study of the development in India is significant for several reasons. First, India has emerged as a fast-growing state during last three decades despite all pessimisms. Second, the rate of economic growth and poverty reduction were not similar in India's subnational States. Although the Center has introduced and implemented several economic reforms since 1991 to enhance economic development, the results of implantation vary in different subnational States. The main question of this study is why Andhra Pradesh and Bihar -with relatively similar initial institutional and economic conditions after independence, and with experience of strong subnational movement which finished the hegemony of the Congress party in both States- did show a significant divergence in political and development trajectory after the 1990s? Since the main research focus of this thesis is the Indian States, this study uses the subnational comparative method and provides an in-depth comparison as opposed to cross national comparisons. Moreover, this study concentrates on the strategic choices of the regional leaders and its interactions with the institutional setup. Therefore, the analytic narrative approach is used as the proper research methodology. The thesis delineates how in the post one dominant party system and post liberalization era, in the framework of India's federal institutions, the regional leaders as the rational actors confirm or rebel against the policies and decisions of the Center (mainly economic reforms). Based on the neo-institutional model of governance and polycentric hierarchy model the current thesis investigates how the federal design of India's political system provides room to maneuver for the elite agency at the State level. The study proposes a multi-level polycentric model to analyze the strategic choices of regional leaders, especially their economic policy choices after the liberalization. This model enables us to analyze the strategic choices of regional leaders to cooperate or confront the Center via analysis of horizontal and vertical interactions in a multi-level system.

The current study is an exploration of Medicaid reform in Kansas, entitled 'KanCare,' It address three research questions. (1) What is KanCare and how was it enacted despite the contentious politics around it? (2) How has KanCare affected consumers, or the beneficiaries of Medicaid? (3) How has KanCare affected the provision of health care in Kansas for KanCare consumers? Analysis of interviews with KanCare consumers, health care providers, and policymakers, documents that gave voice to state officials and one consumer advocacy organization, Kansas Health Consumer Coalition, and participant observation revealed three major themes. First, KanCare entailed a contentious legitimation process between its proponents and critics along the issues of a need for change, accountability, and success. By shaping the discourse, advocates helped secure mechanisms of public responsibility that could have a policy feedback effect of further democratizing health policy in Kansas. Second, disparities in consumers' knowledge of KanCare in relation to the states effort to get the word out about KanCare revealed limitations of the consumer choice model. Third, despite limitations, consumers employed strategies to meet their health needs, while providers did more work to help their patients. Glazer's term 'work transfer,' or a shift in responsibility and effort from paid to unpaid labor, characterizes consumers' and providers' stories. There are four theoretical implications of the dissertation. The research contributes to the stress process model of health by advancing personal agency as a factor in mitigating stress due to poverty. It sheds light on how Medicaid consumers make health decisions. The study offers insights into how managed care impacts costs, health outcomes and quality of care by shifting effort to providers. The dissertation uses framing theory and the political process model to understand how advocacy organizations influence policy. Policy recommendations are made and limitations of the study and suggestions for ...

Il n'est pas possible de comprendre la situation du financement de la recherche aujourd'hui sans la replacer dans les changements institutionnels et politiques de celle-ci depuis la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale. Les choix politiques des années 2000 de modernisation de l'état, liés à la fois à la crise et à l'importation du new management public, vont chercher à mettre en rapport le coût et l'efficacité de la recherche. Pour autant, si la recherche par projet fragilise les postures de recherche, elle peut, par certains côtés et de façon paradoxale, favoriser l'émergence de projets. Nous proposons, à partir d'un regard diachronique sur l'évolution de la gestion de la recherche publique française, de comprendre l'influence du mode de financement sur la mise en œuvre et la construction de nouvelles questions de recherche, à travers le récit de deux dispositifs sur l'accès à l'alimentation des personnes en situation de pauvreté. Cet article se situe sur les dimensions institutionnelles et leurs conséquences organisationnelles et non sur les dimensions d'interactions entre les individus. ; It is not possible to understand the situation of research funding today without replacing it in the institutional and political changes that have taken place since the end of World War II. Political choices of State modernization in the 2000s related to both the crisis and the importation of new public management seek to link research costs and efficiency. However, while research by projects weakens the position of research, it may, in some ways and paradoxically, encourage projects. We wish to present a diachronic perspective on the evolution of the management of French public research, in order to understand the impact of funding on the implementation and construction of new research questions through the analysis of two schemes of food accessibility for people living in poverty. This article is about the institutional dimensions and organizational consequences, and not about interaction between individuals.